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FTR#1419 This program was recorded in one, 60-minute segment.
Introduction: Continuing discussion from our last program, this broadcast notes that AI’s tested in recent war game simulations repeatedly recommended nuclear strikes.
This demonstrates Mr. Emory’s concerns that AI’s will ape human annihilationist tendencies. After reviewing the Joint Chiefs’ disappointment with President Kennedy’s reluctance to authorize a nuclear first strike on the Soviet Union, Dave presents the real history of the American power elite’s deep involvement with, and implicit endorsement of, Nazism.
We also note than Gavin Kliger–a DOGE veteran and social media fan-boy of Nazis and White Supremacists–has been placed in charge of AI’s for the Pentagon.
This is the real American political and historical manifestation that AI’s will replicate and/or take as a role model.
Discussion and Analysis Includes: U.S. incorporation of Third Reich chief of staff General Franz Halder and Commander Der Herre Adolf Heusinger to craft a sanitized, pro-Nazi version of American military history of Nazi Germany; Review of Heusinger’s role as the top NATO military commander; Review of Heusinger’s re-creation of the Gestapo under American tutelage; Review of Allen Dulles’ treasonous negotiations with a representative of Nazi SD chief Walter Schellenberg; Review of Dulles’ treasonous liaison between General Electric and SS officer Werner von Braun and Nazi rocket general Walter Dornberger; Review of Allen Dulles’ primary role in spawning the incorporation of the Gehlen “Org’s” SS cadres into the CIA; Nazi double agent Charles Ellis’ role in crafting U.S. post-WWII intelligence, which incorporated the Gehlen organization; Review of Allen Dulles’ investment of huge amounts of U.S. capital in Nazi Germany (70% of the investment capital in Third Reich industry came from the U.S.).
Leading AIs from OpenAI, Anthropic and Google opted to use nuclear weapons in simulated war games in 95 per cent of cases
Advanced AI models appear willing to deploy nuclear weapons without the same reservations humans have when put into simulated geopolitical crises.
Kenneth Payne at King’s College London set three leading large language models – GPT‑5.2, Claude Sonnet 4 and Gemini 3 Flash – against each other in simulated war games. The scenarios involved intense international standoffs, including border disputes, competition for scarce resources and existential threats to regime survival. . . .
1c.JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters by James W. Douglass; Touchstone Books [SC]; Copyright 2008 by James W. Douglas; ISBN 978–1‑4391–9388‑4; pp. 235–237.
. . . . the Joint Chiefs of Staff in Washington, D.C., were in fact pressing their young commander-in-chief, John F. Kennedy, to support the strategic necessity of a first strike. They first did so in the summer of 1961, in a National Security Council meeting whose significance remained deeply hidden until the declassification of a top-secret document in 1994. Economist James K. Galbraith, the son of Kennedy’s friend and ambassador to India, John Kenneth Galbraith, co-authored an article that used the newly disclosed document to expose the nuclear first-strike agenda of Kennedy’s military chiefs.
At the July, 20, 1961, NSC meeting, General Hickey, chairman of the “Net Evaluation Subcommittee” of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, presented a plan for nuclear surprise attack on the Soviet Union “in late 1963, preceded by a period of heightened tensions.” Other presenters of the preemptive strike plan included General Lyman Lemnitzer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and CIA director Allen Dulles. . . .
. . . . President Kennedy raised a series of questions in response to the first-strike presentation he heard. He asked about a preemptive attack’s likely damage to the U.S.S.R., its impact if launched in 1962, and how long U.S. citizens would have to remain in fallout shelters following such an attack. . . .
. . . . While the Burris memorandum is valuable in its revelation of the first-strike agenda, it does not mention Kennedy’s ultimate disgust with the entire process. We know that fact first from its disclosure in an oral history by Roswell Gilpatric, JFK’s Deputy Secretary of Defense. Gilpatric described the meeting’s abrupt conclusion: “Finally, Kennedy got up and walked right out in the middle of it, and that was the end of it. JFK refused, walking out of the discussion with the disgusted observation that ‘We call ourselves the human race.’. . .”
. . . . His walkout could not have pleased his military and CIA chiefs. . . .
One of Elon Musk’s former DOGE minions has been tapped to run AI at the Pentagon.
In a post on X, the Department of Defense announced Friday that it was appointing Gavin Kliger, who worked at the Office of Personnel Management last year helping to purge the federal workforce, as chief data officer, “a role that places him at the center of the Department’s most ambitious AI efforts.”
