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“Political language…is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.”
— George Orwell, 1946
Introduction: An important book about the JFK assassination has been published. The late Hank Albarelli, Jr. has authored a lengthy tome, which draws together various, disparate elements involved in the Dallas coup in an important, timely manner.
Integrating operational elements of the domestic fascist political milieu, active and retired military professionals, the intelligence community (CIA in particular), the defense industry, the Texas and international petroleum companies, as well as dominant political organizations with the forces of international fascism, Albarelli and his assistants have opened a window onto what Mr. Emory believes are in the forces destroying our civilization.
Paramount, here, is the decisive role and position of international fascism in the events of 11/22/1963.
Fascism is generally represented as something of an antiquity and an aberration–an outlier in the development of our civilization.
Nothing could be further from the truth .
Contemporary presentations of fascism are attenuated and superficial, covering neither the evolution of fascist networks through the decades, nor those networks’ inextricable relationships  with past and present intelligence agencies and dominant corporate and allied political interests around the world.
In the first of these programs, we explore the account in the book of the role of French fascists in the assassination of JFK.
In the second, we chronicle the deep political connections of the French steel and iron makers, and their counterparts in the German steel and coal combines. United in their corporatist strategy, they saw anti-labor and anti-communist ideology as surmounting any nationalist considerations.
For many years, we have set forth the powerful French fascist organizations that attempted to overthrow the French government of Leon Blum and, finally, acted in concert with like-minded military officers, aristocrats and corporate individuals and institutions to subvert resistance to the Nazi invasion.
With the establishment of the Vichy collaborationist regime, elements such as La Cagoule contributed significantly to the governing and enforcing apparatus of the fascist administration.
We have covered La Cagoule for many years, including an in-depth exploration of the methodology and history of La Cagoule and related groups in Miscellaneous Archive Show 61  (recorded in September of 1994.) Relevant sides of this lengthy program are: Side “c” ; Side “d” ; Side “e” . (These segments, in turn, draw on documentation presented in Armies of Spies by Joseph Gollomb and Triumph of Treason  by Pierre Cot. For further discussion of these topics and books, use the search function on this website.)
Furthermore, figures such as Monsieurs Filliol and Pierre Lafitte also served with the Nazis SS, the most prominent French element of which was the Charlemagne Division.
(In addition to Lafitte’s Nazi/SS/fascist collaboration, this “Man of a Thousand Faces” worked for a myriad of organizations: intelligence agencies, law enforcement agencies, and criminal networks, often overlapping those activities. The authors of Coup in Dallas  posit that Lafitte may very well have been the “manager” for the JFK assassination operation in the U.S.)
Networking with, among others, Otto Skorzeny during the war, French fascists sought and found refuge and continued postwar employment in Spain under the fascist government of dictator Francisco Franco . Their relationship with Skorzeny continued after the war, and Skorzeny may well have been the “executive” planner of the assassination under whom Lafitte operated.
“. . . . And perhaps equally significant is Filliol’s history with Nazi SS Sturmbannfuhrer Otto Skorzeny. . . We now know that Skorzeny played the crucial role of logistical mastermind of the hit in Dealey Plaza. . . .”
(We have detailed Skorzeny’s vitally important role in postwar international fascism in numerous broadcasts, including AFA#22 .)
Albarelli develops information about Skorzeny and Lafitte as central to the planning of the JFK assassination, and master assassin Filliol as being present in Dallas on 11/22/1963.
Manifesting grasp of both the “sweep” of fascism and its institutional connections, Albarelli highlights the fascist genesis of the French cosmetic giant L’Oreal, employer of Jean Filliol in Spain and his fellow French fascist Jacques Correze in both Spain and the U.S.
” . . . Once in Spain, Filliol soon established contact with Nazi Otto Skorzeny, who had been ‘resettled’ for the benefit of U.S. intelligence interests in the nation’s capitol. . . .
“. . . . There, Filliol quickly landed a secure and well-paid executive job with the international division of L’Oreal, a cosmetic and beauty products company. Today a very well-known company, L’Oreal was founded and operated by Eugene Schueller, a passionate anti-Semite and ultraright-winger. Schueller, during the 1930’s and the war years, financially supported La Cagoule . . . .”
“. . . . While in Spain, naturally, Correze became friends with Otto Skorzeny after being introduced to his fellow SS officer by former La Cagoule assassin Jean Filliol, by now the vice president of international marketing for L’Oreal. . . .”
When the Justice Department’s Office of Special Investigations began looking into Correze’s fascist and Nazi history, the probe quickly unearthed substantive allegations about Correze’s relationship to Filliol and his fellow fascist Gerard Litt and the latter pair’s presence in Dallas at the time of the JFK assassination.
“. . . . According to two former employees of the department’s Office of Special investigations, both of whom declined to be identified in this book, the examination of Correze’s past quickly unearthed unexpected details about his links to Jean Filliol, Gerard Litt, and Otto Skorzeny, inclusive of detailed suspicions about Filliol’s and Litt’s presence in Dallas, Texas, at the time of the JFK assassination. . . .”
(We note in passing that John Loftus , the heroic author of The Belarus Secret , America’s Nazi Secret , Unholy Trinity  and The Secret War Against the Jews  worked for the Office of Special Investigations .)
The broader context of the Cagoulard elements in Dallas concerns the OAS attempts on the life of Charles De Gaulle, which overlap the JFK assassination. (We discussed those areas of overlap in, among other broadcasts, FTR#1162 .)
