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FTR#1422 The Walls Came Tumbling Down: Nazis, Fascists and The 9/11 Attacks, Part 2

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FTR#1422 This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

Intro­duc­tion: Con­tin­u­ing dis­cus­sion from our pre­vi­ous pro­gram, we ana­lyze the sec­ond of two arti­cles Mr. Emory has tak­en out from behind the pay­wall of his Patre­on plat­form.

The pro­gram ana­lyzes the pro­found Ger­man and Nazi links to Mohammed Atta and his milieux in both Ham­burg, Ger­many and the Unit­ed States.

In addi­tion, the broad­cast sets forth the pos­si­bil­i­ty of a cyber false-flag ter­ror­ist inci­dent, with the CIA’s cyber-war­fare capa­bil­i­ty specif­i­cal­ly designed to mim­ic Iran­ian hack­ers, among oth­ers.

Key Points of Analy­sis and Dis­cus­sion Include: Analy­sis of Ernst Uhrlau’s curi­ous career path­way; Uhrlau’s head­ing of the Ham­burg police force when it was sur­veilling Mohammed Atta and the ter­ror­ist cells in Ham­burg; Uhrlau’s appoint­ment as spe­cial intel­li­gence advi­sor to Hel­mut Kohl; Uhrlau’s head­ing of the BND; Review of the BND and its Nazi char­ac­ter and ori­gin; Uhrlau’s purg­ing of the SS and Gestapo back­ground of 250 BND offi­cers; Mohamed Atta’s spon­sor­ship by the Carl Duis­berg Gesellschafft; Atta’s asso­ci­a­tion with Ger­mans in Flori­da; Atta’s asso­ci­a­tion with the off­spring of promi­nent Ger­man indus­tri­al­ists in Flori­da; Oper­a­tional links between SICO and unpub­lished accounts of the Clearstream net­work, con­trolled by the Deutsche Borse (the Ger­man stock exchange); The liq­ui­da­tion of finan­cial enti­ties by Fran­cois Genoud asso­ciate Bau­doin Dunand, fel­low SICO direc­tor Charles Rochat and Iran-Con­tra oper­a­tive Willard Zuck­er; The dis­tinct pos­si­bil­i­ty that the estab­lish­ment of the 16 unpub­lished  Clearstream accounts opened by SICO in the spring of 2001, the liq­ui­da­tion of key finan­cial enti­ties by Dunand, Zuck­er et al were the vehi­cle for Rudi Dekkers’ sud­den eco­nom­ic largesse in the fall of 2001.

 

The Walls Came Tum­bling Down: Nazis, Fas­cists and the 9/11 Attacks, Part 2

This arti­cle sup­ple­ments the first, longer pre­sen­ta­tion on the piv­otal Nazi/fascist involve­ment in the 9/11 attacks. Among the unex­plored aspects of the 9/11 attacks con­cerns the Ger­man con­nec­tion to the polit­i­cal and oper­a­tional dynam­ics sur­round­ing the attacks. Before delv­ing into the meat of this inves­ti­ga­tion, we review crit­i­cal back­ground infor­ma­tion about the gen­e­sis of the Ger­man intel­li­gence service—the BND.

The series of arti­cles “Tran­si­tion Europe” detail the evo­lu­tion of the BND. We reprise here a sec­tion of “Tran­si­tion Europe, Part 2”:

It was the Gehen orga­ni­za­tion which was the pri­ma­ry ele­ment in Truman’s cre­ation of the CIA. “ . . . . What ulti­mate­ly per­suad­ed Tru­man to autho­rize an oper­a­tional CIA was in fact part­ly the need to find a home for the post­war Gehlen Org. In 1948 Dulles, by now a civil­ian, helped write the memo per­suad­ing Tru­man to take on the Gehlen Org on Gehlen’s own terms. . . .” (1)

The extent to which the Gehlen Org was a direct, impor­tant exten­sion of the Third Reich’s nation­al secu­ri­ty appa­ra­tus is revealed in a memo: “ . . . . As Gehlen was about to leave for the Unit­ed States he left a mes­sage for [Her­man] Baun with anoth­er of his top aides Ger­hard Wes­sel: ‘I am to tell you from Gehlen that he has dis­cussed [with Hitler’s suc­ces­sor Admi­ral Karl] Doenitz and [Gehlen’s supe­ri­or and chief of staff Gen­er­al Franz] Halder the ques­tion of con­tin­u­ing his work with the Amer­i­cans. Both were in agree­ment.” (2)