“We are in a global competition for military AI dominance, and America must build on its leadership to extend our advantage over adversaries,” Kliger is quoted as saying in the post. “My mission is to integrate the unparalleled innovation of America’s private sector with the Department’s operational expertise to rapidly deliver advanced AI capabilities to our warfighters. By driving pace-setting projects with wartime urgency, we will ensure cutting-edge technology translates into decisive battlefield advantages for the United States.”
Kliger’s past with DOGE wasn’t pretty. He was assigned to the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau to help DOGE take over and dismantle the watchdog agency. Kliger happened to own up to $365,000 in stocks in seven companies that the CFPB regulated, including Tesla, Apple, Alphabet, Alibaba, and Berkshire Hathaway, as well as two cryptocurrencies. When CFPB’s lawyers told him this was prohibited for agency employees, he fired the lawyers.
Kliger also has a shady record on social media. Reuters reported last year that he has reposted content from white supremacist Nick Fuentes and misogynist Andrew Tate, and expressed racist views as well as xenophobic views about immigrants. Now, he’ll be working with AI as the Pentagon continues Donald Trump’s reckless war with Iran.
…
But now, someone who had few—if any—ethical scruples over racism, bigotry, misogyny, or purging government employees will be at the center of AI efforts during a war. Kliger will probably be happy to assist in bombing Iran without regard to innocent lives.
————
. . . . Halder’s job was to rehabilitate Nazism for the benefit of his new American patrons. If the Nazis could be ideologically separated from the German people and the German Army, America could use the most useful of Hitler’s soldiers in their war against the Soviet Union without raising suspicion. Halder oversaw a team of 700 former Wehrmacht officers and intentionally set about rewriting history to present the image of a clean Wehrmacht and a German people ignorant of Nazi brutality. His deputy was CIA agent Adolf Heusinger, a Nazi war criminal who was largely responsible for planning the endless massacres of “security warfare,” and was later a commander of both the German Army and NATO.
Through manipulation, fabrication and widespread censorship, Halder and Heusinger created a complete narrative of themselves and the Wehrmacht as brilliant, noble, and honorable victims of the madman Hitler rather than the monsters who butchered a continent.
Halder and Heusinger published reams of fantastical lies with the CMH [Center for Military History], saying that the Wehrmacht committed no crimes on the Eastern Front. According to Halder and Heusinger, the Nazis set up markets and cultural centers to buy food from local farmers and hold dances and social events for grateful people. Halder and Heusinger only briefly mention problems in the East, saying they were carried out by “Judeo-Bolshevik” NKVD infiltrators instead of the noble Wehrmacht. . . .
. . . . By World War II, Heusinger was at the highest level of the German General Staff. By 1944, he was very much in unofficial charge of the extraordinary Gehlen operation. At the end of the war, he skillfully turned coat and emerged unscathed from the early interrogatory staffs of the Nuremberg war crimes trials. He provoked the contempt of Goring, among others, when he provided the statements needed to add a weight of evidence against the accused. He was cleared as a war criminal and went around calling himself “an American consultant,” a term later echoed by the State Department in importing him to the United States.
Although he was frequently listed as one of those who planned the abortive assassination of Hitler in 1944, he was in fact one of the few who stood by the Fuhrer in his hour of need. He knew of Hitler’s lust for power, and it is estimated that he was responsible for liquidating some eight hundred thousand Jews on the Eastern Front under Hitler’s personal instruction. Colonel General Jodl, his immediate superior, was hanged for those crimes on October 16, 1946, and Heusinger went free. He was lucky that, like Schellenberg, he was on the second rung of power and virtually unknown.
When Heusinger was released, in 1948, he was part of the Bureau Gehlen, his old subordinate had given him a job even when he was still in prison. During a mere two years in Jail, he was able to be a useful Nazi contact, like Skorzeny in Dachau. Gehlen, following thirteen months of briefing at the War Department, was the first to give Heusinger a real taste of what power in the United States hierarchy might mean. And because Heusinger had a special knowledge of the Russian region, liaising with [SD foreign intelligence specialist Walter] Schellenberg and using Schellenberg’s ITT operation, he would undoubtedly be useful to the Americans.
Heusinger spent three years with the Bureau Gehlen. He helped Gehlen reconstitute the Gestapo under American cover. He also helped create a new German General Staff and encouraged Gehlen in setting up the special bureau when Germany became a republic under Adenauer in 1955.
Heusinger accepted Adenauer’s invitation to plan the new West German Army at the same time that Gehlen set up his own network.
