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FTR#1412 This program was recorded in one, 60-minute segment.
Introduction: The trajectory of pandemic manifestations tracing forward from the Third Reich is embodied in the I.G. Farben heritage of the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine.
Before reading into the record the sixth and final article about the Covid-19 “Op,” we repeat a reading and analysis of the conclusion of the third article, read into the record in our last program.
Discussion and Analysis Includes: The massive Pentagon and CIA operation directed at discrediting the Chinese anti-Covid measures in the Philippines and Central Asia; Review of the Golden Lily operation and the central role of the Philippines in that dynamic; Review of 40 Wall Street and the LLC’s that control the property beneath the building; The LLC used to launder Marcos money; Review of Ferdinand Marcos, his links to the Axis and to the Kuomintang; The fundamental role of the I.G. successor companies in the development of BioNTech, Ganymed and the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine; The pivotal role of the Struengmann brothers in this dynamic.
1.
Afterword . . .
Revealingly, a Pentagon “black propaganda” effort to discredit Chinese efforts to disseminate vaccines and other anti-pandemic technology is to be weighed against the material disclosed in the other articles in this series.
A very important story was carried by Reuters, setting forth this propaganda gambit.
We summarize key aspects of this very important article.
When we read about the highly unethical nature of the following secret Pentagon-run covert psychological operation revealed last week, it’s worth keeping in mind that, on some levels, none of this is new. There’s a disturbingly robust history of wildly unethical covert military programs.
But at the same time, it’s hard to read about this operation without arriving at the conclusion that this is bad even by the disturbing standards of covert psychological operations. So bad, in fact, that we never actually get a coherent justification for the program: The Pentagon ran multiple psychological operations via social media from the spring of 2020 to the summer of 2021 designed to convinced global audiences that the Chinese Sinovac COVID vaccine was dangerous and should be avoided. And in the case of Muslims, there was a special message about how China’s vaccine was made with pork gelatin (it’s not).
Beyond that, suspicions about the safety of face masks, testing kits, and other resources to fight the COVID pandemic donated by China to developing countries were similarly targeted in the operation. For over a year as the pandemic was unfolding, the Pentagon was secretly trying to convince populations across Asia that they were better off without the Chinese masks, test kits, and vaccines. Which seems like a massive wildly unjustifiable crime.
So what’s the explanation for this policy? Well, we are told that the initial impetus was anger over the suggestions Chinese officials made back in March of 2020 that the SARS-CoV‑2 virus actually came from the US and was trafficked to the Wuhan via infected military athletes in Wuhan in October of 2019. A scenario that, as we’ve seen, has been buttressed by the claims of numerous athletes from multiple countries who competed at the games.
China was generating diplomatic goodwill throughout the region with its pledges to provide its vaccine to developing countries along with other supplies like masks and test kits. It was a generous policy that, as we’ll see, stood in stark contrast to the approach the US took with the US-developed mRNA vaccines where the pharmaceutical companies were allowed to “play hardball” with developing countries and try to extract as high a price as they could get away with.
The Philippines, in particular, became a point of palpable US concern, especially after a July 2020 speech by President Duterte when he shared that he has made “a plea” to President Xi that the Philippines be at the front of the line for accessing China’s vaccine when it became available. In the same speech, he vowed that the Philippines would no longer challenge China in the South China Sea. Days later, China announced that it would prioritize the Philippines for the vaccine as part of a “new highlight in bilateral relations.” As one senior US officer put it, “We didn’t do a good job sharing vaccines with partners. So what was left to us was to throw shade on China’s.”
Keep in mind that, while the US did eventually make vaccines available to the Philippines, it wasn’t really available there until early 2022. China’s Sinovac, on the other hand, was made available to the Philippines in March of 2021. So there was close to a year when that was the only option for the country. And as we’re going to see, the psyop turned out to be pretty effective. Despite its early access to China’s vaccine, the Philippines had one of the lowest vaccination rates in the world. Mission accomplished?
