Spitfire List Web site and blog of anti-fascist researcher and radio personality Dave Emory.

For The Record  

FTR#‘s 1316 & 1317 Fireside Rant about the Gaza War and Israeli Palestinian Conflict Parts 1 and 2

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FTR#1316 This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

FTR#1317 This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

NB: This descrip­tion con­tains mate­r­i­al not fea­tured in the broad­casts them­selves.

Intro­duc­tion: Mr. Emory has long found dis­cus­sion of the Israeli-Pales­tin­ian con­flict deeply frus­trat­ing. Attacked by par­ti­sans from both sides, he deliv­ers an inci­sive analy­sis of some key points.

This will be the last two pro­grams in which he deals with this issue.

Key Points of Analy­sis and Dis­cus­sion Include: A link to a pro­gram record­ed in 1983, dis­cussing fas­cist-Zion­ist con­nec­tions; Dis­cus­sion of a Gehlen-Dulles mis­sion to staff the Egypt­ian intel­li­gence ser­vice with Nazi war crim­i­nals, includ­ing Adolf Eich­mann; Dis­cus­sion of “Bor­mann Jews;” Read­ing of the Hamas Char­ter, which is undi­lut­ed Nazi ide­ol­o­gy; A break­down of Netanyahu’s con­nec­tions to the milieu of the remark­able and dead­ly Bor­mann orga­ni­za­tion; Dis­cus­sion of the con­cen­tra­tion of eco­nom­ic pow­er in Israel; Dis­cus­sion of Shel­don Adel­son’s bankrolling of the Israeli right-wing; Dis­cus­sion of Adel­son’s Macau casi­no busi­ness as the ori­gin of his mon­ey; Dis­cus­sion of Macau as an inter­na­tion­al gold laun­der­ing cen­ter; Dis­cus­sion of Por­tuguese fas­cism (Macau was a Por­tuguese colony until the late 1990s); Dis­cus­sion of short-sell­ing in the Israeli stock mar­ket in the run-up to the Octo­ber 7 attacks; Dis­cus­sion of the Likud par­ty’s send­ing of an emis­sary to the nation­al con­gress of Gian­fran­co Fini’s Ital­ian fas­cist par­ty; Review of the Grand Mufi’s rank of Major Gen­er­al in the Waf­fen SS and his role as the first leader of the Pales­tin­ian nation­al move­ment.

1a. https://emory.kfjc.org/archive/misc/m_30a.mp3

1b. One pos­si­ble rea­son for the CIA’s reluc­tance to dis­close Eichmann’s where­abouts is the fact that Eich­mann worked for the CIA as a “con­tract agent” in Egypt! (A con­tract agent is an oper­a­tive who signs on to per­form an indi­vid­ual assign­ment for the CIA—as opposed to a career employ­ee or CIA “offi­cer.”) Eich­mann was one of a num­ber of SS war crim­i­nals who worked to devel­op the Egypt­ian secret ser­vice and gen­er­al staff on a mis­sion that was launched under the aus­pices of Gen­er­al Rein­hard Gehlen and his CIA boss, Allen Dulles. In charge of intel­li­gence for the East­ern Front dur­ing World War II, Gehlen jumped to the CIA with his entire orga­ni­za­tion, which became the CIA’s depart­ment of Russ­ian and East­ern Euro­pean affairs, the de fac­to NATO intel­li­gence orga­ni­za­tion and, ulti­mate­ly the BND—the intel­li­gence ser­vice for the Fed­er­al Repub­lic of Ger­many. The Gehlen orga­ni­za­tion retained all of its Nazi char­ac­ter, uti­liz­ing many of the most noto­ri­ous SS offi­cers and war crim­i­nals. The Gehlen/Dulles oper­a­tion that employed Eich­mann was real­ized under the aus­pices of SS colonel Otto Sko­rzeny. Sko­rzeny had been in charge of com­man­do oper­a­tions for the Third Reich, was one of Hitler’s per­son­al favorites and was a leader of the post­war ODESSA network—the dead­ly SS under­ground that oper­at­ed around the world. For more about Sko­rzeny, ODESSA, Gehlen and oth­er ele­ments of dis­cus­sion, use the search func­tion avail­able on this web­site. Note how Sko­rzeny, oper­at­ing under the aus­pices of CIA and Gehlen, was able to pro­mote a Nazi and fas­cist agen­da in Egypt! As we shall see below, the Gehlen orga­ni­za­tion was a Tro­jan Horse for the Under­ground Reich.

. . . If there were any doubts that Skorzeny’s alle­giance to the Unit­ed States was of an oppor­tunist nature and tem­po­rary, they were dis­pelled by his actions in Egypt and the Mideast. Even his deep hatred of the Sovi­ets was for­got­ten when it inter­fered with his per­son­al ambi­tions. Egypt pre­sent­ed Sko­rzeny the oppor­tu­ni­ty to pro­mote fas­cism; to estab­lish a Nazi clique whose influ­ence would be felt by the West Ger­man gov­ern­ment to restore Ger­man pres­tige in the Mideast, and to become a wealthy man. He didn’t allow the oppor­tu­ni­ty to pass . . .


Sko­rzeny: Hitler’s Com­man­do; by Glenn Infield; St. Martin’s Press [HC]; Copy­right 1981 by Glenn B. Infield; ISBN; 0–312-72777–1; p. 205.

1c. A CIA-sup­port­ed coup in Egypt oust­ed King Farouk and replaced him with Gen­er­al Naguib and Gamal Abdel Nass­er. The lat­ter even­tu­al­ly became Egypt’s head of state. Dulles want­ed to retain U.S. influ­ence in Egypt and turned to Gehlen to recruit per­son­nel suit­able for the job. Gehlen turned to Sko­rzeny and his father in law Hjal­mar Horace Gree­ley Schacht, the Amer­i­can-born for­mer finance min­is­ter of Ger­many. 