As author Carl Ogles­by notes: “ . . . . In oth­er words, the Ger­man chain of com­mand was still in effect, and it approved of what Gehlen was doing with the Amer­i­cans. . . .” (3)

The Gehlen Org was respon­si­ble for gen­er­at­ing up to 70% of U.S. intel­li­gence on the for­mer Sovi­et Union. (4) In addi­tion, when Ger­man and Amer­i­can inter­ests con­flict­ed on a mat­ter of sub­stan­tive inter­est to both the Gehlen Org and its U.S. asso­ciates, it was rec­og­nized that Gehlen would act in the inter­ests of Ger­many first! (5)

The ulti­mate fruit of the Dulles-SS liaisons dur­ing WWII is summed up by USMC Colonel (Ret.) William Cor­son, mil­i­tary intel­li­gence his­to­ri­an and advis­er to Sen­a­tor Frank Church’s com­mit­tee that inves­ti­gat­ed the CIA in the mid-1970’s. “ . . . . ‘Gehlen’s orga­ni­za­tion was designed to pro­tect ODESSA Nazis. It amounts to an excep­tion­al­ly well orga­nized diver­sion. . . .” (6)

U.S. Mis­trust of Ger­many

A for­mer NSA offi­cer explic­it­ly laid out Amer­i­can dis­trust of Ger­many in the con­text of the 9/11 attacks: “. . . . For­mer NSA employ­ee Thomas Drake ‘After the attacks of Sep­tem­ber 11, 2001, Ger­many became intel­li­gence tar­get num­ber one in Europe,’ he says. The US gov­ern­ment did not trust Ger­many, because some of the Sept. 11 sui­cide pilots had lived in Ham­burg. . . .” (7)

Ernst Uhrlau

One of the most thought-pro­vok­ing con­nec­tions with regard to the 9/11 attacks con­cerns Ernst Uhrlau. Chief of the Ham­burg police dur­ing a peri­od in which Ger­man intel­li­gence had mem­bers of the Ham­burg cell of 9/11 hijack­ers under sur­veil­lance, Uhrlau was appoint­ed spe­cial advis­er to the Chan­cel­lor on intel­li­gence mat­ters in 1998. He became head of the BND in 2005.

“. . . . From 1996–98, Ernst Uhrlau was the Chief of Ham­burg Police.In 1998, Uhrlau was appoint­ed a Coor­di­na­tor of the Intel­li­gence Com­mu­ni­ty in the office of the Chan­cel­lor. On 1 Decem­ber 2005, he was appoint­ed to the post of the head of the BND. . . .” (8)

This is a high­ly unusu­al pro­fes­sion­al resume. It is to be under­stood against the back­ground of Ger­man intel­li­gence sur­veil­lance of the Ham­burg cell and appar­ent fail­ure to alert the U.S.

“ . . . . Three years before the Sept. 11 attacks, Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice was track­ing promi­nent mem­bers of the Ham­burg ter­ror­ist cell that planned and exe­cut­ed the air­craft hijack­ings, accord­ing to new­ly obtained doc­u­ments. The doc­u­ments, includ­ing intel­li­gence reports, sur­veil­lance logs and tran­scripts of inter­cept­ed tele­phone calls, appear to con­tra­dict pub­lic claims by the Ger­man author­i­ties that they knew lit­tle about the mem­bers of the Ham­burg cell before the attacks. . . .” (9)

We exam­ine the Ham­burg author­i­ties’ behav­ior still fur­ther: “ . . . . As ear­ly as 1998, the records show, the Ger­mans mon­i­tored a meet­ing between men sus­pect­ed of plot­ting the attacks. The sur­veil­lance would lead a year lat­er to the Ham­burg apart­ment where Mohamed Atta and oth­er main plot­ters were liv­ing while attend­ing uni­ver­si­ties. While the records do not indi­cate that author­i­ties heard any men­tion of a spe­cif­ic plan, they depict a sur­veil­lance mis­sion exten­sive enough to raise anew the polit­i­cal­ly sen­si­tive ques­tion of whether the Ger­mans missed a chance to dis­rupt the cell dur­ing the ini­tial stages of plan­ning the attacks. . . .” (10)

Con­sid­er that Uhrlau was head of the Ham­burg Police Depart­ment at this time: “ . . . . Accord­ing to the doc­u­ments, the sur­veil­lance was in place on Aug. 29, 1998, when Mr. Motas­sad­eq and Mohamed Hay­dar Zam­mar, who had already been iden­ti­fied by police as a sus­pect­ed extrem­ist, met at the Ham­burg home of Said Baha­ji. The police mon­i­tored sev­er­al oth­er meet­ings between the men in the months that fol­lowed, the doc­u­ments said. The record of the meet­ing shows that police had iden­ti­fied Mr. Baha­ji, anoth­er per­son sus­pect­ed of being a cell mem­ber and believed to have been inti­mate­ly involved in the plan­ning and logis­tics of the plot . . . .” (11)

Uhrlau as Head of the BND: Kick­ing Over the Traces

Uhrlau’s behav­ior when head of the BND is alto­geth­er inter­est­ing and sug­gests that he may well have been part of a “Deep Nazi State” with Ger­many and the BND.