And while that grossly cynical and unethical explanation of opposing China’s diplomatic pandemic overtures does go further in explaining the motive for this covert policy, there are some other highly troubling policies that pre-date the COVID pandemic that should be kept in mind. First, then-Defense Secretary Mark Esper signed a secret order in 2019 that elevated the Pentagon’s competition with China and Russia to the priority of active combat. In addition, 2019 was also the year when a congressional Pentagon spending billed explicitly authorized the military to conduct clandestine influence operations against other countries, even “outside of areas of active hostilities.” Finally, 2019 was also the year Trump authorized the CIA to launch a clandestine campaign on Chinese social media designed to turn public opinion against the government.
Summing up: In the months leading up to the emergence of the pandemic in Wuhan, the US effectively declared a covert regime change policy against China. Subsequently, just months into the pandemic, we find this grossly unethical psyop designed to encourage people across Asia to turn away Chinese pandemic assistance. Global public health was an afterthought, which is important to keep in mind when asking the “could they really have done something that evil?” question regarding the accusations about the US deliberating trafficking the virus to China. There was a secret regime-change war afoot.
Another aspect of that secret 2019 order by Esper is that it removed the State Department’s check on psychological operations, allowing the Pentagon to override State Department concerns. That’s notable given that we are told at least six senior State Department officials responsible for the region objected to the psyop. Which is also notable in that it indicates the State Department was well aware of it at the time.
Another interesting aspect of all of this is that it appears that a contractor, General Dynamics IT, was used alongside psychological warfare soldiers at the base in Tampa, Florida, where these operations were conducted.
General Dynamics IT just won a new $493 million contract back in February of this year to continue providing clandestine influence services for the military.
The Biden administration formally ended the program in early 2021. Disturbingly, and in a story we first saw back in September of 2022, after the Pentagon decided to finally audit this social media covert influencing program, its primary complaint appeared to be sloppy tradecraft that allowed journalists and social media companies to identify the fake accounts.
Also note that we are getting hints in this report that there is a lot more under this rock. Like vague statements about how when the Biden administration ended this anti-vax psyop, the order also included ending the campaigns against the vaccines of “other rivals”. We have no idea who those other rivals may have been, but it’s not hard to imagine the anti-vax campaign extending to Russia.
Finally, it’s important to keep in mind another dimension to this story: this trashing of a rival vaccines was taking place at the same time the US was effectively backing what was still a highly experimental new form of mRNA vaccines under woefully inadequate safety testing conditions.
The mRNA vaccine that not only could end up making companies like Moderna billions of dollars in profits directly from the vaccine, but had the potential to launch a whole now multi-trillion-dollar mRNA-based field of medicine. The stakes in the global ‘vaccine race’ went far beyond diplomacy and geopolitics.
As we have seen, the suit by Moderna against Pfizer/BioNtech may disclose possible biological warfare applications before Covid actually manifested.
The black propaganda operation against China was clearly part of the US’s secret war to destabilize the Chinese government. A secret war launched in 2019, months before the pandemic officially started, that soon enveloped all of Asia in a campaign to encourage the spread of the virus as China’s diplomatic cost. Many would consider such a war utterly unthinkable if the Pentagon wasn’t openly admitting it at this point. A consideration that makes the effort the kind of secret war where scenarios involving the intentional release of the virus in China are a logical, ‘unthinkable’ step. (37)
Key points of this important article include:
- “ . . . . The U.S. military launched a clandestine program amid the COVID crisis to discredit China’s Sinovac inoculation – payback for Beijing’s efforts to blame Washington for the pandemic. One target: the Filipino public. Health experts say the gambit was indefensible and put innocent lives at risk. . . .”
- “ . . . . It [the operation] aimed to sow doubt about the safety and efficacy of vaccines and other life-saving aid that was being supplied by China, a Reuters investigation found. Through phony internet accounts meant to impersonate Filipinos, the military’s propaganda efforts morphed into an anti-vax campaign. Social media posts decried the quality of face masks, test kits and the first vaccine that would become available in the Philippines – China’s Sinovac inoculation. . . .”
