You can subscribe to RSS feed from Spitfirelist.com HERE.
You can subscribe to the comments made on programs and posts–an excellent source of information in, and of, itself, HERE.
WFMU-FM is podcasting For The Record–You can subscribe to the podcast HERE.
Mr. Emory’s entire life’s work is available on a 32GB flash drive, available for a contribution of $65.00 or more (to KFJC). Click Here to obtain Dave’s 40+ years’ work, complete through Late Fall of 2021 (through FTR #1215).
“Political language…is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.”
— George Orwell, 1946
EVERYTHING MR. EMORY HAS BEEN SAYING ABOUT THE UKRAINE WAR IS ENCAPSULATED IN THIS VIDEO FROM UKRAINE 24
ANOTHER REVEALING VIDEO FROM UKRAINE 24
Mr. Emory has launched a new Patreon site. Visit at: Patreon.com/DaveEmory
FTR#1261 This program was recorded in one, 60-minute segment.
Introduction: Exploring a deep political, historical and economic dynamic, this program sets forth fundamental aspects of what the late, brilliant Sterling and Peggy Seagrave called “The Marcos Dynasty.”
This program excerpts two of their excellent books–which Mr. Emory emphatically recommends. There are links provided with each text excerpt to facilitate the acquisition of the books, which, again, Mr. Emory emphatically recommends.
Recently elected president of the Philippines (with close relatives of former president Duterte as aides), Ferdinand Marcos, Jr.—nicknamed Bong-Bong—has networked with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and renewed an invigorated, anti-China alliance.
Essential for an understanding of the Bong-Bong/Blinken liaison is awareness of Marcos, Jr.’s participation in his dictator father’s phenomenally lucrative recoveries of Golden Lily war gold secreted in the Philippines during World War II.
This subject is covered in the landmark text Gold Warriors by Sterling and Peggy Seagrave.
(FTR #‘s 427, 428, 446, 451, 501, 688, 689, 1106, 1107 & 1108 deal with the subject material of that consummately important book.)
Ferdinand, Sr.’s rise was aided by his “godfather,” Judge Chua, who was his biological father in an out-of-wedlock liaison. This was relatively common in the Philippines and not stigmatized as in many other societies.
Judge Chua’s position in the Chua family gave him great influence. In turn, the clan associations of Chinese in the Philippines were fundamental to the professional and social undertakings of members of that community.
Of great significance is the strong affiliation of the clans with the Kuomintang of Chiang Kai-shek, imparting a fascist ideological orientation to them. This was a major deep political influence on Ferdinand Marcos, Sr., the out-of-wedlock son of the influential Judge Chua.
Next, we present the deep political background that shaped Ferdinand Marcos and an exploration of the manner in which economic class considerations shaped alliances during the Japanese fascist occupation of the Philippines and its aftermath.
In FTR#‘s 905, 970, among other programs, we explored how the U.S. rehabilitated and resuscitated the Japanese fascist infrastructure from that nation’s World War II imperial state.
We have spoken of prominent Japanese fascists Sasakawa Ryoichi and Kodama Yoshio in numerous programs.
Combined with Chiang Kai-shek’s reactionary stance, those rehabilitated Japanese fascists constituted the critical foundation of America’s Cold War in Asia.
The MacArthur team in the Philippines during the Cold War was culled from the collaborationist milieu who worked with the Japanese during the occupation. This included the head of the Japanese occupation government, Jose Laurel, as well as Benigno Aquino Sr. and Manuel Roxas.
Following the ouster of Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. the Philippine government was headed by Cory Aquino, the widow of slain CIA agent Benigno Aquino, Jr. and Salvador Laurel, the son of Jose Laurel.
Collaborator Manuel Roxas was MacArthur’s “favorite son” to manage postwar Philippine government.
1. Recently elected president of the Philippines (with close relatives of former president Duterte as aides), Ferdinand Marcos, Jr.—nicknamed Bong-Bong—has networked with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and renewed an invigorated, anti-China alliance.
Essential for an understanding of the Bong-Bong/Blinken liaison is awareness of Marcos, Jr.’s participation in his dictator father’s phenomenally lucrative recoveries of Golden Lily war gold secreted in the Philippines during World War II.