For years, it had been BND pol­i­cy to recruit from the fam­i­lies of serv­ing mem­bers of the intel­li­gence ser­vice.

“ . . . . Some employ­ees are fun­da­men­tal­ly opposed to the agency shed­ding light on its own past. Oth­ers are wor­ried about the rep­u­ta­tions of their own fam­i­lies — for many years, the BND delib­er­ate­ly recruit­ed new staff from among the rel­a­tives of exist­ing BND employ­ees. . . .(12)

It was dur­ing Uhrlau’s tenure with the BND that key files were destroyed: “ . . . . His­to­ri­ans con­duct­ing an inter­nal study of ties between employ­ees of the Ger­man for­eign intel­li­gence agency and the Third Reich have made a shock­ing dis­cov­ery. In 2007, the BND destroyed per­son­nel files of employ­ees who had once been mem­bers of the SS and the Gestapo. . . . Now, only one week before Uhrlau’s retire­ment, the com­mis­sion has uncov­ered what is a true his­tor­i­cal scan­dal. The researchers have found that the BND destroyed the per­son­nel files of around 250 BND offi­cials in 2007. The agency has con­firmed that this hap­pened. . . .” (13)

Mohamed Atta and the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety

A bad­ly over­looked aspect of Mohamed Atta’s past con­cerns his asso­ci­a­tion with the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety. Found­ed in the after­math of the Sec­ond World War, the insti­tu­tion built on the trans-Atlantic indus­tri­al and finan­cial axis that pre­cip­i­tat­ed World War II.

That axis is described on the Spitfirelist.com web­site:

“ . . . . In the decades since the end of the Sec­ond World War, much has been writ­ten about both the war and fas­cism, the dri­ving force behind the aggres­sion that pre­cip­i­tat­ed that con­flict. Unfor­tu­nate­ly, much of what has been said and writ­ten has failed to iden­ti­fy and ana­lyze the caus­es, nature and method­ol­o­gy of fascism—German Nation­al Social­ism or ‘Nazism’ in par­tic­u­lar. A deep­er, more accu­rate analy­sis was pre­sent­ed in lit­er­a­ture pub­lished before, dur­ing and imme­di­ate­ly after World War II. . . .

“ . . . . Where­as much con­tem­po­rary lit­er­a­ture on the sub­ject presents fas­cism (and Nazism in par­tic­u­lar) as an aber­ra­tion, the phe­nom­e­non was an out­growth of major polit­i­cal forces and dynam­ics that dom­i­nate and con­trol con­tem­po­rary events and process­es. . . .”

“Fas­cism (Nazism in par­tic­u­lar) was an out­growth of glob­al­iza­tion and the con­struc­tion of inter­na­tion­al monop­o­lies (car­tels). Key to under­stand­ing this phe­nom­e­non is analy­sis of the Webb-Pomerene act, leg­is­lat­ed near the end of the First World War. A loop­hole in the Anti-trust leg­is­la­tion of 1914, it effec­tive­ly legal­ized the for­ma­tion of cartels—international monopolies—for firms that were barred from domes­tic monop­o­lis­tic prac­tices. . . .”

“ . . . . It was this cap­i­tal that drove the engines of con­quest that sub­dued both Europe and Asia dur­ing the con­flict. We also note that the fail­ure of Amer­i­can indus­tri­al and finan­cial firms to invest their cap­i­tal in U.S. infra­struc­ture con­tributed sig­nif­i­cant­ly to the onset of the Great Depres­sion, depriv­ing Amer­i­can indus­try of the monies need­ed to sus­tain the engines of indus­try and com­merce. . . .” (14)

The Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety evolved direct­ly from this foun­da­tion. The organization’s web­site described them as fol­lows: “ . . . . In the 1920’s, Carl Duis­berg, Gen­er­al Direc­tor of Bay­er AG in Ger­many, envi­sioned send­ing Ger­man stu­dents to the Unit­ed States on work-study pro­grams. . . . Many of the return­ing trainees lat­er rose to promi­nent posi­tions at AEG, Bay­er, Bosch, Daim­ler Benz, and Siemens, bring­ing with them new meth­ods for mass pro­duc­tion, new ideas, and new busi­ness prac­tices. Fol­low­ing World War II, alum­ni from the first exchanges found­ed the Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft (CDG) in 1949 to help engi­neers, busi­ness­men and farm­ers gain inter­na­tion­al work expe­ri­ence nec­es­sary for the rebuild­ing of Ger­many . . . .” (15)

This was the orga­ni­za­tion through which Mohamed Atta came to the U.S. (and appar­ent­ly Ger­many before that). “ . . . . The sto­ry quot­ed spokes­men for ‘Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft,’ described as a ‘Ger­man inter­na­tion­al fur­ther edu­ca­tion orga­ni­za­tion,’ as hav­ing admit­ted pay­ing Ham­burg cadre prin­ci­pal Atta as a ‘schol­ar­ship hold­er’ and ‘tutor,’ between 1995 and 1997. . . .” (16)

The cou­ple who spon­sored Atta remained anony­mous: “ . . . . But although [Chica­go] Tri­bune cor­re­spon­dent Steven­son Swan­son cites this Ger­man cou­ple for ‘hav­ing played such an impor­tant role in Atta’s move to Ger­many,’ he nev­er gives their names, nor that of the orga­ni­za­tion they worked for. We thought good jour­nal­ism was all about . . . you know. Who. What. When. Where. Why. The Chica­go Tri­bune got unac­count­ably stuck on ‘Who.’ . . . .” (17)

We note that the CDG (or CDS in Eng­lish) is part of a joint U.S./German pro­gram. “ . . . . what seemed to make this sto­ry espe­cial­ly curi­ous is that the Ger­man paper con­cealed the tru­ly shock­ing impli­ca­tion of their sto­ry: that Mohamed Atta had been on the pay­roll of a joint U.S.-German gov­ern­ment pro­gram. They did this through the sim­ple expe­di­ent of neglect­ing to men­tion in the arti­cle that the ‘Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft’ was a pri­vate enti­ty admin­is­ter­ing the ‘exchange’ ini­tia­tive of the two gov­ern­ments. . . .” (18)

Again, we stress that Atta was the ben­e­fi­cia­ry of a U.S./German pro­gram: “ . . . . Atta enjoyed the patron­age of a gov­ern­ment ini­tia­tive known as the ‘Con­gress-Bun­destag Pro­gram,’ over­seen by the U.S. State Depart­ment and the Ger­man Min­istry of Eco­nom­ic Coop­er­a­tion and Devel­op­ment, the Ger­man equiv­a­lent of the U.S. Agency for Inter­na­tion­al Devel­op­ment. The joint­ly-fund­ed U.S.-German gov­ern­ment effort picked up the tab for Atta on sojourns in Cairo, Istan­bul, and Alep­po in Syr­ia dur­ing the years 1994 and 1995, as well as employ­ing him as a ‘tutor’ and ‘sem­i­nar par­tic­i­pant’ dur­ing 1996 and 1997.”  (19)

Atta and Ger­mans in Flori­da

In the con­text of Atta’s par­tic­i­pa­tion in the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety, it should not come as a sur­prise that he was close­ly asso­ci­at­ed with Ger­mans in South Flori­da. Two of those Ger­mans were Peter and Stephan, who ren­dezvoused with Atta and his girl­friend in a hotel, where they left their flight bags in a sep­a­rate room. “ . . . . ‘Before reach­ing Key West, they ren­dezvoused with Atta’s Ger­man friends. . . . Peter and Stephan were the two Ger­man men that Atta’s North Port land­lord said the girls met on the trip. . . . . When the group checked into a hotel in Key West, there was also some­thing odd about the room assign­ments. ‘We rent­ed 3 dif­fer­ent rooms in Key West,’ Aman­da said. ‘In one room nobody slept. It was where they put their flight bags. Then they locked the room down. Peter and Stephan slept in one room. And me, Mohamed and Lin­da slept in the same room.’. . .” (20)

Atta was par­tic­u­lar­ly close to one “Wolf­gang.” “ . . . More puz­zling was learn­ing of Atta’s deep ties with a num­ber of Ger­mans. . . . . He and Wolf­gang were very tight, they went every­where togeth­er. When he came into the pic­ture they were togeth­er all the time.’ . . . .” (21)