- “ . . . . Almost all were created in the summer of 2020 and centered on the slogan #Chinaangvirus – Tagalog for China is the virus. ‘COVID came from China and the VACCINE also came from China, don’t trust China!’ one typical tweet from July 2020 read in Tagalog. The words were next to a photo of a syringe beside a Chinese flag and a soaring chart of infections. Another post read: ‘From China – PPE, Face Mask, Vaccine: FAKE. But the Coronavirus is real.’. . .”
- “ . . . . After Reuters asked X about the accounts, the social media company removed the profiles, determining they were part of a coordinated bot campaign based on activity patterns and internal data. . . .”
- “ . . . . The U.S. military’s anti-vax effort began in the spring of 2020and expanded beyond Southeast Asia before it was terminated in mid-2021, Reuters determined. Tailoring the propaganda campaign to local audiences across Central Asia and the Middle East, the Pentagon used a combination of fake social media accounts on multiple platforms to spread fear of China’s vaccines among Muslims at a time when the virus was killing tens of thousands of people each day. A key part of the strategy: amplify the disputed contention that, because vaccines sometimes contain pork gelatin, China’s shots could be considered forbidden under Islamic law. . . .”
- “ . . . . The effort to stoke fear about Chinese inoculations risked undermining overall public trust in government health initiatives, including U.S.-made vaccines that became available later, Lucey and others said. Although the Chinese vaccines were found to be less effective than the American-led shots by Pfizer and Moderna, all were approved by the World Health Organization. Sinovac did not respond to a Reuters request for comment. Academic research published recentlyhas shown that, when individuals develop skepticism toward a single vaccine, those doubts often lead to uncertainty about other inoculations. . . .”
- “ . . . . In the wake of the U.S. propaganda efforts, however, then-Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte had grown so dismayed by how few Filipinos were willing to be inoculated that he threatened to arrest people who refused vaccinations. . . .”
- “ . . . . When he [Duterte] addressed the vaccination issue, the Philippines had among the worst inoculation rates in Southeast Asia. Only 2.1 million of its 114 million citizens were fully vaccinated – far short of the government’s target of 70 million. By the time Duterte spoke, COVID cases exceeded 1.3 million, and almost 24,000 Filipinos had died from the virus. The difficulty in vaccinating the population contributed to the worst death rate in the region. . . .”
- “ . . . . The campaign also reinforced what one former health secretary called a longstanding suspicion of China, most recently because of aggressive behavior by Beijing in disputed areas of the South China Sea. Filipinos were unwilling to trust China’s Sinovac, which first became available in the country in March 2021, said Esperanza Cabral, who served as health secretary under President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. Cabral said she had been unaware of the U.S. military’s secret operation. ‘I’m sure that there are lots of people who died from COVID who did not need to die from COVID,’ she said. . . .”
- “ . . . . To implement the anti-vax campaign, the Defense Department overrode strong objections from top U.S. diplomats in Southeast Asia at the time, Reuters found. Sources involved in its planning and execution say the Pentagon, which ran the program through the military’s psychological operations center in Tampa, Florida, disregarded the collateral impact that such propaganda may have on innocent Filipinos. . . .”
- “ . . . . Clandestine psychological operations are among the government’s most highly sensitive programs. Knowledge of their existence is limited to a small group of people within U.S. intelligence and military agencies.Such programs are treated with special caution because their exposure could damage foreign alliances or escalate conflict with rivals. . . .”
- “ . . . Over the last decade, some U.S. national security officials have pushed for a return to the kind of aggressive clandestine propaganda operations against rivals that the United States’ wielded during the Cold War.Following the 2016 U.S. presidential election, in which Russia used a combination of hacks and leaks to influence voters, the calls to fight back grew louder inside Washington. . . .”
- “ . . . . In 2019, Trump authorized the Central Intelligence Agency to launch a clandestine campaign on Chinese social media aimed at turning public opinion in China against its government, Reuters reported in March.As part of that effort, a small group of operatives used bogus online identities to spread disparaging narratives about Xi Jinping’s government. . . .”