Heusinger reached his apotheosis on April Fool’s Day 1961, when he appeared, resplendent in uniform, as the central fixture of a gala occasion. He became the chairman of the Permanent Military Committee of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization at an elaborate ceremony in Washington’s State Department building. President John F. Kennedy, accompanied by General Lyman Lemnitzer, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff . . . . opened the meeting. It was the first convocation of NATO’s Permanent Military Committee. The President warmly welcomed the Nazi chairman and announced that NATO would now be allowed contributions of nuclear arms as a fourth power.
Thus was achieved the fulfillment of the dreams of those middle-level German Gestapo, SS, SD, and military commanders who were perfectly happy to see their inconveniently famous leaders perish from cyanide capsule or the hangman’s noose. For those the public did not know, and therefore could not identify, the future was unassailably bright. . . .
2b. An item not included in the original broadcast gives us further perspective on how NATO was seen by the Soviets!
“ . . . . The author, twenty-five years later, became Supreme Commander of all NATO forces in Europe. He was General Count von Kielmansegg. . . .Count von Kielmansegg took command of twenty-three NATO divisions, including the British Army of the Rhine, in 1966. General Kielmansegg had been a General Staff officer in the operations department of the army high command on July 23, 1941 when he signed an order to the Sixth Panzer Division, Section Ic: ‘Partisans who may be captured should not be shot but hanged in full view near the village. . . . In the case of attacks on German soldiers or units, all villages within a radius of four kilometers shall be razed to the ground and the male inhabitants sentenced to death by hanging.’. . . .”
2c.In American Swastika, the late author Charles Higham provides us with insight into the Christian West concept, revealing the extent to which these SS/OSS negotiations set the template for the post-World War II world, as well as the degree of resonance that key Americans, such as Allen Dulles, had with Nazi ideology, anti-Semitism in particular. Weighing the long, profound relationship between Dulles and The Times, this is presented as something of a “navigational aid” to analysis of the weaponized coverage of the virus.
The postwar political and economic realities of the Dulles, Hohenlohe, Schellenberg meetings were further solidified when William (Wild Bill) Donovan entered into his “M” Project. Important to note in this context, is the dominant role in world affairs played by cartels, the fundamental element in the industrial and financial axis that was essential to the creation and perpetuation of fascism. Much of the Third Reich’s military industrial complex, the primacy of Germany in the postwar EU, as well as the correlation between postwar Europe as constructed in the Christian West negotiations and long-standing German plans for European domination are derivative of the power of cartels. The Christian West and “M” Projects:
- Revealed that Allen Dulles’ views resonated with Third Reich anti-Semitism, and that his opinions were shared by other, like-minded American power brokers: ” . . . . He said that it would be unbearable for any decent European to think that the Jews might return someday, and that there must be no toleration of a return of the Jewish power positions. . . . He made the curious assertion that the Americans were only continuing the war to get rid of the Jews and that there were people in America who were intending to send the Jews to Africa. . . .”
- Set the template for the postwar Federal Republic of Germany and the EU: ” . . . . He [Dulles] reiterated his desire for a greater European political federation–and foresaw the federal Germany that in fact took place. . . . Germany would be set up as the dominating force in industry and agriculture in continental Europe, at the heart of a continental state run by Germany, the U.S.A., and Great Britain as a focus of trade. . . .”
- Were the vehicle for Allen Dulles to betray much of the Allied military plans for Southern Europe to the Third Reich: “. . . . Dulles now proceeded to supply Hohenlohe with dollops of secret intelligence, announcing that the U.S. Army would not land in Spain but, after conquering Tunisia, would advance from Africa toward the Ploesti oil fields to cut off the German oil supplies. He said it was likely the Allies would land in Sicily to cut off Rommel and control Italy from there, and thus secure the advance in the Balkans. Having given virtually the entire battle plan for Europe, top secret at the time, to one of Germany’s agents, Allen Dulles proceeded to the almost unnecessary rider that he had very good relations with the Vatican. . . .”
- Directly foreshadowed the confrontation between the U.S. and the Soviet Union which became the Cold War. “. . . . In other meetings, Dulles . . . . predicted that ‘the next world war would be between the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union.’ . . . .”
- Were the occasion for Dulles to laud the “genius” of Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels: “He . . . . described a recent speech by Dr. Goebbels as ‘a work of genius; I have rarely read a speech with such rational pleasure.’ . . . .”