. . . The CIA, under the influ­ence of Allen Dulles, select­ed Egypt­ian army Gen­er­al Mohammed Naguib to head the gov­ern­ment. . . . The takeover of the coun­try by Naguib, with Nass­er play­ing the role of a shad­owy dic­ta­tor in the back­ground, opened the door wide for the three silent con­spir­a­tors of Hitler’s regime: Gehlen, Schacht, and Sko­rzeny. As Gehlen stat­ed in his mem­oirs: ‘We found Arab coun­tries par­tic­u­lar­ly will­ing to embrace Ger­mans with an osten­si­bly ‘Nazi’ past.’ And Naguib was quick to ask for help. Since his revolt had the back­ing of the CIA and he was aware that Gehlen was col­lab­o­rat­ing with the U.S. intel­li­gence agency, his request for some­one to train his secu­ri­ty forces went to Pul­lach, Gehlen’s head­quar­ters south of Munich. Gehlen and Schacht were in com­plete agree­ment that the man for the job was Otto Sko­rzeny. Dulles, aware of Skorzeny’s anti-Sovi­et role dur­ing the imme­di­ate post­war years when the West­ern nations des­per­ate­ly need­ed help, con­curred. Sko­rzeny went to Egypt as Naguib’s mil­i­tary advi­sor. It was a deci­sion the Unit­ed States would regret in lat­er years.

Ibid.; pp. 205–206.

1d. Again, note that the Gehlen/Skorzeny/Schacht milieu was able to pur­sue an essen­tial­ly Nazi agen­da under the aus­pices of CIA/Dulles. As will be seen below, many U.S. offi­cials were unaware of the Sko­rzeny mis­sion, and report­ed on devel­op­ments in Egypt with great alarm.

There was, of course, anoth­er rea­son for­mer Nazis were quick to accept the Egypt­ian invi­ta­tion. It once again pit­ted them against the Jews and the new­ly estab­lished Israeli nation. As the Jud­is­che Rund­schau stat­ed in 1951: ‘As for Skorzeny’s anti-Semit­ic and fas­cist propen­si­ties, this is undoubt­ed­ly true. Sko­rzeny read­i­ly admits his strong anti-Semi­tism.’ Gehlen, too, had reser­va­tions about the rela­tion­ship between the new West Ger­man gov­ern­ment and Israel. ‘I have always regard­ed it as some­thing of a tragedy that West Ger­many was inevitably dragged into an alliance with the state of Israel against the Arab coun­tries,’ he stat­ed in his mem­oirs. ‘I always regard­ed their [Arabs] tra­di­tion­al friend­ship for Ger­many as of immense val­ue for our nation­al recon­struc­tion. And at the request of Allen Dulles and the CIA, we at Pul­lach did our best to inject life and exper­tise into the Egypt­ian secret ser­vice, sup­ply­ing them with the for­mer SS offi­cers I have men­tioned.’

(Ibid.; p. 207.)

1e. The per­son­nel with whom Skorzeny’s Nazis worked were open­ly admir­ing of the Third Reich.

. . . . If there was any doubt that Naguib was pro-Ger­man, his pub­lic state­ments cleared up the mis­un­der­stand­ing. ‘I want you to believe me when I say that I have not changed the great admi­ra­tion I have for the Ger­mans. Their effi­cien­cy, their extra­or­di­nary gifts as sci­en­tists and tech­ni­cians, and their loy­al­ty are quite unique. I have been notic­ing all these qual­i­ties in recent times, watch­ing the work of the Ger­man offi­cers and experts in my army.’ Dr. Nored­dine Tar­raf, one of Naguib’s most impor­tant sup­port­ers and lat­er Min­is­ter of Health, was even more explic­it when speak­ing of the Ger­mans, par­tic­u­lar­ly the Nazis. ‘Hitler is the man of my life. The Ger­man dic­ta­tor had been an ide­al leader who ded­i­cat­ed his life to the real­iza­tion of his noble ambi­tion. He nev­er lived for him­self but for Ger­many and the Ger­man peo­ple. I have always wished to live like him.’

Idem.

1f. 

. . . . Sko­rzeny felt at ease among Egypt­ian offi­cials with this atti­tude. His first task was to orga­nize a staff of for­mer SS and Wehrma­cht offi­cers to train the Egypt­ian army and secu­ri­ty forces. He select­ed care­ful­ly, mak­ing cer­tain that each offi­cer he brought to Egypt was a diehard Nazi, an expert mil­i­tary tac­ti­cian, and was anti-Semit­ic. Among those recruit­ed by Sko­rzeny were SS Gen­er­al Oskar Dirlewanger, who had com­mand­ed a brigade com­posed of poach­ers, crim­i­nals, and men under the sen­tence of court-mar­tial dur­ing the War­saw ghet­to upris­ing and whose actions against the Jews had earned him the nick­name ‘Butch­er of War saw’; SS Colonel Adolf Eich­mann, the offi­cer Himm­ler charged with the destruc­tion of mil­lions of Jews and who lat­er would be kid­napped from Argenti­na by the Israeli secret ser­vice and smug­gled back to Israel to stand tri­al [Ital­ics are Mr. Emory’s]; SS Gen­er­al Wil­helm Farm­bach­er; Panz­er Gen­er­al Oskar Mun­zel; Leopold Gleim, for­mer chief of Hitler’s per­son­al guard and Gestapo secu­ri­ty chief of Ger­man-occu­pied Poland; and Joachim Daem­ling, for­mer chief of the Gestapo in Dus­sel­dorf. To han­dle med­ical prob­lems, Sko­rzzeny recruit­ed Dr. Hans Eise­le, who had been chief med­ical offi­cer at Buchen­wald con­cen­tra­tion camp, and Hein­rich Willer­man, for­mer med­ical direc­tor at Dachau. . . .

Ibid.; pp. 207–208.

1g.  The para­graphs that fol­low are of great sig­nif­i­cance. Indica­tive of the mul­ti-polar tex­ture of the U.S. polit­i­cal and nation­al secu­ri­ty bureau­cra­cies, many Amer­i­can oper­a­tives report­ed with great alarm on the Nazi recrude­s­cence in Egypt. They were unaware of the CIA/Dulles/Gehlen/Skorzeny col­lab­o­ra­tion.