One of the apparent areas of overlap between the OAS attempts to kill De Gaulle (with assistance from elements of CIA) and the Dallas coup is Jean Souetre, a skilled OAS assassin who, like Filliol and Lafitte, was networked with Otto Skorzeny.
” . . . . Skorzeny’s aide explained to Herbert that his superior was absent because he had ‘other things going on.’ The arrangements that were made for [Army Ranger officer Anthony] Herbert to meet with Skorzeny confirm Capt. Souetre’s commandos were fully aware of the nature of Skorzeny’s training schools, which they also attended. . . .”
Souetre was in Dallas on 11/22/1063  and was expelled from the country.
One of the important strengths of the Albarelli text is the integration of many of the strategic and operational elements involved with the JFK hit.
Numerous writers have set forth the role in the Dallas coup of elements of what Texans refer to as “The Ahl Bidness.”
In addition to despising JFK for his advocacy of Algerian independence from colonial master France, exploratory information indicated to Texas-connected petroleum interests that Algeria contained significant petroleum reserves on its territory and beneath its territorial waters.
Representative of the fascist connections in the JFK assassination highlighted in this book is the fact that Robert Schacht–a blood relative of Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht, Hitler’s finance minister who was deeply involved with Clay Shaw and Permindex–was the admissions director for Albert Schweitzer College, the first destination of Lee Harvey Oswald when he “defected” to the Soviet Union.
We also include a passage from Jim DiEugenio’s classic work on the Garrison investigation–Destiny Betrayed .
This passage places the Schacht family connection in greater depth.
Permindex was involved with, among other things, attempts on the life of French president Charles De Gaulle  in conjunction with elements of CIA and the OAS. (We will discuss more about this in future programs.
Much of the second program discusses the actions of the Fifth Column in France prior to, and during, World War II. (For more about this Fifth Column, see Miscellaneous Archive Show M61. ) It is important to note in this context, that Mr. Emory stresses that the analogy between the Fifth Column in France and its counterpart in the United States is not an exact one. There are significant differences between the situation in France before World War II and that in the U.S. today. Nonetheless there are similarities worth examining.
One should note that France was governed by a democratic coalition government under Leon Blum (the Social Front or Popular Front), which included the French communist party. Under the social pressures brought about by the Great Depression and the inability of liberal democratic governments to deal adequately with the social fallout from it, many countries experienced powerful fascist movements. Such was the case in France. Industrialists, financiers, aristocrats and members of the armed forces were among the fascist plotters that saw the elimination of the Blum government as a necessity. After initial failure in the plot by the fascist Cagoulards in 1938, many of the fascists acceded to power in the Vichy government after the German conquest.
The programs also chronicle material from an earlier Albarelli text  concerning Lafitte’s activities in New Orleans at the time of the Garrison investigation: His employment at the World Trade Mart and at the Reily Coffee Company, as well as his role in an alleged burglary of Jim Garrison’s office.
1. Exemplifying the Nazi and fascist elements in the JFK assassination “op” is Robert Schacht, a relative of Third Reich finance minister Hjalmar “Horace Greeley Schacht.” “ . . . . Oswald had applied for admittance to the Albert Schweitzer College located in Switzerland via correspondence with Robert Schacht, the college’s NY-based admissions. . . .”
Coup In Dallas: The Decisive Investigation into Who Killed JFK by H.P. Albarelli, Jr. (Forward by Dick Russell); Skyhorse Publishing [HC]; Copyright 2021 by H.P. Albarelli, Jr. and Linda O’Hara; ISBN 978–1‑5107–4031‑0; p. 24. 
. . . . Of note, three months earlier, Oswald had applied for admittance to the Albert Schweitzer College located in Switzerland via correspondence with Robert Schacht, the college’s NY-based admissions director. By coincidence, Robert was a blood relative of . . . . Hjalmar Schacht. . . .
2. Revisiting material from our landmark series on Jim DiEugenio’s Destiny Betrayed, we note the relationship between: Clay Shaw, his friend Hjalmar Schacht, the Schroeder Bank, the Third Reich, Allen Dulles, the mysterious Permindex intelligence front and the OAS attempts on the life of Charles DeGaulle (assisted by the CIA).
. . . . The next step in the CIA ladder after his high-level overseas informant service was his work with the strange company called Permindex. When the announcement for Permindex was first made in Switzerland in late 1956, its principal backing was to come from a local banker named Hans Seligman. But as more investigation by the local papers was done, it became clear that the real backer was J. Henry Schroeder Corporation. This information was quite revealing. Schroeder’s had been closely associated with Allen Dulles and the CIA for years. Allen Dulles’s connections to the Schroder banking family went back to the thirties when his law firm, Sullivan and Cromwell, first began representing them through him. Later, Dulles was the bank’s General Counsel. In fact, when Dulles became CIA director, Schroeder’s was a repository for a fifty million dollar contingency fund that Dulles personally controlled. Schroder’s was a welcome conduit because the bank benefited from previous CIA overthrows in Guatemala and Iran. Another reason that there began to be a furor over Permindex in Switzerland was the fact that the bank’s founder, Baron Kurt von Schroder, was associated with the Third Reich, specifically Heinrich Himmler. The project now became stalled in Switzerland. It now moved to Rome. In a September 1969 interview Shaw did for Penthouse Magazine, he told James Phelan that he only grew interested in the project when it moved to Italy. Which was in October 1958. Yet a State Department cable dated April 9 of that year says that Shaw showed great interest in Permindex from the outset.