Atta and his Ger­man asso­ciates dis­cussed mat­ters that left them feel­ing “glum.”: “ . . . . Their meet­ings were seri­ous busi­ness; when they returned, said Aman­da, Atta and his Ger­man asso­ciates; always came back glum.’ Only one of the sev­en still resides in the U.S.; five live in Ger­many or Switzer­land. . . . .” (22)

Per­haps the most sig­nif­i­cant of Mohamed Atta’s Ger­man asso­ci­a­tions in Flori­da was dis­closed dur­ing the course of a BKA inter­view with Daniel Hop­sick­er. (The BKA is the Ger­man equiv­a­lent of the FBI). After Daniel dis­closed the names of some of Atta’s Ger­man cohorts in Flori­da, the BKA revealed that they were the sons (and in one case the daugh­ter) of promi­nent Ger­man indus­tri­al­ists. (23)

Con­clu­sion

Alto­geth­er appar­ent is the fact that the 9/11 attacks involved much more than just “jihadist Mus­lims.”

Of par­tic­u­lar sig­nif­i­cance is the remark­able career tra­jec­to­ry of Ernst Uhrlau from head of the Ham­burg police depart­ment (while it had the Ham­burg cell under sur­veil­lance) to being Coor­di­na­tor for Intel­li­gence Mat­ters for the Chan­cel­lor to being head of the BND dur­ing the time that records of past offi­cials of the “org” and their par­tic­i­pa­tion in the SS and Gestapo were destroyed.

In addi­tion to the his­to­ry of Third Reich involve­ment with Arab and Mus­lim nation­al­ists (touched on in The Walls Came Tum­bling Down, Part 1), the piv­otal pres­ence of Nazis and fas­cists in the Atta milieu sug­gests strong­ly that the his­to­ry of the Bush family’s involve­ment with the Third Reich bears rel­e­vance in analy­sis of the 9/11 attacks.

In Tran­si­tion Europe, Part 1, we high­light­ed the Bush involve­ment with Nazi indus­try:

Among Dulles’ clients who invest­ed in Ger­many were the Bush fam­i­ly, specif­i­cal­ly George Her­bert Walk­er and his son-in-law Prescott Bush, Sr. “ . . . . Walk­er was one of Hitler’s most pow­er­ful finan­cial sup­port­ers in the Unit­ed States.  The rela­tion­ship went all the way back to 1924, when Fritz Thyssen, the Ger­man indus­tri­al­ist, was financ­ing Hitler’s infant Nazi par­ty. . . . Walk­er also set up a deal to take over the North Amer­i­can oper­a­tions of the Ham­burg-Ameri­ka Line, a cov­er for I.G. Far­ben’s Nazi espi­onage in the Unit­ed States. . . .” (24)

The Ham­burg-Ameri­ka line was con­trolled by a hold­ing com­pa­ny, Amer­i­can Ship­ping and Com­merce, which shared an address with Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion, on the board of which both George Her­bert Walk­er and Prescott Bush sat. Averell Harriman’s stock in Amer­i­can Ship­ping and Com­merce was held by anoth­er com­pa­ny, the Har­ri­man Fif­teen Cor­po­ra­tion, run out of Walker’s office. The direc­tors of Har­ri­man Fif­teen were Averell Har­r­ri­man, George Her­bert Walk­er and Prescott Bush, Sr. (25)

Dulles helped with the cloak­ing oper­a­tions to shield Walk­er, his son-in-law and Averell Har­ri­man from the author­i­ties: “ . . . . Instead of divest­ing the Nazi mon­ey, Bush hired a lawyer to hide the assets.  The lawyer he hired had con­sid­er­able exper­tise in such under­hand­ed schemes.  It was Allen Dulles.  Accord­ing to Dulles’s client list at Sul­li­van & Cromwell, his first rela­tion­ship with Brown Broth­ers, Har­ri­man was on June 18, 1936. . . .” (26)

Of inter­est, as well, are “W”’s busi­ness links to the Bin Laden fam­i­ly.

These con­nec­tions will be explored more ful­ly in upcom­ing arti­cles.

Notes

1.–“How Allen Dulles and The SS Pre­served Each Oth­er” by Peter Dale Scott; Covert Action Bul­letin #25; p. 6

2.–“The Secret Treaty of Fort Hunt” by Carl Ogles­by; Covert Action Bul­letin #35; p. 13.

3.–Idem.

4.–Ibid.; p. 15.

5.–Ibid.; pp. 14–15.

6.–Ibid.; p. 16.

7.– “Embassy Espi­onage: The NSA’s Secret Spy Hub in Berlin” by SPIEGEL staff; Der Spiegel; 10/27/2013.