. . . . U.S. offi­cials, many of them unaware that Allen Dulles had encour­aged Gehlen to pro­vide Naguib with Ger­man mil­i­tary advis­ers, became wor­ried when so many infa­mous Nazi offi­cers appeared in Egypt. Even Dulles became con­cerned when it was report­ed to him that Sko­rzeny was meet­ing often with Gamal Abdel Nass­er, the Egypt­ian army lieu­tenant colonel who seemed to be giv­ing more orders than Naguib. A secret let­ter, Embassy Dis­patch 2276, from Jef­fer­son Caf­fery of the U.S. Embassy in Cairo to the Depart­ment of State in Wash­ing­ton, indi­cates that inquiries con­cern­ing Skorzeny’s activ­i­ties in Egypt were being con­duct­ed. ‘On June 14, the local press announced that Otto Sko­rzeny had an hour’s inter­view with Gamal Abdel Nass­er on June 12. Aside from recall­ing that he was in charge of the spe­cial com­man­do unit which kid­napped Mus­soli­ni and point­ing out his expe­ri­ence in the train­ing of com­man­dos, the press gave no fur­ther details. The Coun­sel of the Ger­man Embassy states that he and his col­leagues had no pre­vi­ous infor­ma­tion con­cern­ing the vis­it. They are try­ing now through con­tacts among the Ger­man Mil­i­tary Mis­sion to find out what Sko­rzeny is up to. The Ger­man Coun­selor remarked that it was dif­fi­cult to keep track of this indi­vid­ual because he resides in Spain, but the Ger­man Embassy knew that when he was here the last time, four or five months ago, he talked to the Egyp­tians about the sup­ply­ing of small arms and the train­ing of the com­man­dos. On the gen­er­al sub­ject of the activ­i­ties of Ger­man offi­cers in Egypt, the Ger­man Coun­selor said that a for­eign office offi­cial came to Egypt recent­ly to inves­ti­gate them fol­low­ing Sir Win­ston Churchill’s speech in which he men­tioned their activ­i­ties. . . .’

Ibid.; pp. 208–209.

1f.  Note that the Ger­man gov­ern­ment, under Kon­rad Ade­nauer and his emi­nence grise Hans Globke (see para­graph 4), active­ly pro­tect­ed the Sko­rzeny oper­a­tion. And Eich­mann was used as part of the Sko­rzeny oper­a­tion! It is fas­ci­nat­ing to note that the first Pales­tin­ian ter­ror­ist unites were formed under the tute­lage of Sko­rzeny!

 . . . . This secret dis­patch and oth­ers that fol­lowed from Egypt indi­cate that U.S. offi­cials and even CIA agents were woe­ful­ly unaware of what the Nazis were real­ly doing in Egypt. The Ade­nauer gov­ern­ment was well aware of Skorzeny’s pres­ence in Egypt and con­doned his actions on behalf of the new Fed­er­al Repub­lic of Ger­many. The pre­tend­ed ‘igno­rance’ of the Ger­man Coun­selor was mere­ly a face-sav­ing move and an effort to deceive the U.S. Embassy. . . . Sko­rzeny was already train­ing an Arab for­eign legion in com­man­do tac­tics. This secret unit was com­prised of 400 for­mer Nazis and Gestapo vet­er­ans and used a train­ing base at Bil­beis in the Delta. He also helped orga­nize and train the first Pales­tine ter­ror­ists and planned their ini­tial for­ays into Israel by way of the Gaza Strip about 1953–1954. . . . [Empha­sis added.]

Ibid.; p. 209.

2. Bor­man­n’s busi­ness oper­a­tions have includ­ed Jew­ish par­tic­i­pants as a mat­ter of strate­gic intent. In turn, this has giv­en the Bor­mann orga­ni­za­tion con­sid­er­able influ­ence in Israel.

. . . . Since the found­ing of Israel, the Fed­er­al Repub­lic of Ger­many had paid out 85.3 bil­lion marks, by the end of 1977, to sur­vivors of the Holo­caust. East Ger­many ignores any such lia­bil­i­ty. From South Amer­i­ca, where pay­ment must be made with sub­tle­ty, the Bor­mann orga­ni­za­tion has made a sub­stan­tial con­tri­bu­tion. It has drawn many of the bright­est Jew­ish busi­ness­men into a par­tic­i­pa­to­ry role in the devel­op­ment of many of its cor­po­ra­tions, and many of these Jews share their pros­per­i­ty most gen­er­ous­ly with Israel. If their pro­pos­als are sound, they are even pro­vid­ed with a spe­cial­ly dis­pensed ven­ture cap­i­tal fund. I spoke with one Jew­ish busi­ness­man in Hart­ford, Con­necti­cut. He had arrived there quite unknown sev­er­al years before our con­ver­sa­tion, but with Bor­mann mon­ey as his lever­age. Today he is more than a mil­lion­aire, a qui­et leader in the com­mu­ni­ty with a cer­tain share of his prof­its ear­marked, as always, for his ven­ture cap­i­tal bene­fac­tors. This has tak­en place in many oth­er instances across Amer­i­ca and demon­strates how Bor­man­n’s peo­ple oper­ate in the con­tem­po­rary com­mer­cial world, in con­trast to the fan­ci­ful non­sense with which Nazis are described in so much ‘lit­er­a­ture.’ So much empha­sis is placed on select Jew­ish par­tic­i­pa­tion in Bor­mann com­pa­nies that when Adolf Eich­mann was seized and tak­en to Tel Aviv to stand tri­al, it pro­duced a shock wave in the Jew­ish and Ger­man com­mu­ni­ties of Buenos Aires. Jew­ish lead­ers informed the Israeli author­i­ties in no uncer­tain terms that this must nev­er hap­pen again because a rep­e­ti­tion would per­ma­nent­ly rup­ture rela­tions with the Ger­mans of Latin Amer­i­ca, as well as with the Bor­mann orga­ni­za­tion, and cut off the flow of Jew­ish mon­ey to Israel. It nev­er hap­pened again, and the pur­suit of Bor­mann qui­et­ed down at the request of these Jew­ish lead­ers. He is resid­ing in an Argen­tine safe haven, pro­tect­ed by the most effi­cient Ger­man infra­struc­ture in his­to­ry as well as by all those whose pros­per­i­ty depends on his well-being. Per­son­al invi­ta­tion is the only way to reach him. . . .

Mar­tin Bor­mann: Nazi in Exile; Paul Man­ning; Copy­right 1981 [HC]; Lyle Stu­art Inc.; ISBN 0–8184-0309–8; pp. 226–227.