- “ . . . . To Washington’s alarm, China’s offers of assistance were tilting the geopolitical playing field across the developing world, including in the Philippines, where the government faced upwards of 100,000 infections in the early months of the pandemic. . . .”
- “ . . . . Duterte said in a July 2020 speechhe had made ‘a plea’ to Xi that the Philippines be at the front of the line as China rolled out vaccines. He vowed in the same speech that the Philippines would no longer challenge Beijing’s aggressive expansion in the South China Sea, upending a key security understanding Manila had long held with Washington. . . .”
- “ . . . . U.S. military leaders feared that China’s COVID diplomacy and propaganda could draw other Southeast Asian countries, such as Cambodia and Malaysia, closer to Beijing, furthering its regional ambitions. A senior U.S. military commander responsible for Southeast Asia, Special Operations Command Pacific General Jonathan Braga, pressed his bosses in Washington to fight back in the so-called information space, according to three former Pentagon officials. . . .”
- “ . . . . The commander initially wanted to punch back at Beijing in Southeast Asia. The goal: to ensure the region understood the origin of COVID while promoting skepticism toward what were then still-untested vaccines offered by a country that they said had lied continually since the start of the pandemic. . . .”
- “ . . . . But in 2019, before COVID surfaced in full force, then-Secretary of Defense Mark Esper signed a secret order that later paved the way for the launch of the U.S. military propaganda campaign. The order elevated the Pentagon’s competition with China and Russia to the priority of active combat, enabling commanders to sidestep the State Department when conducting psyops against those adversaries. The Pentagon spending bill passed by Congress that year also explicitly authorized the military to conduct clandestine influence operations against other countries, even ‘outside of areas of active hostilities.’. . .”
- “ . . . . By 2010, the military began using social media tools, leveraging phony accounts to spread messages of sympathetic local voices – themselves often secretly paid by the United States government. As time passed, a growing web of military and intelligence contractors built online news websites to pump U.S.-approved narratives into foreign countries. Today, the military employs a sprawling ecosystem of social media influencers, front groups and covertly placed digital advertisements to influence overseas audiences, according to current and former military officials. . . .”
- “ . . . . In regions beyond Southeast Asia, senior officers in the U.S. Central Command, which oversees military operations across the Middle East and Central Asia, launched their own version of the COVID psyop, three former military officials told Reuters. Although the Chinese vaccines were still months from release, controversy roiled the Muslim world over whether the vaccines contained pork gelatin and could be considered ‘haram,’ or forbidden under Islamic law. . . .”
- “ . . . . It targeted Central Asia, including Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, a country that distributed tens of millions of doses of China’s vaccines and participated in human trials.Translated into English, the X post reads: ‘China distributes a vaccine made of pork gelatin.’. . .”
- “ . . . . And in February, the contractor that worked on the anti-vax campaign – General Dynamics IT – won a $493 million contract. Its mission: to continue providing clandestine influence services for the military.
The true dimension and scope of the Covid “op” is discernible within the framework of this gambit. The term Mr. Emory coined in his first series on Covid—“Bio Psy-Op Apocalypse” applies.
In addition, the outlines of U.S. imperial gambits in the Pacific theater from creation of the “Uighur Persecution” meme (38) to the use of Ferdinand Marcos, Jr.’s anti-China stance and ongoing utilization of the Golden Lily treasure from World War II (39) to fund covert operations and enrich key players in the West’s political and national security landscapes.
The true dimension and scope of the Covid “op” is discernible within the framework of this gambit. The term Mr. Emory coined in his first series on Covid—“Bio Psy-Op Apocalypse” applies.
In addition, the outlines of U.S. imperial gambits in the Pacific theater from creation of the “Uighur Persecution” meme (38) to the use of Ferdinand Marcos, Jr.’s anti-China stance and ongoing utilization of the Golden Lily treasure from World War II (39) to fund covert operations and enrich key players in the West’s political and national security landscapes.
2.The trajectory of pandemic manifestations tracing forward from the Third Reich is embodied in the I.G. Farben heritage of the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine. This is the sixth article Dave wrote for his Patreon platform.