8.–“Ernst Uhrlau”; Wikipedia.

9.– “Ger­mans Were Track­ing Sept. 11 Con­spir­a­tors as Ear­ly as 1998, Doc­u­ments Dis­close” by Desmond But­ler; New York Times; 1/18/2003; p. A10.

10.—Idem.

11.—Idem.

12.– “Obscur­ing the Past: Intel­li­gence Agency Destroyed Files on For­mer SS Mem­bers” by Klaus Wiegrefe; Der Spiegel; 11/30/2013.

13.—Idem.

14.– “Intro­duc­tion to Anti-Fas­cist Books.” @ Spitfirelist.com.

15.– Web­site of the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety (archived).

16.– Wel­come to Ter­ror­land; by Daniel Hop­sick­er; Mad Cow Press; Copy­right 2004 by Daniel Hop­sick­er; ISBN 0–9706591‑6–4; p. 336.

17.– Ibid.; p. 338.

18.–Ibid.; p. 336.

19.–Ibid.; p. 335.

20.–Ibid.; p. 94.

21.–Ibid.; p.284.

22.–Ibid.; p. 332.

23.– https://spitfirelist.com/for-the-record/ftr-492-musings-on-the-end-of-one-year-and-the-beginning-of-another/  Side B @ approx­i­mate­ly 13:00. http://emory.kfjc.org/archive/ftr/400_499/f‑492b.mp3.

24.–The Secret War Against the Jews: How West­ern Espi­onage Betrayed the Jew­ish Peo­ple; John Lof­tus and Mark Aarons; Copy­right 1994 [HC]; St. Mar­t­in’s Press; ISBN 0–312-15648–0; p. 359.

25.–Idem.

26.–Ibid.; p. 360.

2.The CIA’s hack­ing tools are specif­i­cal­ly craft­ed to mask CIA author­ship of the attacks. Most sig­nif­i­cant­ly, for our the pur­pos­es of the present dis­cus­sion, is the fact that the Agen­cy’s hack­ing tools are engi­neered in such a way as to per­mit the authors of the event to rep­re­sent them­selves as Chi­nese.

Pter­rafractyl has done a char­ac­ter­is­ti­cal­ly excel­lent job on cyber­hacks, attri­bu­tion for same and the use of those attacks as provo­ca­tions: https://spitfirelist.com/news/cyber-attribution-the-mega-hacks-of-2021-and-the-existential-threat-of-blind-faith-in-bad-faith/

” . . . . These tools could make it more dif­fi­cult for anti-virus com­pa­nies and foren­sic inves­ti­ga­tors to attribute hacks to the CIA. Could this call the source of pre­vi­ous hacks into ques­tion? It appears that yes, this might be used to dis­guise the CIA’s own hacks to appear as if they were Russ­ian, Chi­nese, or from spe­cif­ic oth­er coun­tries. . . . This might allow a mal­ware cre­ator to not only look like they were speak­ing in Russ­ian or Chi­nese, rather than in Eng­lish, but to also look like they tried to hide that they were not speak­ing Eng­lish . . . .”

“Wik­iLeaks Vault 7 Part 3 Reveals CIA Tool Might Mask Hacks as Russ­ian, Chi­nese, Ara­bic” by Stephanie Dube Dwil­son; Heavy; 4/3/2017.

This morn­ing, Wik­iLeaks released part 3 of its Vault 7 series, called Mar­ble. Mar­ble reveals CIA source code files along with decoy lan­guages that might dis­guise virus­es, tro­jans, and hack­ing attacks. These tools could make it more dif­fi­cult for anti-virus com­pa­nies and foren­sic inves­ti­ga­tors to attribute hacks to the CIA. Could this call the source of pre­vi­ous hacks into ques­tion? It appears that yes, this might be used to dis­guise the CIA’s own hacks to appear as if they were Russ­ian, Chi­nese, or from spe­cif­ic oth­er coun­tries. These tools were in use in 2016, Wik­iLeaks report­ed.

It’s not known exact­ly how this Mar­ble tool was actu­al­ly used. How­ev­er, accord­ing to Wik­iLeaks, the tool could make it more dif­fi­cult for inves­ti­ga­tors and anti-virus com­pa­nies to attribute virus­es and oth­er hack­ing tools to the CIA. Test exam­ples weren’t just in Eng­lish, but also Russ­ian, Chi­nese, Kore­an, Ara­bic, and Far­si. This might allow a mal­ware cre­ator to not only look like they were speak­ing in Russ­ian or Chi­nese, rather than in Eng­lish, but to also look like they tried to hide that they were not speak­ing Eng­lish, accord­ing to Wik­iLeaks. This might also hide fake error mes­sages or be used for oth­er pur­pos­es. . . .