This subject is covered in the landmark text Gold Warriors by Sterling and Peggy Seagrave.
(FTR #‘s 427, 428, 446, 451, 501, 688, 689, 1106, 1107 & 1108 deal with the subject material of that consummately important book.)
. . . . As evidence that Marcos [Sr.] was in possession of enormous quantities of gold bullion, far in excess of known Philippine reserves, [private investigator Arlene] Friedman tracked down two Australian brokers who, in the early 1980’s, had negotiated nine contracts with Marcos to sell a total of $1.63-trillion in gold. . . .
. . . . Norman “Tony” Dacus, a Las Vegas investor, told Friedman that on a visit to the Philippines, he was taken to Mt. Apo, where Marcos was building a Mt. Rushmore style memorial to himself. Dacus said the president’s son Bong-Bong took him into secret tunnels in Mt. Apo, where he was shown boxes of gold bars and other treasure. Dacus said Bong-Bong told him this gold was waiting to be flown out of the country by the U.S. military, at the behest of the CIA. . . .
2. Ferdinand, Sr.’s rise was aided by his “godfather,” Judge Chua, who was his biological father in an out-of-wedlock liaison. This was relatively common in the Philippines and not stigmatized as in many other societies.
Judge Chua’s position in the Chua family gave him great influence. In turn, the clan associations of Chinese in the Philippines were fundamental to the professional and social undertakings of members of that community.
Of great significance is the strong affiliation of the clans with the Kuomintang of Chiang Kai-shek, imparting a fascist ideological orientation to them. This was a major deep political influence on Ferdinand Marcos, Sr., the out-of-wedlock son of the influential Judge Chua.
. . . . It was absolutely essential for individual Chinese to maintain these ties because the clan association was the most important social organization in the islands. . . .
. . . . In the years following World War II, as Chiang Kai-shek’s struggle with Mao reached a climax, a new Federation of Chinese Chambers of Commerce was formed by KMT loyalists in Manila, drawing its leadership exclusively from clans committed to supporting Chiang. The . The Chua clan was prominent among them. Two of its members served as presidents of the Federation. . . .
3. The rise of the Marcos dynasty is inextricably linked with U.S. Cold War policy in Asia, which, in turn, resurrected fascists throughout Asia to pursue anti-Communism.
. . . . Throughout the Far East, Washington was attempting to install right-wing governments as a first line of defense against communism, and its success depended heavily on two dubious allies, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek’s notoriously corrupt KMT and the Japanese underworld [inextricably linked with Japanese fascists, Kodama Yoshio in particular–D.E.] . . . . Generalissimo Chiang was anxious to influence the politics of wealthy overseas Chinese and maintained an undercover army of political agents throughout the Far East. This provided an ideal funnel for the CIA’s anti-Communist funds and a ready-made vehicle for U.S. covert operations. . . . For its part, the KMT became more obsessed than ever with destroying leftist and liberal elements in the Philippines and with dominating its Chinese community. . . .
4. Next, we present the deep political background that shaped Ferdinand Marcos and an exploration of the manner in which economic class considerations shaped alliances during the Japanese fascist occupation of the Philippines and its aftermath.
In FTR#‘s 905, 970, among other programs, we explored how the U.S. rehabilitated and resuscitated the Japanese fascist infrastructure from that nation’s World War II imperial state.
We have spoken of prominent Japanese fascists Sasakawa Ryoichi and Kodama Yoshio in numerous programs.
Combined with Chiang Kai-shek’s reactionary stance, those rehabilitated Japanese fascists constituted the critical foundation of America’s Cold War in Asia.
Key Points of Discussion and Analysis Include:
- Sasakawa Ryoichi’s and Kodama Yoshio’s recruitment by MacArthur’s G‑2, Charles Willoughby, to serve as bulwarks of reaction in Japan: “ . . . . This time their energies and genius would be devoted to economic rather than military imperialism. . . . The deal made Sasakawa and Kodama the kuromaku (‘the men behind the black curtain’), the fixers of Japan’s biggest postwar political and commercial deals. . . .”
- The role of Chiang Kai-shek in the postwar Asian political landscape: “ . . . . the emergence of Kodama and Sasakawa as two of the leading power brokers in East Asia was part of a package deal they made with Generalissimo Chiang and MacArthur’s G‑2, General Willoughby. . . .”