One can see why. The board of directors as made up of bankers who had been tied up with fascist governments, people who worked the Jewish refugee racket during World War II, a former member of Mussolini’s cabinet, and the son-in-law of Hjalmar Schacht, the economic wizard behind the Third Reich, who was a friend of Shaw’s. These people would all appeal to the conservative Shaw. There were at least four international newspapers that exposed the bizarre activities of Permindex when it was in Rome. One problem was the mysterious source of funding: no one knew where it was coming from. Another was that its activities reportedly included assassination attempts on French Premier Charles De Gaulle. Which would make sense since the founding member of Permindex, Ferenc Nagy, was a close friend of Jacques Soustelle. Soustelle was a leader of the OAS, a group of former French officers who broke with De Gaulle over his Algerian policy. They later made several attempts on De Gaulle’s life, which the CIA was privy to. Again, this mysterious source of funding, plus the rightwing, neo-Fascist directors created another wave of controversy. One newspaper wrote that the organization may have been “a creature of the CIA . . . set up as a cove for the transfer of CIA . . . funds in Italy for legal political-espionage activities.” The Schroder connection would certainly suggest that. . . .
3. Before delving into the French fascists discussed in Coup in Dallas, we note Pierre Lafitte’s involvement with the JFK assassination landscape in New Orleans: ” . . . . It is worth noting that Lafitte turned up in yet another tangle of major, historic proportions during the 1960s. Around the time of the JFK assassination, Lafitte worked for the Reily Coffee Company and then as a chef for the World Trade Mart, both in New Orleans. . . . Lafitte and Allan Hughes collaborated on another occasion in a very bizarre and revealing episode having to do with accused JFK assassination co-conspirator Clay Shaw... Hughes, Lafitte and investigative writer James Phelan –who some maintain was in league with both Maheu and the CIA –literally crawled into New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison’s office to purloin documents having to do with Clay Shaw. . . .”
…It is worth noting that Lafitte turned up in yet another tangle of major, historic proportions during the 1960s. Around the time of the JFK assassination, Lafitte worked for the Reily Coffee Company and then as a chef for the World Trade Mart, both in New Orleans. William B. Reily, an avid anti-Communist, owned the Reily Coffee Company and was closely connected to McCarthyite and rabid anti-Communist Edward Scannell Butler, who were both close to CIA assistant director Charles Cabell, CIA SRS chief Paul Gaynor, and Agency ARTICHOKE official Morse Allen. Readers may recall that alleged JFK assassin Lee Harvey Oswald also worked as a maintenance man for the Reily Coffee Company in the summer of 1963…”
…Lafitte and Allan Hughes collaborated on another occasion in a very bizarre and revealing episode having to do with accused JFK assassination co-conspirator Clay Shaw... Hughes, Lafitte and investigative writer James Phelan –who some maintain was in league with both Maheu and the CIA –literally crawled into New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison’s office to purloin documents having to do with Clay Shaw. Lafitte would later tell George Hunter White that the Garrison office break-in was ‘maybe one of the only jobs I ever did that made me worry any at all . . .
5. Next, we set forth the 1930’s machinations of Cagoule assassin Jean Paul Robert Filliol and his fellow French fascist Pierre Lafitte:
Coup In Dallas: The Decisive Investigation into Who Killed JFK by H.P. Albarelli, Jr. (Forward by Dick Russell); Skyhorse Publishing [HC]; Copyright 2021 by H.P. Albarelli, Jr. and Linda O’Hara; ISBN 978–1‑5107–4031‑0; pp. 10–11. 
. . . . One of La Cagoule’s most notorious assassins, who often dealt with [OSS collaborator and double agent Henri] d’Astier, was Jean Paul Robert Filliol, spelled consistently with a single l by LaFitte. With the Vichy government formed in France, Filliol became the Cagoule’s chief and most trusted assassin, an infamous killer known throughout Europe. . . .
. . . . Within months of La Cagoule’s formation, Filliol became head of the group’s Section Terroriste, and many of his fledgling assassins were in their late teens or early twenties. . . .
. . . . And perhaps equally significant is Filliol’s history with Nazi SS Sturmbannfuhrer Otto Skorzeny. . . We now know that Skorzeny played the crucial role of logistical mastermind of the hit in Dealey Plaza.
Throughout the 1930’s, “Pierre Lafitte” often went by the aliases Jean Pierre Mornard and Jean Monard, as well as by Pierre Jean Martin during the time that he was closely aligned with the French Gestapo-like group called the Milice. Lafitte’s surviving personal effects act to support the claim and contain a few French SS badges as well as two Milice identity cards under the name of Martin. . . .
6. More about Filliol’s WWII networking with Lafitte and the SS: “ . . . . . . . . Pierre Lafitte would also cross paths with Filliol—who like Lafitte would use at least twenty aliases—when in 1944 he was associated with the SS Waffen Charlemagne Division, a French unit aiding the Nazis in their occupation of France. . . .”
This excerpt also highlights the postwar career of convicted French war criminal Filliol, networking in Spain with Otto Skorzeny, as well as with the famous cosmetics firm L’Oreal, founded by fellow French fascist Eugene Schueller.