3.Fur­ther explor­ing the mys­te­ri­ous hap­pen­ings in and around SICO, the dis­cus­sion high­lights the liq­ui­da­tion of sev­er­al finan­cial enti­ties by SICO direc­tors Charles Rochat and Bau­doin Dunand in ear­ly 2001. One of the peo­ple with whom Rochat and Dunand were oper­at­ing was Willard Zuck­er, one of the play­ers in Oliv­er North’s Iran-Con­tra machi­na­tions.

. . . . It is equal­ly pos­si­ble that bin Laden’s silence about Rochat is meant to avoid oth­er prob­lems that might arise. Such as why Charles Rochat and Bau­doin Dunand, two mem­bers of the SICO advi­so­ry board who are attor­neys, on May 21, 2001 liq­ui­dat­ed the busi­ness Tyn­dall Trust that had first been reg­is­tered in Vil­lars-sur-Glane near Fri­bourg in Jan­u­ary 1986. They ful­filled the same func­tion for a sis­ter soci­ety of the Tyn­dall Trust that shared the same name and that was opened up in 1990 in Gene­va and liq­ui­dat­ed in Jan­u­ary 2001. One of the top man­agers of the Tyn­dall Trust since its found­ing was the Amer­i­can tax attor­ney Willard Zuck­er who lives in Gene­va. Zuck­er also con­trols the Lake Gene­va-reg­is­tered Com­pag­nie de Ser­vice Fidu­ci­aires (CSF). And CFS had, along with par­tic­i­pa­tion from Tyn­dall Trust, assumed finan­cial man­age­ment for a cor­po­rate group named Enter­prise. . . .

(“Report on Islamists, The Far Right, and Al Taqwa” by Kevin Coogan; p. 5.)

4.

. . . .Enter­prise, how­ev­er, had noth­ing to do with the suc­ces­sor com­pa­ny to the 1983-found­ed suc­ces­sor to the Albert Hakim and U.S. Gen­er­al Richard Sec­ord-found­ed Stan­ford Tech­nolo­gies Trad­ing Group Inter­na­tion­al (STTGI), which lat­er changed its name to Enter­prise and admin­is­tered secret and ille­gal weapons ship­ments with Iran and the Con­tras. The same Willard Zuck­er arranged pay­ments from the Enter­prise account for Oliv­er North. In 1986 the Syr­i­an Monz­er al-Kas­sar was paid from an Enter­prise account for a weapons deal with the Con­tras. But al-Kas­sar was not only one of the world’s great weapons deal­ers. He also had close ties with Islam­ic fun­da­men­tal­ist and ter­ror­ist groups in the Mid East. Al-Kas­sar also worked with an inter­na­tion­al group inter­est­ed in send­ing tox­ic and atom­ic waste mate­ri­als by ship to Mozam­bique. As for Zuck­er, he has con­stant­ly denied that any of his activ­i­ty on behalf of the Enter­prise group from Amer­i­ca infringed on Swiss or U.S. law. . . .

(Idem.)

5. Next, the broad­cast reviews the Clearstream finan­cial net­work. The con­nect­ing links between Clearstream, Al Taqwa, the Ban­co del Got­tar­do and Bin Laden were fur­ther described by one of Clearstream’s founders, Ernest Back­es. Note the open­ing of 16 unreg­is­tered accounts by SICO in the spring of 2001. Is there a rela­tion­ship between the liq­ui­da­tion of the finan­cial enti­ties in ear­ly 2001 by Rochat, Dunand and Zuck­er and the open­ing of the Clearstream accounts at approx­i­mate­ly the same time?

Do the 16 unreg­is­tered SICO accounts with Clearstream have any­thing to do with the large amounts of cash that the seem­ing­ly per­pet­u­al­ly cash-strapped Rudi Dekkers man­aged to obtain short­ly before 9/11?