The Covid-19 Op, Part 6: Pfizer-BioNTech–The I.G. Farben Vaccine?
This article explores one of the two main mRNA Covid-19 vaccines, the Pfizer BioNTech vaccine. As will be shown, the history of the development of this vaccine and the companies involved in the corporate maneuvering surrounding the genesis of BioNTech are inextricably linked with the I.G. Farben cartel and its successor firms.
I.G. Farben was the backbone of the Third Reich and the German chemical industry. Its operations are at one with the military, commercial and political manifestations of Nazi Germany. (1)
ATI and Lack of Warp Speed Transparency
Before looking at the I.G. Farben manifestation of the development of the Pfizer BioNTech vaccine, we highlight ATI, the vehicle that made analysis of the financing of the vaccine altogether opaque.
What’s behind the confusion?
“ . . . . For more than 20 years, ATI has managed federally-funded research and development collaborations for the Department of Defense. One of those collaborations, the Medical CBRN Defense Consortium, is focused on protecting military personnel against chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear threats. . . .” (2)
Once again, we note the overwhelming evidence that Covid-19 is a biological warfare weapon, as extensively documented in our first article in this series.
“. . . But the precise terms of that deal, and the one with Pfizer that came shortly after, are still unclear. . . . It would be easier to understand the difference between investment and procurement—and what Operation Warp Speed could reasonably take credit for—if the contracts were made public. . . . But with ATI as an intermediary, these billion-dollar deals instead fall under something called an ‘other transaction agreement’ that isn’t subject to the same kinds of cross-checks and accountability. . . .” (3)
I.G. Farben Manifestations
Analyzing the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine, we encounter I.G. Farben entities and their successors.
The primary Farben manifestations are: Novartis, Alexander Wacker A.-G., Dr. Albert Wacker G.m.b.H., Hoechst and Wacker Chemie AG.
As we explore the development of BioNTech and its backers and components, the “I.G. Farben Manifestations” are both central and recurrent.
- The Wacker clan had two firms that were part of the I.G. Farben complex: Alexander Wacker A.-G. and Dr. Albert Wacker G.m.b.H. (4)
- A contemporary chemical industry corporate titan appears to have evolved from the Wacker/I.G. firms. Wacker Chemie AG is a global giant in the chemical industry. Note that 49% of the firm is owned by Hoechst, one of the successor firms to I.G. Farben. “ . . . . Wacker is in fact a private company owned 51% by the Wacker family and 49% by the Hoechst unit of Sanofi-Aventis. It was founded in 1914 by Alexander Wacker and today is headed by his great-grandson, Peter-Alexander Wacker. . . .” (5)
- More about the Alexander Wacker firm and I.G. Farben: “ . . . . The Allied High Commission’s announcement named three successor corporations to which Farben’s principal assets had been awarded. . . . Farbwerke Hoechst of Frankfurt will get 100 per cent of the stock in Kalle & Co. of Wiesbaden-Biebrich, as well as 49 per cent of the holdings in Dr. Alexander Wacker Corporation. . . .” (6)
- Hoechst was one of the original major components of I.G. Farben: “ . . . . I. G. Farben was founded in the mid-1920s as an amalgam of three large chemical enterprises, BASF, Bayer, and Hoechst, together with five smaller firms. . . .” (7)
- Hoechst and I.G. Farben post-World War II: “ . . . . 1951 — Hoechst AG was re-founded on December 7 in Frankfurtwhen IG Farben was split into its founder companies. . . .” (8)
- Wacker Chemie has been the focus of efforts to develop transparency for the firm’s operations during World War II. “ . . . . Mr. Bähr, the historian, wants to see independent investigations into the Nazi histories of . . . . Wacker Chemie. . . .” (9)