3. The pro­gram relates an inci­dent in which orga­nized crime king­pin Mey­er Lan­sky tried to black­mail the Bor­mann group, which result­ed in his removal from Israel.

. . . . A reveal­ing insight into this inter­na­tion­al finan­cial and indus­tri­al net­work was giv­en me by a mem­ber of the Bor­mann orga­ni­za­tion resid­ing in West Ger­many. Mey­er Lan­sky, he said, the finan­cial advi­sor to the Las Vegas—Miami under­world sent a mes­sage to Bor­mann through my West Ger­man SS con­tact. Lan­sky promised that if he received a piece of Bor­man­n’s action he would keep the Israeli agents off Bor­man­n’s back. ‘I have a very good rela­tion with the Israeli secret police’ was his claim, although he was to be kicked out of Israel when his pres­ence became too noted—and also at the urg­ing of Bor­man­n’s secu­ri­ty chief in South Amer­i­ca. At the time Lan­sky was in the pent­house suite of Jerusalem’s King David Hotel, in which he owned stock. He had fled to Israel to evade a U.S. fed­er­al war­rant for his arrest. He sent his mes­sage to Bor­mann through his bag man in Switzer­land, John Pull­man, also want­ed in the Unit­ed States on a fed­er­al war­rant. Lan­sky told Pull­man to make this offer ‘which he can’t refuse.’ The offer was for­ward­ed to Buenos Aires, where it was greet­ed with laugh­ter. When the laugh­ter died down, it was replaced with action. Mey­er was evict­ed from Israel and was told by Swiss author­i­ties to stay out of their coun­try, so he flew to South Amer­i­ca. There he offered any pres­i­dent who would give him asy­lum a cool $1 mil­lion in cash. He was turned down every­where and had to con­tin­ue his flight to Mia­mi, where U.S. mar­shals, alert­ed, were wait­ing to take him into cus­tody. . . .

Ibid.; pp. 227–228.

4. Next, the pro­gram presents the read­ing of long text excerpts con­tained in this post.

5. Then again, this should come as no sur­prise. Exam­ine the Hamas char­ter. The doc­u­men­t’s text has very lit­tle at all to do with Islam and is, for all intents and pur­pos­es, undi­lut­ed Nazi ide­ol­o­gy.

For our strug­gle against the Jews is extreme­ly wide-rang­ing and grave, so much so that it will need all the loy­al efforts we can wield, to be fol­lowed by fur­ther steps and rein­forced by suc­ces­sive bat­tal­ions from the mul­ti­far­i­ous Arab and Islam­ic world, until the ene­mies are defeat­ed and Allah’s vic­to­ry pre­vails. …The prophet, prayer and peace be upon him, said: The time will not come until Mus­lims will fight the Jews (and kill them); until the Jews hide behind rocks and trees, which will cry: O Mus­lim! there is a Jew hid­ing behind me, come on and kill him!

The ene­mies have been schem­ing for a long time, and they have con­sol­i­dat­ed their schemes, in order to achieve what they have achieved. They took advan­tage of key ele­ments in unfold­ing events, and accu­mu­lat­ed a huge and influ­en­tial mate­r­i­al wealth which they put to the ser­vice of imple­ment ing their dream. This wealth [per­mitted them to] take over con­trol of the world media such as news agen­cies, the press, pub­li­ca­tion hous­es, broad­cast­ing and the like. [They also used this] wealth to stir rev­o­lu­tions in var­i­ous parts of the globe in order to ful­fill their inter­ests and pick the fruits. They stood behind the French and the Com­mu­nist Rev­o­lu­tions and behind most of the rev­o­lu­tions we hear about here and there.

They also used the mon­ey to estab­lish clan­des­tine orga­ni­za­tions which are spread­ing around the world, in order to destroy soci­eties and car­ry out Zion­ist inter­ests. Such orga­ni­za­tions are: the Freema­sons, Rotary Clubs, Lions Clubs, B’nai B’rith and the like. All of them are destruc­tive spy­ing orga­ni­za­tions. They also used the mon­ey to take over con­trol of the Impe­ria ist states and made them col­o­nize many coun­tries in order to exploit the wealth of those coun­tries and spread their corrup­tion there­in. As regards local and world wars, it has come to pass and no one objects, that they stood behind World War I, so as to wipe out the Islam­ic Caliphate. They col­lect­ed mate­r­i­al gains and took con­trol of many sources of wealth. They obtained the Bal­four Dec­la­ra­tion and estab­lished the League of Nations in order to rule the world by means of that orga­ni­za­tion. They also stood behind World War II, where they col­lect­ed immense ben­e­fits from trad­ing with war mate­ri­als and pre­pared for the estab­lish­ment of their state. They inspired the estab­lish ment of the Unit­ed Nations and the Secu­ri­ty Coun­cil to replace the League of Nations, in order to rule the world by their inter­me­di­ary. There was no war that broke out any where with out their fin­ger prints on it…

Their scheme has been laid out in the Pro­to­cols of the Elders of Zion, and their present [con­duct] is the best proof of what is said there… With­in the cir­cle of the con­flict with world Zion­ism, the Hamas regards itself the spear head and the avant-garde. It joins its efforts to all those who are active on the Pales­tin­ian scene, but more steps need to be tak­en by the Arab and Islam­ic peo­ples and Islam­ic asso­ci­a­tions through out the Arab and Islam­ic world in order to make pos­si­ble the next round with the Jews, the mer­chants of war.

“The Hamas, MI5, BBC Axis” by Melanie Philips; 6/19/2007.

7. “Right Before Hamas Attacked Some­one Short­ed Israeli Stocks And Funds;” Moon of Alaba­ma; 12/04/23 

The Israeli Haaretz head­lines:

Did Hamas Make Bil­lions Bet­ting Against Israeli Shares Before Octo­ber 7 Mas­sacre?
Giant gam­bles against Israel on the mar­kets in Tel Aviv and Wall Street days before Hamas’ attack made bil­lions. Some­body seems to have known about the plan in advance

An archived ver­sion is now avail­able.

We know that Bat­teridge’s law of head­lines says:

Any head­line that ends in a ques­tion mark can be answered by the word no.

It was there­by not Hamas which prof­it­ed from unusu­al short posi­tions but like­ly some­one else.