. . . .In Novem­ber, U.S. author­i­ties named some banks that had bin Laden accounts, and it put them on a black­list. One was Al Taqwa, ‘Fear of God,’ reg­is­tered in the Bahamas with offices in Lugano, Switzer­land. Al Taqwa had access to the Clearstream sys­tem through its cor­re­spon­dent account with the Ban­ca del Got­tar­do in Lugano, which has a pub­lished Clearstream account (No. 74381). But Bin Laden may have oth­er access to the unpub­lished sys­tem. In what he calls a ‘spec­tac­u­lar dis­cov­ery,’ Ernest Back­es reports that in the weeks before CEO Andre Lus­si was forced to leave Clearstream last May, a series of 16 unpub­lished accounts were opened under the name of the Sau­di Invest­ment Com­pa­ny, or SICO, the Gene­va hold­ing com­pa­ny of the Sau­di Bin­laden Group, which is run by Osama’s broth­er Yeslam Bin­laden (some fam­i­ly mem­bers spell the name dif­fer­ent­ly.) Yeslam Bin­laden insists that he has noth­ing to do with his broth­er, but evi­dence sug­gests SICO is tied into Osama’s finan­cial net­work. [Empha­sis added.] SICO is asso­ci­at­ed with Dar Al-Maal-Al-Isla­mi (DMI), an Islam­ic finan­cial insti­tu­tion also based in Gene­va and presided over by Prince Muhammed Al Faisal Al Saoud, a cousin of Sau­di King Fahd, that directs mil­lions a year to fun­da­men­tal­ist move­ments. DMI holds a share of the Al Shamal Islam­ic Bank of Sudan, which was set up in 1991 and part­ly financed by $50 mil­lion from Osama bin Laden. Fur­ther­more, one of SICO’s admin­is­tra­tors, Gene­va attor­ney Bau­doin Dunand, is a part­ner in a law firm, Magnin Dunand & Part­ners, that set up the Swiss finan­cial ser­vices com­pa­ny SBA, a sub­sidiary of the SBA Bank in Paris, which is con­trolled by the bin Mah­fouz fam­i­ly. . .

(“Bank­ing with Bin Laden” by Lucy Komis­ar [side­bar to “Explo­sive Rev­e­la­tion$”]; In These Times; 3/15/2002.)

6. Again—is there a rela­tion­ship between Rochat and Dunand’s liq­ui­da­tion of finan­cial enti­ties in ear­ly 2001, the open­ing of 16 unreg­is­tered Clearstream accounts by SICO at about the same time and Rudi Dekkers’ sud­den acqui­si­tion of large amounts of cash?

. . . . Because nation­al reporters appar­ent­ly had no clue about his shady local rep­u­ta­tion, and his inabil­i­ty for six months straight to pay his rent on time, no one ques­tioned how Dekkers had come to be so flush with cash just three weeks before the attack. . . . But it did strike some peo­ple as strange, like Bill Warn­er, a pri­vate inves­ti­ga­tor in Sara­so­ta who made it his busi­ness to delve into Rudi Dekkers’ finan­cial affairs to explain his sud­den pre‑9/11 change in liq­uid­i­ty. . . . ‘Rudi Dekkers some­how came up with $10,000 in late Octo­ber (2001),’ he told us, ‘to final­ly pay off the woman’s (Nicole Anti­ni) sex­u­al harass­ment suit. He also came up with $56,000 in ear­ly Novem­ber to pay off anoth­er law suit with FH1100 Man­u­fac­tur­ing Corp.’. . . . ‘But he had filed a UCC with M&I Bank North­east for all inven­to­ry of Huff­man Avi­a­tion way back in March of 2000. So he appears to have had no source of addi­tion­al financ­ing for this $65,000 cash out­lay in late Octo­ber and ear­ly Novem­ber 2001.’. . . ‘But he had filed a UCC with M&I Bank North­east for all inven­to­ry of Huff­man Avi­a­tion way back in March of 2000. So he appears to have had no source of addi­tion­al financ­ing for this $65,000 cash out­lay in late Octo­ber and ear­ly Novem­ber 2001.’. . .

(Wel­come to Ter­ror­land by Daniel Hop­sick­er; p. 207.)

7. As not­ed in the intro­duc­tion to this descrip­tion, SICO’s Bau­doin Dunand was a close friend of, and attor­ney for, Fran­cois Genoud. Genoud was one of the Third Reich’s most impor­tant under­ground oper­a­tors before, dur­ing and after World War II. (For more about Genoud, see FTR#1421.

. . . . What is even more sur­pris­ing than find­ing out the links between Rochat and Dunand with a rep­re­sen­ta­tive of the Iran-Con­tra affair like Zuck­er is find­ing a con­nec­tion point between Islam­ic ter­ror­ism and the far right. For it turns out that Bau­doin Dunand was not only the attor­ney for Fran­cois Genoud, the Swiss old Nazi who died in 1996, but also his close friend. . . .

Report on Islamists, The Far Right, and Al Taqwa” by Kevin Coogan; p. 5.

Discussion

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