- Introducing the Struengmann brothers and their corporate investing operations, which are fundamental to the development and operation of BioNTech. Thomas Struengmann became a board member of Wacker Chemie, and was replaced by a member of the Wacker family: “ . . . . Newly elected was Ann-Sophie Wacker, who replaced shareholder representative Dr. Thomas Strüngmann on the Supervisory Board. . . .” (10)
- The Struengmann brothers are major players in the biotechnology field. They are fundamental to the capitalization of the corporate ventures of Dr Özlem Türeci and Dr Uğur Şahin, the people behind BioNTech. Their first venture was Ganymed. “ . . . .Their first company, founded in 2001, was called Ganymed . . . .” (11)
- More about the Struengmann brothers and their capitalization of Ganymed: ” . . . . Investors in Ganymed included German investment fund MIG Fonds as the family office of twins Thomas and Andreas Struengmann, who now hold a large stake in BioNTech. . . .” (12)
- Novartis figures prominently in this corporate maneuvering. Novartis was formed out of the coalescence of three Swiss members of the I.G. Farben cartel: Ciba, Geigy and Sandoz. “ . . . . Novartis was formed in 1996 by the merger of Ciba-Geigyand Sandoz.[6] It was considered the largest corporate merger in history during that time. . . .” (13)
- Before setting forth the role of Novartis in the coalescence of the BioNTech entity, we delineate the history of the member companies and I.G. Farben. The three Swiss components of I.G. Farben were indicted by the U.S. Department of Justice in World War II: “. . . . Those indicted included duPont; Allied Chemical and Dye; and American Cyanamid; also Farben affiliates the American Ciba, Sandoz and Geigy. . . . A long list of other co-conspirators included the Swiss Ciba, Sandoz and Geigy companies with Cincinnati Chemical works, their jointly owned American concern. . . .” (14)
- Novartis was fundamental to the growth of the capital available to the Strungmann brothers, major capital entrepreneurs behind Ganymed and BioNTech: ” . . . . Investors in Ganymed included German investment fund MIG Fonds as the family office of twins Thomas and Andreas Struengmann, who now hold a large stake in BioNTech. The brothers have long been big investors in biotech, having sold their generic drug company Hexal to Swiss drugmaker Novartis for around $7 billion in 2005. . . .” (15)
- Novartis also figures prominently in the growth of BioNTech: “ . . . . That same month, it announced the acquisition of a manufacturing site in Marburg in western Germany from Swiss pharma group Novartis. The state-of-the art facility is expected to expand BioNTech’s COVID-19 vaccine production capacity by up to 750 million doses a year, or more than 60 million doses a month, once fully operational, BioNTech said. . . .” (16)
- It should be noted that the firm’s Covid vaccine contributed to the remarkably rapid and extremely timely increase in the company’s value: “ . . . . When BioNTech made its stock market debut on Nasdaq last October [2019—D.E.], the German biotechnology company was valued at just under $3.4 billion. Just over a year later, BioNTech is now worth around $25 billion . . . .” (17)
Conclusion
Taking stock of the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine, it is clear that the development of the BioNTech firm and its predecessor Ganymed is inextricably linked with the evolution of the consummately powerful I.G. Farben network and its various post-World War II components.
Farben, in turn, is at the epicenter of the remarkable and altogether deadly Bormann capital network, the organization that Mr. Emory feels will prove to be the decisive element in human affairs.
To fully grasp the corporate and financial environment of which Pfizer/BioNTech is a part, we conclude this article with discussion of Farben, its chief Hermann Schmitz and Bormann.