. . . . Dulles pressed ahead. He said that it would be unbearable for any decent European to think that the Jews might return someday, and that there must be no toleration of a return of the Jewish power positions. He reiterated his desire for a greater European political federation–and foresaw the federal Germany that in fact took place. . . . He made the curious assertion that the Americans were only continuing the war to get rid of the Jews and that there were people in America who were intending to send the Jews to Africa. This was Hitler’s dream of course: that the Jews would go to Madagascar and stay there. . . .
. . . . Dulles now proceeded to supply Hohenlohe with dollops of secret intelligence, announcing that the U.S. Army would not land in Spain but, after conquering Tunisia, would advance from Africa toward the Ploesti oil fields to cut off the German oil supplies. He said it was likely the Allies would land in Sicily to cut off Rommel and control Italy from there, and thus secure the advance in the Balkans. Having given virtually the entire battle plan for Europe, top secret at the time, to one of Germany’s agents, Allen Dulles proceeded to the almost unnecessary rider that he had very good relations with the Vatican. . . .
. . . . In other meetings, Dulles . . . . predicted that “the next world war would be between the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union.” . . . . Dulles obtained a great deal of information relating to Germany and plans for its reconstruction after the war. He . . . . described a recent speech by Dr. Goebbels as “a work of genius; I have rarely read a speech with such rational pleasure.” . . . .
. . . . In July, [OSS chief William] Donovan and the OSS began to take matters into their own hands. No doubt inspired by the invigorating meeting in Switzerland, Donovan embarked on the so-called “M” project. . . .
. . . . By now, the German [Franz Von Papen] had read the details of the peace proposal on microfilm and learned that it was more or less on the same lines as the Dulles proposals. Germany would be set up as the dominating force in industry and agriculture in continental Europe, at the heart of a continental state run by Germany, the U.S.A., and Great Britain as a focus of trade. . . .
2e. Next, we detail the incorporation of the Nazi rocket program’s military commander–Walter Dornberger–and SS Major Wernher von Braun into the U.S. V‑2 program Project Hermes (contracted for by General Electric in November of 1944.)
Dornberger and von Braun were in touch with G.E. in December of 1944, months before the surrender of Nazi Germany! They subsequently went to work for G.E. and Project Hermes!
Key points of analysis and discussion include:
- The overwhelming probability that the G.E./Dornberger/von Braun liaison was arranged on the German end by SS General Hans Kammler, who had overall supervisory control of the Nazi rocket program.
- The probability that the arrangements were facilitated in Lisbon by Sigismund von Braun–the brother of Wernher von Braun and an agent for the SD. The Sichereitsdienst (SD) was the SS intelligence service.
- The probability that Sigismund von Braun’s Lisbon sojourn and arrangement for the G.E./Dornberger/von Braun liaison was also facilitated by Ernst von Weiszacker, Nazi Germany’s ambassador to the Vatican.
. . . . Secretly recorded post-war conversations with Walter Dornberger, the military administrative head of the Germans’ rocket project, confirmed that, as the Battle of the Bulge was being waged and lost, he and rocket scientist Wernher von Braun agreed that the larger war was lost. Therefore, they got in touch with the U.S. government and a prominent U.S. business through the German Embassy in Lisbon to broker a deal. . . .
. . . . “According to Dornberger,” Colm said, “he and von Braun made contact as early as December 1944” . . . .
. . . . “Dornberger and von Braun were in touch with G.E. . . . . General Electric. The American company.” . . . .
. . . . “We have no conclusive information as to how Dornberger and von Braun reached out to GE, but we’re certain they did. We don’t know whether it was in person or not, or whether the contact had been initiated the other way around. It’s not clear whether von Braun and Dornberger traveled to Liston, or communicated by telex, diplomatic pouch, or even through an intermediary. But this has Kammler’s fingerprints all over it,” Colm assured me. . . .
. . . . “Here’s the whole quote: ‘Dornberger, in conversation with Generalmajor Bassenge, made the following miscellaneous remarks dealing with the ‘2’. He said that: Braun and Dornberger himself had realized at the end of December 1944 that things were going wrong and had consequently been in touch since that time with the General Electric Company through the German Embassy in Portugal, with a view to coming to some arrangement.’” . . . .
. . . . The exact timing, mode of contact, or even whether there had been intermediaries could not be determined from this language; we couldn’t even tell which side initiated the contact, only that Dornberger and von Braun had “been in touch” with G.E. to come to some “arrangement.” I flashed on the memory of Jorg [Kammler’s son—D.E.] telling me that his mother had always insisted that Kammler never approached the Americans to make a deal, but that they had approached him. Either way, I thought, this news was huge.