Coup In Dallas: The Decisive Investigation into Who Killed JFK by H.P. Albarelli, Jr. (Forward by Dick Russell); Skyhorse Publishing [HC]; Copyright 2021 by H.P. Albarelli, Jr. and Linda O’Hara; ISBN 978–1‑5107–4031‑0; pp. 13–14. 
. . . . Pierre Lafitte would also cross paths with Filliol—who like Lafitte would use at least twenty aliases—when in 1944 he was associated with the SS Waffen Charlemagne Division, a French unit aiding the Nazis in their occupation of France. It is reported by surviving members of Lafitte’s family that he was with the SS Brigadefuhrer Krukenenberg in April 1945, just prior to its being moved to Berlin to defend Hitler in his final bunker days, but independent confirmation of this remains elusive. There is no evidence that Lafitte was ever captured, let alone brought to trial; however, at the end of World War II, Filliol was tried in absentia and sentenced to death. His sentence was never carried out because he escaped to Spain, and fascist Dictator General Francisco Franco refused to extradite the killer.
Once in Spain, Filliol soon established contact with Nazi Otto Skorzeny, who had been “resettled” for the benefit of U.S. intelligence interests in the nation’s capitol. . . .
. . . . There, Filliol quickly landed a secure and well-paid executive job with the international division of L’Oreal, a cosmetic and beauty products company. Today a very well-known company, L’Oreal was founded and operated by Eugene Schueller, a passionate anti-Semite and ultraright-winger. Schueller, during the 1930’s and the war years, financially supported La Cagoule and Deloncle’s 1940 political group, Mouvement Social Revolutionnaire (MSR). MSR, like La Cagoule was ultranationalistic, anticommunist, and anti-Semitic and featured Filliol as chief of intelligence and Schueller as a group director and central source of funds. . . .
. . . . Beginning in October 1944, after holding fa series of conferences with German and French advisers, Joseph Darnand, a forty-six-year old prominent La Cagoule member, virulent anti-Bolshevist, Milice Founder, and Nazi SS officer, founded a “special service” called the Organisation Technique (OT), which was made up of about 200 volunteers. Filliol was placed in charge of OT’s training division. His first major project was to take on the training of about 150 paramilitary parachutists. We begin to grasp the impact of Filliol’s history with Otto Skorzeny.
Not sure how best to go about the task of training the OTs, Filliol sent a telegram requesting assistance from Nazi Sturmbannfuhrer Skorzeny, who he had first encountered in Paris. . . .
7. Jacques Correze joined Filliol at L’Oreal, eventually moving from the Spanish operations of the firm to its U.S. subsidiary. “ . . . . Correze had been a high-ranking member of La Cagoule and the personal assistant of Eugene Deloncle [head and apparent founder of La Cagoule] and served as a critical link in the funding of La Cagoule by Eugene Schuller, founder of the L’Oreal cosmetic company. . . . While in Spain, naturally, Correze became friends with Otto Skorzeny after being introduced to his fellow SS officer by former La Cagoule assassin Jean Filliol, by now the vice president of international marketing for L’Oreal. . . .”
Correze came to the attention of the Justice Department’s Office of Special Investigations. In turn, the OSI came across reports of Filliol and [fellow French fascist and SS man Gerard] Litt’s presence in Dallas on 11/22/1963. “ . . . . He successfully built the division to a very prosperous market position, but in 1991, the US Department of Justice, Office of Special Investigations, announced that it was opening an investigation “to determine whether the chairman [Correze] of the $1 billion American affiliate of l’Oreal, the French cosmetic company, should be barred from the United States for his pro-Nazi activities during World War II.” . . .
. . . . According to two former employees of the department’s Office of Special investigations, both of whom declined to be identified in this book, the examination of Correze’s past quickly unearthed unexpected details about his links to Jean Filliol, Gerard Litt, and Otto Skorzeny, inclusive of detailed suspicions about Filliol’s and Litt’s presence in Dallas, Texas, at the time of the JFK assassination. . . .”
Coup In Dallas: The Decisive Investigation into Who Killed JFK by H.P. Albarelli, Jr. (Forward by Dick Russell); Skyhorse Publishing [HC]; Copyright 2021 by H.P. Albarelli, Jr. and Linda O’Hara; ISBN 978–1‑5107–4031‑0; pp. 15–16. 
. . . . Another close associate of the murderous Filliol was Jacques Correze, a man who over the past half-century has consistently been labeled a bloodthirsty racist and shapeshifter who causally oversaw Filliol’s homicidal activities. Correze had been a high-ranking member of La Cagoule and the personal assistant of Eugene Deloncle [head and apparent founder of La Cagoule] and served as a critical link in the funding of La Cagoule by Eugene Schuller, founder of the L’Oreal cosmetic company. . . .
. . . . Following the close of World War II, Correze was convicted of several war crimes and sentenced to ten years in a French prison. Jacques Correze was freed in 1949 after only five years in prison. Shortly thereafter, he was hired by then‑L’Oreal company president Francois Dalle. One of Correze’s first assignments for the company was to help better organize Procasa, L’Oreal’s Spanish marketing firm. While in Spain, naturally, Correze became friends with Otto Skorzeny after being introduced to his fellow SS officer by former La Cagoule assassin Jean Filliol, by now the vice president of international marketing for L’Oreal.