The Haaretz sto­ry is based on a very recent study by two law pro­fes­sors with expe­ri­ence in mar­ket reg­u­la­tions from New York Uni­ver­si­ty and Colum­bia Uni­ver­si­ty.

A PDF file of the study, Trad­ing on Ter­ror?, is avail­able at the Haaretz site.

Its abstract says:

Recent schol­ar­ship shows that informed traders increas­ing­ly dis­guise trades in eco­nom­i­cal­ly linked secu­ri­ties such as exchange-trad­ed funds (ETFs). Link­ing that work to long­stand­ing lit­er­a­ture on finan­cial mar­kets’ reac­tions to mil­i­tary con­flict, we doc­u­ment a sig­nif­i­cant spike in short sell­ing in the prin­ci­pal Israeli-com­pa­ny ETF days before the Octo­ber 7 Hamas attack. The short sell­ing that day far exceed­ed the short sell­ing that occurred dur­ing numer­ous oth­er peri­ods of cri­sis, includ­ing the reces­sion fol­low­ing the finan­cial cri­sis, the 2014 Israel-Gaza war, and the COVID-19 pan­dem­ic.

Sim­i­lar­ly, we iden­ti­fy increas­es in short sell­ing before the attack in dozens of Israeli com­pa­nies trad­ed in Tel Aviv. For one Israeli com­pa­ny alone, 4.43 mil­lion new shares sold short over the Sep­tem­ber 14 to Octo­ber 5 peri­od yield­ed prof­its (or approx­i­mates avoid­ed loss­es) of 3.2 bil­lion NIS on that addi­tion­al short sell­ing. Although we see no aggre­gate increase in short­ing of Israeli com­pa­nies on U.S. exchanges, we do iden­ti­fy a sharp and unusu­al increase, just before the attacks, in trad­ing in risky short-dat­ed options on these com­pa­nies expir­ing just after the attacks.

We iden­ti­fy sim­i­lar pat­terns in the Israeli ETF at times when it was report­ed that Hamas was plan­ning to exe­cute a sim­i­lar attack as in Octo­ber. Our find­ings sug­gest that traders informed about the com­ing attacks prof­it­ed from these trag­ic events, and con­sis­tent with pri­or lit­er­a­ture we show that trad­ing of this kind occurs in gaps in U.S. and inter­na­tion­al enforce­ment of legal pro­hi­bi­tions on informed trad­ing. We con­tribute to the grow­ing lit­er­a­ture on trad­ing relat­ed to geopo­lit­i­cal events and offer sug­ges­tions for pol­i­cy­mak­ers con­cerned about prof­itable trad­ing on the basis of infor­ma­tion about com­ing mil­i­tary con­flict.

3.2 bil­lion New Israeli Shekel are about $800+ mil­lion. And, as I under­stand it, those only were the prof­its from a small part of the whole oper­a­tion.

I am not qual­i­fied suf­fi­cient­ly to judge the study but the quot­ed sources and data seem rea­son­able.

EIS is an exchange-trad­ed fund that tracks Israeli shares in New York. The spike in shorts vol­ume of EIS was indeed hefty.

The short options were only for a very lim­it­ed peri­od. At least some would have expired on Octo­ber 13.

So it def­i­nite­ly looks as if on Mon­day, Octo­ber 2, some­one was sure enough on that soon some­thing ‘bad’ would hap­pen to Israel. That some­one had enough mar­ket knowl­edge and mon­ey to take the risk of a false alarm in exchange for a huge poten­tial prof­it.

Who that per­son or group was is for any­one to guess.

8. “Israelis Aban­don Polit­i­cal Left Over Secu­ri­ty Con­cerns After Octo­ber 7” by Sheera Frenkel; The New York Times; 12/19/2023.

9. “Israel Found the Hamas Mon­ey Machine Years Ago. Nobody Turned It Off” by Jo Beck­er and Justin Scheck; The New York Times; 12/16/2023.

. . . . That mon­ey, Amer­i­can and Israeli offi­cials now say, helped Hamas build up its mil­i­tary infra­struc­ture and helped lay the ground­work for the Oct. 7 attacks. . . .

10. We present the text of a let­ter by anti-fas­cist lumi­nar­ies to The New York Times warn­ing of Israeli fas­cism.

Albert Einstein Letter to The New York Times. December 4, 1948 New Palestine Party. Visit of Menachen Begin and Aims of Political Movement Discussed

By Albert Ein­stein, Han­nah Arendt, Sid­ney Hook, et.al.

New Pales­tine Par­ty. Vis­it of Men­achen Begin and Aims of Polit­i­cal Move­ment Dis­cussed. A let­ter to The New York Times. Sat­ur­day Decem­ber 4, 1948 by Albert Ein­stein, Han­nah Arendt, Sid­ney Hook, et.al.

New Pales­tine Par­ty. Vis­it of Men­achen Begin and Aims of Polit­i­cal Move­ment Dis­cussed. A let­ter to The New York Times, pub­lished in the “Books” sec­tion (Page 12) of Sat­ur­day Decem­ber 4, 1948

by Albert Ein­stein, Han­nah Arendt, Sid­ney Hook, et.al.