Colm quickly gave me his analysis of the new information, in light of our other known facts. He was certain Kammler would not have let von Braun out of the country (and I agreed), so if in-person contact had been made in Lisbon, it would have been through Dornberger. Colm said it was possible that Dornberger made the trip to Lisbon with Sigismund von Braun, Werner’s brother. “Sigismund was a German diplomat with great influence, and a Nazi. After the war he would become West Germany’s Secretary of State, living to a ripe old age, until 1998. During the war, he was a German representative to the Vatican. The Vatican,” Colm continued,”was instrumental in other negotiations at the end of the war, and Sigismund is also known to have participated in other talks, so he might well have been involved here. He would certainly have an interest in helping his brother, and Werner would have preferred having his own brother, his own flesh and blood, not just Dornberger, at the table on his behalf.” That made sense to me, but there was even more to this thread. What has seemingly never before been discussed is Sigismund von Braun’s role as an apparent SD agent within the Vatican—as indicated by a January 1945 document that Colm had uncovered, by the acting director of the Washington, D.C., office of the OSS, the precursor organization to the CIA. The SD, or Sicherheitsdienst, headed first by Holocaust mastermind Reinhard Heydrich, was the intelligence arm of the Nazi Party, charged with rooting out enemies of the party—both externally and from within the ranks. Frankly, I wasn’t sure if Sigismund as an agent of the SD would have been more or less likely to have facilitated the Lisbon contract, though these connections never ceased to amaze me.
We also have wartime intelligence records that connect Sigismund von Braun with Baron Ernst von Weizsacker, the German ambassador to the Holy See and the father of noted German nuclear physicist Carl Friedrich Freiherr von Weiszacker, in November 1944. It would also have made sense for Dornberger to choose von Weizsacker as a travel companion because von Weizsacker’s diplomatic status and likely frequent trips would have meant he could have made the trip to Lisbon without raising an eyebrow. We can also tie von Weiszacker’s son’s nuclear research to Kammler and von Braun. Moreover, the senior Weiszacker was one of the perceived neutrals authorized by Hitler’s foreign minister, Joachim von Ribbentrop (who himself had been authorized by Hitler), to make peace overtures to the Western Allies, In the end, I decided it didn’t really matter whether Dornberger went to Lisbon himself, with a fellow, traveler, or at all. What was plain from this new record was that he and von Braun were in contact with G.E.
“All good. But why meet with G.E.?” I asked Colm, still confused. I knew General Electric was big today, but I didn’t know much about its history. Colm told me G.E. was a contractor.
“Contractor for who? For what?” still befuddled, not quite following.
“For the U.S. government; for Project Hermes,” Colm said, pausing for my response. I could tell from the note of finality that this was supposed to mean something to me.
Project Hermes? That rang a faint bell, though at the moment my head was not in World War II but in my work world—where Hermes was an expensive neck tie, not some military op I couldn’t place it.
“Project Hermes was the General Electric project to develop a U.S. version of the V‑,” Colm prompted.
“What the hell?” I said too loudly, turning the heads of a few colleagues. “That’s unbelievable.”
What did this mean? The contract putting G.E. in charge of the American V‑2 project was let on November 20, 1944, Colm told me. And before the ink was dry, G.E. was in contact with Dornberger and von Braun, Kammler’s underlings? That was astounding. I noted that G.E. would never have contacted the Nazi rocket team without explicit authorization from the contractor, the United States government. So the contact must have been sanctioned at the highest levels of the American government.
And on the German side, Kammler had to have been involved. Von Braun and Dornberger had no authority or ability to manipulate events as the war wound down—but Kammler did. They could not order the cream of the German rocket team to evacuate Peenemunde for Nordhausen, and then evacuate Nordhausen for Oberammergau, ultimately to the waiting U.S. Army—but Kammler could. (Von Braun himself told us it was Kammler who ordered the Peenemunde evacuation.) Von Braun and Dornberger could not ensure that Hitler’s orders to destroy the rocket facilities were ignored. And they could not disobey Hitler’s orders to annihilate the entire German rocket team, specifically to prevent them from falling into the hands of German’s enemies. But, as we shall see, Kammler could and did. . . .
. . . . And the venture was successful was made. . . .