After several years with Procasa, Correze was dispatched to the United States, where he was charged with directing Cosmair, a division of L’Oreal. He successfully built the division to a very prosperous market position, but in 1991, the US Department of Justice, Office of Special Investigations, announced that it was opening an investigation “to determine whether the chairman [Correze] of the $1 billion American affiliate of l’Oreal, the French cosmetic company, should be barred from the United States for his pro-Nazi activities during World War II.” . . .
. . . . According to two former employees of the department’s Office of Special investigations, both of whom declined to be identified in this book, the examination of Correze’s past quickly unearthed unexpected details about his links to Jean Filliol, Gerard Litt, and Otto Skorzeny, inclusive of detailed suspicions about Filliol’s and Litt’s presence in Dallas, Texas, at the time of the JFK assassination. A formal request by author Albarelli to the US Department of Justice for documentation concerning these suspicions remained unanswered. Correze died suddenly in June 1991, and the Justice Department suspended its investigation into his activities. . . .
8. Skorzeny’s Spanish mercenary training camps were utilized by OAS commando and assassin Jean Souetre, as well as U.S. Army Ranger officer and later Green Beret Anthony Herbert .
In numerous programs, including AFA#22  we have detailed the interaction, operational and institutional connection between Skorzeny, his Paladin mercenary group, the Spanish intelligence service and what Danish journalist Henrik Kruger calls “the International Fascista.”
Coup In Dallas: The Decisive Investigation into Who Killed JFK by H.P. Albarelli, Jr. (Forward by Dick Russell); Skyhorse Publishing [HC]; Copyright 2021 by H.P. Albarelli, Jr. and Linda O’Hara; ISBN 978–1‑5107–4031‑0; p. 421. 
. . . . Skorzeny’s aide explained to Herbert that his superior was absent because he had “other things going on.” The arrangements that were made for [Army Ranger officer Anthony] Herbert to meet with Skorzeny confirm Capt. Souetre’s commandos were fully aware of the nature of Skorzeny’s training schools, which they also attended. . . .
9. Ending our first program and beginning our second, we set forth Reinhard Gehlen’s networking with OAS French fascists, as well as his long-term use of Nazi collaborator Maurice Picard as a mole inside the security services of De Gaulle.
Noteworthy for deep political analysis is the ideological and commercial overlap between Geheln’s interests and those of his French fascist collaborators: “ . . . . An explanation for Gehlen’s attitude was advanced in the French press; General Salan and his fellow conspirators had assured Gehlen that, after ousting De Gaulle, a military dictatorship in France under their leadership would offer West Germany important political and economic concessions. The French generals and the big business and finance tycoons who backed them regarded de Gaulle’s attitude to the trade unions and left-wing movements as too conciliatory. France was plagued by recurrent strikes and riots; if de Gaulle failed there was, in their opinion, a real danger of a communist revolution. . . .”
. . . . The French had found succour in Germany for several years in their fight against Algerian nationalists. But Gehlen turned against General de Gaulle after he executed a volte-face and offered independence to the Algerians. He regarded de Gaulle’s decision as opening the door to communism in North Africa . . . . Thus, Gehlen sided with the French generals who staged the revolt against the French President. Gehlen was in full accord with the politicians such as Georges Bidault and Jacques Soustelle who had turned against de Gaulle and supported the OAS organisation, aimed at preventing the independence of Algeria. When Bidault and Soustelle and other OAS sought refuge from arrest from the French police, Gehlen advised chancellor Kiesinger that there was no reason for refusing their request.
Gehlen had close contacts with the leaders of the anti-Gaullist rebellion. On June 15, 1961 General Raoul Salan had a secret meeting with Gehlen at a villa in Schwabing, used by BND for clandestine purposes. Earlier he had already met General Maurice Challe, the chief author of the generals’ Putsch in Algiers. Two other OAS leaders, Joseph Ortiz and Pierre Lagaillarde, accused in Paris of having been involved in several attempts at the assassination of General de Gaulle also found refuge in Germany—with Gehlen’s help, according to subsequent disclosures in French newspapers. In supporting the OAS activities and protecting its fugitive leaders, Gehlen had acted in direct opposition to Adenauer’s avowed policy, which supported DeGaulle. An explanation for Gehlen’s attitude was advanced in the French press; General Salan and his fellow conspirators had assured Gehlen that, after ousting De Gaulle, a military dictatorship in France under their leadership would offer West Germany important political and economic concessions. The French generals and the big business and finance tycoons who backed them regarded de Gaulle’s attitude to the trade unions and left-wing movements as too conciliatory. France was plagued by recurrent strikes and riots; if de Gaulle failed there was, in their opinion, a real danger of a communist revolution. This must have been Gehlen’s main reason for supporting the OAS. Eventually, de Gaulle made peace with the generals. Gehlen, however continued to make sure that he received secret information from Paris.
When the question of his continuation in office was still being discussed by Chancellor Kiesinger and his social democratic coalition partners during the winter of 1967–8, another affair in which Gehlen was deeply involved burst into the newspaper headlines; a high official at the French ministry of the interior was arrested, accused of being an agent of a foreign power. He was sixty-one-year-old Maurice Picard, a former chief of the ministry’s secret security department and later its civil defence director. At first, it was believed that he had supplied information to Soviet agents, although he was known for his extreme right-wing views. Soon afterwards, Paris newspapers revealed that the “foreign power” in question was the German Federal Republic and that Picard had been working for Gehlen for at least eight years; indeed, he may already have been connected with Pullach when the disclosures of Gehlen’s spying on Germany’s allies were made in 1958. What was even more disturbing was that Picard had been a “Petainist” and had collaborated with the Nazis during the war. In 1945, he succeeded in exonerating himself and eventually reached high rank in the government service. . . .