Source: Text from orig­i­nal micro­film

TO THE EDITORS OF NEW YORK TIMES:
Among the most dis­turb­ing polit­i­cal phe­nom­e­na of our times is the emer­gence in the new­ly cre­at­ed state of Israel of the “Free­dom Par­ty” (Tnu­at Haherut), a polit­i­cal par­ty close­ly akin in its orga­ni­za­tion, meth­ods, polit­i­cal phi­los­o­phy and social appeal to the Nazi and Fas­cist par­ties. It was formed out of the mem­ber­ship and fol­low­ing of the for­mer Irgun Zvai Leu­mi, a ter­ror­ist, right-wing, chau­vin­ist orga­ni­za­tion in Pales­tine.
The cur­rent vis­it of Men­achem Begin, leader of this par­ty, to the Unit­ed States is obvi­ous­ly cal­cu­lat­ed to give the impres­sion of Amer­i­can sup­port for his par­ty in the com­ing Israeli elec­tions, and to cement polit­i­cal ties with con­ser­v­a­tive Zion­ist ele­ments in the Unit­ed States. Sev­er­al Amer­i­cans of nation­al repute have lent their names to wel­come his vis­it. It is incon­ceiv­able that those who oppose fas­cism through­out the world, if cor­rect­ly informed as to Mr. Begin’s polit­i­cal record and per­spec­tives, could add their names and sup­port to the move­ment he rep­re­sents.
Before irrepara­ble dam­age is done by way of finan­cial con­tri­bu­tions, pub­lic man­i­fes­ta­tions in Begin’s behalf, and the cre­ation in Pales­tine of the impres­sion that a large seg­ment of Amer­i­ca sup­ports Fas­cist ele­ments in Israel, the Amer­i­can pub­lic must be informed as to the record and objec­tives of Mr. Begin and his move­ment.
The pub­lic avowals of Begin’s par­ty are no guide what­ev­er to its actu­al char­ac­ter. Today they speak of free­dom, democ­ra­cy and anti-impe­ri­al­ism, where­as until recent­ly they open­ly preached the doc­trine of the Fas­cist state. It is in its actions that the ter­ror­ist par­ty betrays its real char­ac­ter; from its past actions we can judge what it may be expect­ed to do in the future.

Attack on Arab Vil­lage

A shock­ing exam­ple was their behav­ior in the Arab vil­lage of Deir Yassin. This vil­lage, off the main roads and sur­round­ed by Jew­ish lands, had tak­en no part in the war, and had even fought off Arab bands who want­ed to use the vil­lage as their base. On April 9 (THE NEW YORK TIMES), ter­ror­ist bands attacked this peace­ful vil­lage, which was not a mil­i­tary objec­tive in the fight­ing, killed most of its inhab­i­tants (240 men, women, and chil­dren) and kept a few of them alive to parade as cap­tives through the streets of Jerusalem. Most of the Jew­ish com­mu­ni­ty was hor­ri­fied at the deed, and the Jew­ish Agency sent a telegram of apol­o­gy to King Abdul­lah of Trans-Jor­dan. But the ter­ror­ists, far from being ashamed of their act, were proud of this mas­sacre, pub­li­cized it wide­ly, and invit­ed all the for­eign cor­re­spon­dents present in the coun­try to view the heaped corpses and the gen­er­al hav­oc at Deir Yassin.
The Deir Yassin inci­dent exem­pli­fies the char­ac­ter and actions of the Free­dom Par­ty.

With­in the Jew­ish com­mu­ni­ty they have preached an admix­ture of ultra­na­tion­al­ism, reli­gious mys­ti­cism, and racial supe­ri­or­i­ty. Like oth­er Fas­cist par­ties they have been used to break strikes, and have them­selves pressed for the destruc­tion of free trade unions. In their stead they have pro­posed cor­po­rate unions on the Ital­ian Fas­cist mod­el.
Dur­ing the last years of spo­radic anti-British vio­lence, the IZL and Stern groups inau­gu­rat­ed a reign of ter­ror in the Pales­tine Jew­ish com­mu­ni­ty. Teach­ers were beat­en up for speak­ing against them, adults were shot for not let­ting their chil­dren join them. By gang­ster meth­ods, beat­ings, win­dow-smash­ing, and wide-spread rob­beries, the ter­ror­ists intim­i­dat­ed the pop­u­la­tion and exact­ed a heavy trib­ute.
The peo­ple of the Free­dom Par­ty have had no part in the con­struc­tive achieve­ments in Pales­tine. They have reclaimed no land, built no set­tle­ments, and only detract­ed from the Jew­ish defense activ­i­ty. Their much-pub­li­cized immi­gra­tion endeav­ors were minute, and devot­ed main­ly to bring­ing in Fas­cist com­pa­tri­ots.

Dis­crep­an­cies Seen
The dis­crep­an­cies between the bold claims now being made by Begin and his par­ty, and their record of past per­for­mance in Pales­tine bear the imprint of no ordi­nary polit­i­cal par­ty. This is the unmis­tak­able stamp of a Fas­cist par­ty for whom ter­ror­ism (against Jews, Arabs, and British alike), and mis­rep­re­sen­ta­tion are means, and a “Leader State” is the goal.
In the light of the fore­go­ing con­sid­er­a­tions, it is imper­a­tive that the truth about Mr. Begin and his move­ment be made known in this coun­try. It is all the more trag­ic that the top lead­er­ship of Amer­i­can Zion­ism has refused to cam­paign against Begin’s efforts, or even to expose to its own con­stituents the dan­gers to Israel from sup­port to Begin.

The under­signed there­fore take this means of pub­licly pre­sent­ing a few salient facts con­cern­ing Begin and his par­ty; and of urg­ing all con­cerned not to sup­port this lat­est man­i­fes­ta­tion of fas­cism.

ISIDORE ABRAMOWITZ,
HANNAH ARENDT,
ABRAHAM BRICK,
RABBI JESSURUN CARDOZO,
ALBERT EINSTEIN,
HERMAN EISEN, M.D.,
HAYIM FINEMAN, M. GALLEN, M.D.,
H.H. HARRIS,
ZELIG S. HARRIS,
SIDNEY HOOK,
FRED KARUSH,
BRURIA KAUFMAN,
IRMA L. LINDHEIM,
NACHMAN MAISEL,
SEYMOUR MELMAN,
MYER D. MENDELSON, M.D.,
HARRY M. OSLINSKY,
SAMUEL PITLICK,
FRITZ ROHRLICH,
LOUIS P. ROCKER,
RUTH SAGIS,
ITZHAK SANKOWSKY,
I.J. SHOENBERG,
SAMUEL SHUMAN,
M. SINGER,
IRMA WOLFE,
STEFAN WOLFE.
New York, Dec. 2, 1948

Discussion

16 comments for “FTR#‘s 1316 & 1317 Fireside Rant about the Gaza War and Israeli Palestinian Conflict Parts 1 and 2”

  1. 80 per­cent of famine cur­rent­ly being expe­ri­enced around the globe is tak­ing place in Gaza. That’s the chill­ing sta­tis­tic recent­ly shared by Arif Husain, chief econ­o­mist for the UN World Food Pro­gram, who described the hunger being expe­ri­enced by Gazans as unprece­dent­ed in its sever­i­ty. It’s a cat­a­stro­phe. And also, seem­ing­ly, part of the plan of Israel’s far right gov­ern­ment. At least that’s what we can rea­son­ably con­clude based on the dis­turb­ing state­ments recent­ly made by Israeli Finance Min­is­ter Beza­lel Smotrich, who explained in an inter­view how the only long-term hope for Gazan is to per­ma­nent­ly reduce the pop­u­la­tion of 2 mil­lion peo­ple down to about 100,000–200,000. Through ‘vol­un­tary’ per­ma­nent relo­ca­tion to neigh­bor­ing coun­tries. “Let’s think out of the box,” as Smotrich put it.