- The pivot that the Japanese fascists made from military to economic Asian penetration: “ . . . . After Japan’s defeat in the Pacific War, Sasakawa’s real interests revolved around rebuilding Tokyo’s economic penetration of Southeast Asia. . . .”
- Sasakawa and Marcos were cooperating by the late 1950’s, with the CIA as apparent shepherd of the relationship and Marcos participating in the Agency’s destabilization effort against Sukarno’s government in Indonesia. The destabilization of Sukarno was discussed in FTR#1212, among other programs: “ . . . . Officially, they were brought together by the CIA’s anti-Sukarno rebellion. . . . This was one of the first examples of the new CIA bringing in foreign proxies and cutouts to supply sterilized weapons for a secret war. . . .”
- Class divides and economic disparities both drove fascist alliances and transcended them, before, during and after the Japanese occupation: “ . . . . Many of MacArthur’s friends in Manila were bound to him by a common commitment to big money and fascism. In the islands, priority was given to defending billionaire landowners from peasant farmers who earned less than a dollar day, forfeited half their harvest, and could only make ends meet by borrowing from the landlord at 500 percent interest. . . .”
- A Spanish colony taken by the U.S. during the Spanish American War, the Philippines retained a strong link to the Falange—the Spanish fascist party of Francisco Franco—including Andres Soriano, whose family owned the San Miguel brewery: “ . . . . As the Spanish Civil War raged in Europe, MacArthur’s sponsors, among them Franco’s wealthy consul in Manila, Andres Soriano, persuaded him that Filipino farmers were led by Communist cadres plotting a Marxist regime. . . .”
- Fundamental to understanding the above-noted MacArthur orientation toward the class antipathy of Philippine agricultural interests was his intelligence chief (G‑2) Charles Willoughby: “. . . . after his [Willoughby’s] retirement from the U.S. Army he became the chief American adviser to Generalissimo Franco in Madrid. . . .”
- The class antipathy dominant in Philippine agricultural production manifested during the Japanese occupation: “ . . . . During the Japanese occupation, this unequal conflict between landlords and farmers intensified. Big landowners supported the Japanese because the Japanese protected their property. . . .”
- As the class warfare intensified, many tenant farmers joined the Huk rebellion. Later more or less forced into a Marxist orientation, the Huks were not initially aligned in that manner. They refused, however, to be commanded by U.S. interests in the Philippines, which led to their demise: “ . . . . the Huk leaders offended American guerilla officers by refusing to put themselves under American command. The Americans retaliated by issuing a general order that all anti-Japanese guerillas who were not members of USAFFE were enemies of the American government. . . . .When the Huks turned over their wartime rosters to the U.S. Army as a gesture of good faith, the lists were used to identify, arrest, or kill Huk veterans . . . . Huk squadron 77 was walking home to Pampanga in early February 1945 . . . American and Filipino soldiers surrounded the Huks, disarmed them and took the before a USAFFE colonel . . . . Without a trial, Maclang forced the Huks to dig a mass grave, then had his soldiers shoot them all. Those only wounded were clubbed to death with their shovels. American counterintelligence officers were present the entire time. . . .”
5. The MacArthur team in the Philippines during the Cold War was culled from the collaborationist milieu who worked with the Japanese during the occupation. This included the head of the Japanese occupation government, Jose Laurel, as well as Benigno Aquino Sr. and Manuel Roxas.
Following the ouster of Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. the Philippine government was headed by Cory Aquino, the widow of slain CIA agent Benigno Aquino, Jr. and Salvador Laurel, the son of Jose Laurel.
. . . . On March 19 [1945], Tokyo ordered that President Laurel be flown to Japan to establish a government-in-exile. Three days later, Laurel and other leading collaborators, among them Benigno Aquino [Sr.] of the Kalibapi party, left Baguio secretly. The rest of the puppet government, including Manuel Roxas, remained behind. . . .
6. Collaborator Manuel Roxas was MacArthur’s “favorite son” to manage postwar Philippine government.
. . . . Long ago, MacArthur had chosen Roxas as the man to do his bidding. . . .
Uncle Sam and The Swastika
Discussion
No comments for “FTR#1261 Bong-Bong and the Marcos Continuum”