10. Next, the program illustrates the deep political foundation of the events described in Coup in Dallas  by detailing the relationship between the De Wendels and the Rochlings (as well as other German industrialists). (The Ruhr is a traditional coal-producing region, with strong economic links to the French steel producers of the Lorraine district.) This relationship transcended French national interests, and worked to subvert them at times. The De Wendel family in France had strong connections with, among others, the Rochlings in Germany. This resulted in French protection for German steel producing elements in the Briey Basin during World War I, the protection of the Rochlings from French criminal charges between the wars, and the awarding of key contracts for construction of the Maginot Line to the Rochlings prior to World War II.
. . . . . The horizontal separation of private interests from government policies went even further. The struggle of the interwar period was not simply a clash between French interests on the one side and German interests on the other. During the development of the Ruhr-Lorraine industrial complex, like-minded industrialists in France and Germany had become directors of jointly owned and jointly controlled financial, industrial, and distributing enterprises. In many cases common views on questions of economic organization, labor policy, social legislation, and attitude toward government had been far more important to the industrialists than differences of nationality or citizenship. After 1870 the interdependence of the French and German iron and steel industries led the owners to work together despite national differences, although the private activities of the French owners were, in many instances, in direct opposition to French public policy. It is curious to note that only the French appeared to have this conflict between public policy and private activities. On the German side, complete co-ordination seems to have been preserved between national and private interests; between officials of the German Republic and the leaders of German industry and finance. . . .
. . . . During World War I the de Wendels, the influential French-German banking and industrial family which headed the French wing of the International Steel Cartel through their Comite des Forges and whose members had sat in the parliaments of both France and Germany, were able to keep the French army from destroying industrial plants belonging to the German enterprises of the Rochling family. These plants were located in the Briey Basin, a Lorraine ore field then in German control. . . .
. . . . The Rochling family, with their powerful complex of coal, iron, steel and banking enterprises in Germany, has for generations played in close harmony with the de Wendel family. For a century, the descendants of Christian Rochling have dominated the industry and commerce of the Saar Basin. It was Hermann Rochling who arranged the return of the Saar to Germany in the plebiscite of January 1935 by organizing the Deutsche Front, which delivered 90 percent of the votes to the Nazis. Though seventy-two members of the Rochling family have survived two world wars and are still active in the business of the Saar today, two other members of the family, Hermann and his brother Robert, a major, had been put in charge of production in the Briey Basin. After the war, when the brothers Rochling moved out of the areas which had to be ceded to France under the Treaty, the two of them carried away bodily a couple of large steel plants. . . .
. . . . Conceiving this grand larceny to be something in the nature of a war crime, the French government tried the brothers Rochling in absentia and sentenced them to forty years in prison. But the German government never would give up the Rochlings to the French. For the next twenty-two years the brothers were under this cloud as far as the French government was concerned. On the other hand, as far as the French steel makers’ association, the Comite des Forges, and in particular the de Wendels who headed the Comite, were concerned, it was business as usual-or in this case, business as unusual-that prevailed. In the end even the French government weakened for business purposes, though the war-crime sentence remained. When it came time for France to build its impregnable Maginot Line, who should be called in to supply steel and technical assistance but the German firm of the brothers Rochling. If the French behaved in this as did the Americans during World War II in the case of insurance coverage on war plants, they doubtless placed plenty of guards to protect the security and secrecy of the Maginot Line construction from the prying eyes of the general public while the blueprints rested safely in the hands of the only people to whom they mattered: to wit, the enemy. . . .
. . . . Now comes the outbreak of World War II. The French army marching into the Saar during the ‘phony war’ period in 1939, received orders not to fire on or damage the plants of the ‘war criminals,’ the brothers Rochling. In 1940 came the blitz and the fall of France. The Vichy government passed a decree exonerating the Rochlings and canceling their forty-year prison sentences. . . .
15. The Franco-German steel cartel, in turn, was part of an international steel cartel featuring the Thyssen firm Vereinigte Stahlwerke (later Thyssen A.G.).
Generations of the Bush family were involved with the Thyssen business interests, which became one of the primary cogs of the Bormann flight capital organization.
. . . . The mid-twenties were remarkable for German industrial combination. They marked the formation of the United Steel Works in Germany, as a combination of the four biggest steel producers Ernst Poensgen, Fritz Thyssen, Otto Wolff, and the others who drew this combine together had managed to get over a hundred million dollars from private investors in the United States. Dillon Read & Company, the New York investment house which brought Clarence Dillon, James V. Forrestal, William H. Draper, Jr., and others into prominence, floated the United Steel Works bonds in the United States behind a glowing prospectus which declared that the United Steel Works Corporation (Vereinigte Stahlwerke) ‘will be the largest industrial unit in Europe and one of the largest manufacturers of iron and steel in the world, ranking in productive capacity second only to the United States Steel Corporation.’ The formation of United Steel gave its management tremendous power in Germany: enough to carry through without delay the organization of the German domestic steel cartel, and to guarantee the ‘good behavior’ of all German steel companies in their agreements with foreign firms. . . .