    As we’re going to see, while the Israeli gov­ern­ment insists that the star­va­tion tak­ing place is due to a com­bi­na­tion of Hamas’s theft of aid sup­plies and the inter­na­tion­al com­mu­ni­ty not deliv­er­ing enough aid in the first place, Philippe Laz­zari­ni, the head of the Unit­ed Nations agency that aids Pales­tini­ans, calls that “base­less mis­in­for­ma­tion” and points to the enor­mous logis­ti­cal hur­dles imposed by Israel on the deliv­ery of that aid. Beyond that, Israeli offi­cials actu­al­ly warned that they were going to be block­ing aid from enter­ing Gaza as the war was unfold­ing, with Defense Min­is­ter Yoav Gal­lant stat­ing on Octo­ber 9, “I have ordered a com­plete siege on the Gaza Strip: There will be no elec­tric­i­ty, no food, no fuel, every­thing is closed...We are fight­ing human ani­mals, and we are act­ing accord­ing­ly.” And while Israel has, in recent weeks, allowed for 100 to 120 trucks to enter a day, that’s just a frac­tion of the esti­mate 500 trucks that are need­ed.

    So with star­va­tion grow­ing in Gaza, it appears that the Netanyahu gov­ern­ment has adopt­ed a strat­e­gy of using hunger to encour­age the ‘vol­un­tary’ mass relo­ca­tion of the Gazan pop­u­lace. Which is the kind of plan, at best, will result in the war crime of mass eth­nic cleans­ing. But keep in mind that if it does­n’t work, the end result is still going to be the mass depop­u­la­tion of Gaza in the form of dead starved Gazans. And this can only go on for so long before that phys­i­o­log­i­cal break­ing point is reached across that pop­u­la­tion of 2 mil­lion peo­ple. We’re enter­ing the third month of this war. That’s three months of intense star­va­tion already, with no real end in sight. And as Finance Min­is­ter Smotrich made obvi­ous, the worse that human­i­tar­i­an cri­sis gets the more we’re going to be hear­ing about the need for a mass ‘vol­un­tary’ relo­ca­tion plan:

    The Jerusalem

    Smotrich: Day after is dif­fer­ent with only 200,000 Arabs in Gaza

    “What needs to be done in the Gaza Strip is to encour­age emi­gra­tion,” Smotrich told Army Radio.

    By TOVAH LAZAROFF
    DECEMBER 31, 2023 18:52
    Updat­ed: JANUARY 1, 2024 13:50

    The best option for Gaza would be for the Pales­tini­ans to vol­un­tar­i­ly immi­grate to oth­er coun­tries, leav­ing only a small Arab minor­i­ty that sup­ports Israel, Finance Min­is­ter Beza­lel Smotrich told Army Radio on Sunday.“If in Gaza there will be 100,000 or 200,000 Arabs and not 2 mil­lion the entire con­ver­sa­tion on ‘the day after’ will look dif­fer­ent,” he said.

    “Let’s think out of the box,” urged Smotrich who heads the Reli­gious Zion­ist Par­ty. He is among those who believe it’s imper­a­tive to recon­struct Israel set­tle­ments in Gaza as the best way to ensure that ter­ror groups such as Hamas do not return to that enclave to threat­en Israel.

    Gaza can’t con­tin­ue to be a “hot­house” in which 2 mil­lion peo­ple are nur­tured by hatred of Israel and fed with the idea of destroy­ing it, he said.

    “This is what has been hap­pen­ing in Gaza for 75 years,” he said.

    Smotrich has made sim­i­lar com­ments in the past

    What needs to hap­pen is emi­gra­tion through an inter­na­tion­al plan, by which the res­i­dents of Gaza would be vol­un­tar­i­ly relo­cat­ed, Smotrich said.

    “They [Pales­tini­ans] want to go. They have been forcibly held against their will in a ghet­to for 75 years” in pover­ty and told that the only res­o­lu­tion to the sit­u­a­tion is to destroy Israel and return to Haifa and Tiberias, Smotrich said.

    “I think that we have to solve the prob­lem of Gaza and to reha­bil­i­tate its res­i­dents” in oth­er coun­tries, Smotrich said.

    ...

    Israel had with­drawn from Gaza in 2005, destroy­ing 21 Jew­ish set­tle­ments there, and hand­ing the area over to the Pales­tin­ian Author­i­ty. Hamas forcibly seized con­trol of the enclave in 2007 in a bloody coup, forc­ing the depar­ture of the Pales­tin­ian Authority’s Fatah par­ty.

    The Unit­ed States and the inter­na­tion­al com­mu­ni­ty want to see a return of the PA to Gaza and have reject­ed any plans to relo­cate Pales­tin­ian res­i­dents. The PA, Egypt, and Jor­dan have issued sim­i­lar con­dem­na­tions.

    In a speech on Sun­day, Pales­tin­ian Pres­i­dent Mah­moud Abbas said, “We will not allow dis­place­ment, whether from the Gaza Strip or the West Bank.”

    Smotrich pushed back stat­ing that in the after­math of the Hamas-led Octo­ber 7 mas­sacre against South­ern Israel, in which over 1,200 peo­ple were killed and some 250 were tak­en hostage, the only way to ensure Israeli secu­ri­ty was vol­un­tary relo­ca­tion of many of the Pales­tini­ans in Gaza.

    Once the war is over and Hamas has been destroyed, set­tle­ments must be rebuilt, he explained.

    “We have to con­trol the ter­ri­to­ry and to con­trol the ter­ri­to­ry there must be a civil­ian pres­ence there,” he said.

    ...