Wernher von Braun would become the leader of this key G.E. project, whose in-house director was Richard W. Porter. G.E. was so hungry to collect the Nazi rocket resources that at the end of the war, Porter was flown to Europe to hand-pick German scientists and engineers most capable of helping. Porter would also helpfully identify essential rocket parts for shipment back to the U.S., all to the benefit of the U.S. and, of course, G.E., his employer. Indeed, a post-war report by the U.S. Air Force claimed that using German scientists meant a savings of 40–50 percent on the overall Hermes contract. G.E. was able to pick up where the Nazi rocket project had left off rather than reinventing the wheel (literally, reinventing the rocket).
The timing of these seemingly unrelated events is the key to understanding them. The Hermes—G.E. contract was inked in November 1944. In January 1945, von Braun held a “secret meeting” in Peenemunde with colleagues, including Dornberger’s chief of staff, to discuss the “eventual feasibility of surrendering the development team intact.” The Kammler order to evacuate Peenemunde would come on January 31, 1945. Thereafter, Kammler would move the rocket scientists into the waiting arms of the Americans in Oberammergau.
The tightly sequenced events tell a clear story: Kammler as behind a deal for U.S. forces to capture the Nazis’ rocket program and give a new home to the Nazi rocket scientists—and perhaps to their boss, Hans Kammler himself. Kammler would preserve the rocket team, turn them over to the Americans, and in return, hopefully save his own life. . . .
3. “How Allen Dulles and the SS Preserved Each Other” by Peter Dale Scott; Covert Action Quarterly; Number 25: Winter 1986; p. 6.
. . . . The role of [Friedrich] Schwend (and almost certainly Rauff) in exfiltrating whole cadres of wanted SS criminals, while on the U.S. payroll, only confirms recent speculations that the SS networks were being preserved for postwar anticommunist activities, as the result of an arrangement negotiated with Dulles and his OSS superiors. . . . But they [Allen Dulles and OSS chief William Donovan] also knew that, just as the OSS was the best hope for the survival of the SS cadres, so in a sense these cadres were their highest trump card in the impending contest for the OSS’s own institutional home for the postwar Gehlen Org. In 1948 Dulles, by now a civilian, helped write the memo persuading Truman to take on the Gehlen Org, on Gehlen’s own terms. . . .
. . . . A graphic description of this mentality was given to me one quiet summer’s day in a London club by the former chief of intelligence liaison among British secret services, Colonel Charles H. Ellis, who drafted the plans for an American intelligence agency after the war. . . .
In 1941 a Gestapo agent within the British intelligence structure sent a coded message to General Mueller in Berlin that top secret information affecting the course and outcome of the war was being regularly exchanged over the ether between Churchill and Roosevelt. . . . General Mueller’s agent was Charles Howard Ellis, a top-level British career intelligence officer, who also served as a Nazi double agent throughout World War II. At the time of his tip-off to General Mueller, Ellis was in New York as second-in command to Sir William Stephenson (“A Man Called Intrepid”) . . . . who later assisted in the training of the American OSS. Ellis learned of the Roosevelt-Churchill telephone conversations from Stephenson., who was a frequent visitor to the White House. Ellis sent his message to Mueller through Gestapo channels via Mexico City to Buenos Aires, where it was beamed to Hamburg by one of the clandestine radio transmitters in that capital. The Ellis report was quickly taken by General Mueller to Reichsleiter Bormann, who promptly told Hitler about it. . . .
. . . . As a reward for his services, he became the representative of several major German companies, such as I.G. Farben, which owned huge blocks of stock in American oil companies. Farben later became infamous as the holder of the patent for the poison gas used at Auschwitz and for working thousands of Jews to death as slave laborers. Foster’s dream was to make the world one big monopoly, controlled by his German and American clients. . . . .
. . . . In 1934, Dulles helped draft the agreements establishing the international cartels, joint ventures, and the market-sharing among the Belgians, the British Imperial Chemical Industries, and I.G. Farben. As discussed in Chapter 2, it was agreements such as that signed by the Rockefeller-controlled Standard Oil Company of New Jersey with Farben that helped the Third Reich to gain such important advances in the development of synthetic rubber and gasoline. In return, Farben became a shareholder in the New Jersey oil company second only to John D., Jr., himself. . . .
. . . . Sullivan & Cromwell seemed to have connections everywhere. It was the original revolving door between the government and Wall Street. As we explain in Chapter 10, after World War II the revolving door became a way of life for the men who populated the oil companies and the espionage world. By the time the team of Ronald Reagan and George Bush took over the White House in 1981, it was impossible to tell where private interests ended and public duties began and ended. . . . .
Fascism and the Dangers of Economic Concentration
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