16. The account of the actions of the French Fifth Column relies heavily on the account provided by Pierre Cot, the French minister of aviation under the Leon Blum government. In his 1944 book Triumph of Treason, Cot discussed the subversion of the French military resistance to the Germans by members of the armed forces sympathetic to the fascist cause. The Vichy government then undertook to pin the stunning military defeat on the Blum government, instead of the conspiratorial activities of some of its own sympathizers.
. . . . First of all, it was necessary to ‘preserve the honor of the Army.’ General Weygand thundered these words like a command. He used, unconsciously, the same terms that leaders of the French Army had invoked during the Dreyfus affair to prevent public opinion from discovering their critical mistakes. ‘Preserve the honor of the Army,’ to French military men, is to secure by every means-including those outlawed by moral law and the Penal Code-the defense of the military corporation. The question of the responsibility of military leaders in the military defeat of France either had to be evaded or posed in distorted terms. To ‘preserve the honor of the Army,’ the scapegoats of the defeat had to be chosen from the political personnel of the Third Republic. . . .
17. The combination of ineptitude and deliberate subversion by elements of the armed forces was relatively well known at the time.
. . . . In truth, at the end of June, 1940, the question of who was responsible was in everyone’s mind. In the two weeks preceding the armistice, I was in touch with the crowd of refugees that slowly and painfully followed the roads southward. In the offices of the prefects, in the town halls, restaurants, and relief centers, I listened to many conversations received many confidences, heard many opinions. Opinions differed on governmental policy, but all agreed in denouncing the blunders of the French General Staff. The country was unanimous, not against Blum, Daladier, or me, nor even against Laval, Pierre-Etienne Flandin, Georges Bonnet, or Jacques Doriot, but against the generals who had been incapable of understanding the conditions of modern warfare and who were guilty of not knowing the rudiments of their profession. ‘Just as before 1914 they had prepared for the war of 1870,’ the people said, ‘before 1939 they prepared for the war of 1914.’ . . . .
18. French enlisted personnel in the ranks of the military were among the most severe of the critics of the Fifth Column in the general staff, aristocracy and corporate elite.
. . . . The severest condemnation came from the soldiers. Lost on the roads in pursuit of dispersed divisions and phantom regiments, thrown together with the refugees whose uncertainties and anxieties they share, the men in uniform cursed the conduct of their leaders. They repeated that they never had been schooled in the techniques of modern warfare, especially in the combined use of tanks and aviation, and they were amazed at the ineptness of their commanders in the battles of May and June. They asked why the Meuse and Seine bridges had not been blown up before the arrival of German motorized columns; why Paris had not been defended street by street, as the Spanish Republicans had defended Madrid (and as the Russians were to defend Stalingrad); and they wanted to know why more than half of the tanks and airplanes had been left in the rear-in Orleans, Toulouse, Lyon, North Africa-instead of being massed for a counterattack that might have changed everything. They knew that the depots were bursting with the cannon, airplanes, and equipment they had needed. . . .
19. General Weygand appears to have helped husband French military resources to combat domestic “revolutionaries” instead of the German invaders.
. . . . One began to hear quoted the disturbing remarks with which General Weygand had tried to persuade the cabinet to ask for an armistice: that he needed his tanks to master the revolutionary elements, if it should become necessary. That is to say, the Commander-in-Chief of the French Army preferred fighting French workers to throwing all his forces against the German troops. The soldiers praised the bravery of certain leaders-Giraud, Lestien, De Gaulle, Lucien, Delattre de Tassigny, and many others-but they declared that most of the officers had been the first to flee. ‘They left in automobiles and we left on foot,’ they said, talking about those officers, faithful followers of l’Action Francaise, Je Suis Partout, Gringoire, and other Fascist newspapers which had said in various forms, during the winter, that this was a democratic war and consequently did not interest them. . . .
. . . . Their anger was legitimate. It was inexplicable, after all, that the General Staff, after deciding to abandon Paris and thus opening the east to the Germans, had not ordered the troops which occupied the Maginot Line to fall back toward the south. More than a million men, the best of the French Army, were caught in the German trap, a disaster which could have been prevented by an order from General Weygand. . . .
21. The Vichy government featured prominent French fascists and collaborationist members of the Fifth Column.
. . . . By its composition, the government of Vichy was representative not of the French people but of the General Staff. Its first cabinets were headed by Petain, the spiritual leader of the French Army, the man who had played the most important part in the preparation of the war and in the formation of the General Staff. And these cabinets were composed largely of members of the General Staff-General Weygand, General Pujo, Admiral Darlan, General Huntzinger, General Bergeret, and Admiral Platon. As the French proverb says, ‘the wolves do not eat each other! . . .