- “ . . . .In testimony later given to Nuremberg investigators, Schmitz praised Bormann for the way he had directed the distribution of German assets around the world. His own Farben organization had, of course, contributed to the success of the operation. Every regional representative working for Hermann Schmitz was an exceptional businessman, or he would not have been with I.G. All had contributed sound advice in their areas of competence, the regions of the world where they represented Farben while keeping an eye on the subsidiaries of the parent concern and the 700 hidden corporations they controlled. They had provided assistance and continuing guidance in establishing the 750 new companies created on order of Bormann, who wanted more than hidden assets; Bormann wanted the money and patents and technicians put to work to create even greater assets that would bolster Germany in the postwar years. In their meeting in the chancellery, both men checked over the figures of sums disbursed, and they were accurate to the pfennig. . . .” (18)
- “ . . . . By 1956, the three major multinationals (Hoechst, BASF, and Bayer) reshaped from the 159 companies within Germany that had comprised I.G. Farben were generating record profits for the original 450 major Farben stockholders, who had organized themselves into the I.G. Farben Stockholders Protective committee in Bonn. The Big Three went on expanding, tripling capitalization in 1956 from investment funds that poured in from the interlocking companies established in safe haven countries by Martin Bormann and Hermann Schmitz. There was a return, more vigorous than ever, of the huge, monolithic industrial multinationals that dominated the German economy before and during World War II. . . .” (19)
- “ . . . . Each of these three spinoffs from I.G. Farben today does more business individually than did Farben at its zenith, when its corporate structure covered 93 countries. BASF and Bayer individually boast worldwide sales of nearly $10 billion annually, while Hoechst, now the world’s largest chemical company, generated $16.01 billion in worldwide sales in 1980. Each does more business than E.I. du Pont de Nemours, with sales of $9.4 billion. The United States is, of course, the major market, one into which these German corporations continue to pour investment money for both new capital construction and corporate takeovers. Together, these three multinationals assure permanent prosperity for the original 450 Farben stockholders, their banks, and the shadowy shareholders of the Bormann organization in South America who guard and vote the Hermann Schmitz trust fund through intermediaries at the annual meetings of BASF, Bayer and Hoechst. [Emphasis added.] . . . .” (20)
- “ . . . . If there is any doubt in Europe who in the long run won the peace, there is none whatsoever among the former German leaders dwelling in South America. It is a good bet that if Hermann Schmitz were alive today, he would bear witness as to who really won. Schmitz died contented, having witnessed the resurgence of I.G. Farben, albeit in altered corporate forms, a money machine that continues to generate profits for all the old I.G. shareholders and enormous international power for the German cadre directing the workings of the successor firms. . . . He was the master manipulator, the corporate and financial wizard, the magician, who could make money appear and disappear, and reappear again. His whole existence was legerdemain, played out on the gameboard of I.G. Farben and his beloved Germany. . . Their [Schmitz and Bormann] association was close and trusting over the years, and it is the considered opinion of those in their circle that the wealth possessed by Hermann Schmitz was shifted to Switzerland and South America, and placed in trust with Bormann, the legal heir to Hitler. [Hermann] Schmitz’s wealth—largely I.G. Farben bearer bonds converted to the Big Three successor firms, shares in Standard Oil of New Jersey (equal to those held by the Rockefellers), as well as shares in the 750 corporations he helped Bormann establish during the last year of World War II—has increased in all segments of the modern industrial world. The Bormann organization in South America utilizes the voting power of the Schmitz trust along with their own assets to guide the multinationals they control, as they keep steady the economic course of the Fatherland. . . .” (21)
Notes
1.—“I.G. Farben;” Wikipedia.com.
3.—Idem.
5.– “WACKER HOLDS OWN IN CHEMICAL WORLD” by Michael McCoy; Chemical Engineering News; 5/9/2005.
6.—“FARBEN STOCK ALLOCATED; Allies Expect to Disperse Trust by End of March;” The New York Times; 3/19/1953. p. 5.
7.— Inside IG Farben: Hoechst During the Third Reich by Hermann Beck and Stephan Lindner; miami.edu.
8.—“Hoechst AG;” Wikipedia.org.
9.– “Drawing a Veil Over the Nazi Past” by Gilbert Kreijger; Handelsblatt; 09/03/2016.
10.– “Sustainability Report;” Wacker.com.
13.—“Novartis;” Wikipedia.org
15.– “Here are 5 things to know about BioNTech and the married couple developing the COVID-19 vaccine with Pfizer” by Lina Saigol and Callum Keown; Marketwatch.com; 11/13/2020.
16.—Idem.
17.—Idem.
19.—Ibid.; p. 282.
20.—Ibid.; pp. 282–283.
21.—Ibid.; pp. 279–280.
Discussion
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