22. Cot discusses in detail the appointment of Cagoulard fascists to positions of influence within the Vichy government.
. . . . To their astonishment the French people saw Petain slowly fill the most important posts of authority in local, departmental, and central administrations with men who had taken part in the Cagoulard plot, with those who had repeated the infamous refrain ‘rather Hitler than Leon Blum,’ and even with some of those who before or during the war had been arrested for treasonable domestic and foreign activities. The people were applying to the government the old proverb, ‘tell me who your friends are and I’ll tell you who you are.’ They were alarmed to see Vichy employ for its most delicate missions Ferdinand de Brinon, Jean Montigny, Jean Goy, Jean Luchaire, and Gaston Henry-Haye-members of the Comite France-Allemagne, an organization which, before the war, had been inspired and financed by Otto Abetz, after 1940 Hitler’s Ambassador in Paris. They learned with fury that on the night of the armistice, when France was in mourning, Frenchmen and Frenchwomen of the aristocracy, high finance, and industry had drunk at Bordeaux to the defeat which had rid them of the nightmare of democracy and the Popular Front. The people understood that the Fifth Column in France, as in Spain, had opened the door to Hitler’s agents. And they watched with awe the agents of the Fifth Column become masters of France, the France of Petain, Weygand, and Laval. . . .
23. The program highlights Cot’s account of the use of Fifth Column activity by fascists in the 1930s and 1940s. (AFA 10  contains an account of the 1934 coup attempt in the United States by powerful economic interests who hated Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal.)
. . . . The activity of the Fifth Column will not be considered by historians a special phenomenon of French public life, but as an integral part of Fascism. The Fifth Column has appeared wherever Fascism has tried to gain a foothold. It was at work in Spain, Austria, and Czechoslovakia before it turned up in France, and there are Fifth Columns in the United States, India, and Latin America. By the Fifth Column I do not mean only spies and licensed traitors. The Fifth Column includes all who, by accepting fascist doctrines or methods, become the conscious or unconscious accomplices of a foreign power.
Treason and complicity have their degrees and nuances. The General Staff of the Fifth column consists principally of ambitious men who try to seize power by destroying or paralyzing the democratic system. The body of the Fifth Column is composed of people who think they are saving their country from the ‘communist menace’ or from ‘British imperialism,’ and who do not even know in whose favor their actions are operating. Through hate of the Popular Front, good Frenchmen, or men who considered themselves such, served Hitler gratuitously by doing work to which they would never have consented, had they had been offered payment.
Why? Because they detested the Republic and democracy more than they loved France. They accepted the idea of the defeat as a necessary evil which permitted them to rid France of the democratic system and to keep in power, in the neighboring countries, the Fascist dictators whom they considered solely capable of maintaining order in Europe. They then became unconscious collaborators of these dictators. They thought they were doing their duty in letting Hitler free France from the ‘Judeo-Masonic’ influence, and Europe from the Communist peril. These people who had never read Marx, considered the ‘Marxist danger’ more immediate than the Hitlerian. They preferred the risks of an entente with a victorious Hitler to the risks of a democratic victory that would cause the collapse of the Fascist dictators in Europe. Considering Hitler in Germany, Mussolini in Italy, and Franco in Spain as knights of an anti-Bolshevist crusade, they became precursors and later partisans of ‘collaboration with Hitler’s New Order.’
24. More about the Fifth Column, which used the ideological tenet of “anti-Communism” to justify their operations.
. . . . Enough evidence has been published already to prove that France was stabbed in the back by those who saw in Hitler the new St. George who would slay the Communist dragon. When Pierre Lazareff, former editor-in-chief of Paris Soir (the French newspaper with the widest circulation), reports royalists as saying: ‘We need the defeat to wipe out the Republic;’ when Elie Bois, former editor of the Petit Parisien (the most influential political newspaper), reports great industrialists ad admitting to him, during the winter of 1939–1940, that a plot had been organized to replace the democratic regime by a ‘government of authority’ and that this plot presupposed a Nazi victory. . .We have every reason to accept their affirmations, which tally so perfectly with the events. . . .
25. Cot characterizes the operations and ideology of the French Fifth Column as representative of actions by like-minded interests around the world, including the U.S.
. . . . No, France received no exceptional treatment from Hitler and Fascism. A general plan coordinated the activity of the Fifth Columns all over the world. All were recruited from the same circles and had the same social and political composition. The object was the same everywhere: to divide and unnerve public opinion, weaken the resistance of the regime, and prepare a governmental group ready to execute a Fascist coup d’etat at a moment of trouble or confusion. The methods were the same everywhere: cultivation of the seeds of disunity which normally exist among free men and in free countries, exaggeration and inflammation of all racial and religious conflicts, all class rivalries, all political antagonisms, gradual conversion of opposition and dissent into hate, creation of an atmosphere of civil war. The means used were the same everywhere: campaigns of calumny against the democratic leaders capable of opposing Fascism (Blum in France, Roosevelt in the United States), the development of anti-Semitism, because anti-Semitism is the first manifestation of racism and contains in petto the whole doctrine of Hitler, use of the fear of Communism among the middle classes, because anti-Communism is the best way to prevent the union of all anti-Fascist forces. This last device has been the most efficacious; the fear of Communism has become, in European and American politics of recent years, a much more important factor than Communism itself. . . .
26. After the war, the “business as usual” pattern between the French Fifth Columnists of the Ruhr-Lorraine complex and their German counterparts resumed. Once again, the De Wendels were at the forefront of events.
. . . . Along with the unease, the fact that France has lingering and serious social and political ailments is a residue of World War II and of an economic occupation that was never really terminated with the withdrawal of German troops beyond the Rhine. It was this special economic relationship between German and French industrialists that made it possible for Friedrich Flick to arrange with the De Wendel steel firm in France for purchase of his shares in his Ruhr coal combine for $45 million, which was to start him once more on the road back to wealth and power, after years in prison following his conviction at Nuremberg. . . .