    ————–

    “Smotrich: Day after is dif­fer­ent with only 200,000 Arabs in Gaza” By TOVAH LAZAROFF; The Jerusalem; 12/31/2023

    ““Let’s think out of the box,” urged Smotrich who heads the Reli­gious Zion­ist Par­ty. He is among those who believe it’s imper­a­tive to recon­struct Israel set­tle­ments in Gaza as the best way to ensure that ter­ror groups such as Hamas do not return to that enclave to threat­en Israel.”

    ‘Think­ing out of the box’. That’s how Finance Min­is­ter Beza­lel Smotrich, of the far right Reli­gious Zion­ist Par­ty, spun his plan for the per­ma­nent eth­nic cleans­ing of 90 per­cent of Gaza. But that was­n’t his only spin. Smotrich kept empha­siz­ing how this need­ed to be a “vol­un­tary” process. As if there was any­thing vol­un­tary about the deci­sions civil­ians make in a war zone:

    ...
    Gaza can’t con­tin­ue to be a “hot­house” in which 2 mil­lion peo­ple are nur­tured by hatred of Israel and fed with the idea of destroy­ing it, he said.

    “This is what has been hap­pen­ing in Gaza for 75 years,” he said.

    ...

    What needs to hap­pen is emi­gra­tion through an inter­na­tion­al plan, by which the res­i­dents of Gaza would be vol­un­tar­i­ly relo­cat­ed, Smotrich said.

    “They [Pales­tini­ans] want to go. They have been forcibly held against their will in a ghet­to for 75 years” in pover­ty and told that the only res­o­lu­tion to the sit­u­a­tion is to destroy Israel and return to Haifa and Tiberias, Smotrich said.

    “I think that we have to solve the prob­lem of Gaza and to reha­bil­i­tate its res­i­dents” in oth­er coun­tries, Smotrich said.
    ...

    So get a bet­ter sense of how the Netanyahu gov­ern­ment is like­ly going to impose this ‘vol­un­tary’ man­date on the Gazan pop­u­la­tion to just per­ma­nent­ly leave, here’s a reminder that the Gazan pop­u­la­tion is cur­rent­ly expe­ri­enc­ing the worst star­va­tion in the world today, with half of Gazans already at risk of star­va­tion. Half may not be the 90 per­cent fig­ure Smotrich is shoot­ing for, but it’s progress. It’s also a war crime and one with no end in sight:

    The New York Times

    Half of Gazans Are at Risk of Starv­ing, U.N. Warns

    More than 90 per­cent of Pales­tini­ans in the ter­ri­to­ry say they have reg­u­lar­ly gone with­out food for a whole day, accord­ing to the Unit­ed Nations.

    By Liam Stack, Gaya Gup­ta and Abu Bakr Bashir
    Jan. 1, 2024

    Walaa Zaiter’s four chil­dren have been hun­gry for weeks, but she can bare­ly find them food.

    They ask for sand­wich­es, fruit juice and home­made Pales­tin­ian dish­es like she used to cook before the war began. In a fleet­ing moment of inter­net access, she said, she once caught the chil­dren hud­dled around her phone to watch a YouTube video of some­one eat­ing French fries.

    The most they can hope for these days, she said in a recent tele­phone inter­view, is a can of peas, some cheese and an ener­gy bar dis­trib­uted as a family’s rations by the Unit­ed Nations once a week in Rafah, a city in south­ern Gaza where they fled to in ear­ly Decem­ber to escape Israeli bom­bard­ment far­ther north. It is not near­ly enough to feed her fam­i­ly of sev­en.

    ...

    Israel’s war in Gaza has cre­at­ed a human­i­tar­i­an cat­a­stro­phe, with half of the pop­u­la­tion of about 2.2 mil­lion at risk of star­va­tion and 90 per­cent say­ing that they reg­u­lar­ly go with­out food for a whole day, the Unit­ed Nations said in a recent report.

    Arif Husain, chief econ­o­mist at the World Food Pro­gram, said the human­i­tar­i­an dis­as­ter in Gaza was among the worst he had ever seen. The ter­ri­to­ry appears to meet at least the first cri­te­ria of a famine, with 20 per­cent of the pop­u­la­tion fac­ing an extreme lack of food, he said.

    “I’ve been doing this for about 20 years,” Mr. Husain said. “I’ve been to pret­ty much any con­flict, whether Yemen, whether it was South Sudan, north­east Nige­ria, Ethiopia, you name it. And I have nev­er seen any­thing like this, both in terms of its scale, its mag­ni­tude, but also at the pace that this has unfold­ed.”

    Eylon Levy, an Israeli gov­ern­ment spokesman, con­tend­ed that Israel did not stand in the way of human­i­tar­i­an assis­tance and blamed Hamas, the Pales­tin­ian group that rules Gaza, for any short­ages. He accused Hamas of seiz­ing some of the aid for its own uses. He did not pro­vide evi­dence, but West­ern and Arab offi­cials have said that Hamas is known to have a large stock­pile of sup­plies, includ­ing food, fuel and med­i­cine.

    ...

    More than 20,000 Pales­tini­ans have been killed in the war, accord­ing to the Gaza Health Min­istry, and it has destroyed much of the territory’s civil­ian infra­struc­ture and econ­o­my. Israel has also imposed a siege on Gaza for months now, cut­ting off most water, food, fuel and med­i­cine.

    Philippe Laz­zari­ni, the head of the Unit­ed Nations agency that aids Pales­tini­ans, said he recent­ly saw des­per­ate­ly hun­gry Gazans stop the organization’s aid trucks in Rafah, raid their food sup­plies and devour them on the spot.

    “I wit­nessed this first­hand,” he told a news con­fer­ence in Gene­va two days after vis­it­ing Rafah at the south­ern end of Gaza. “Every­where you go, peo­ple are hun­gry, des­per­ate and ter­ri­fied.”

    Human Rights Watch has accused Israel of col­lec­tive­ly pun­ish­ing Gaza civil­ians for the actions of Hamas and of “using star­va­tion of civil­ians as a method of war­fare.” Both are poten­tial war crimes.

    “For over two months, Israel has been depriv­ing Gaza’s pop­u­la­tion of food and water, a pol­i­cy spurred on or endorsed by high-rank­ing Israeli offi­cials and reflect­ing an intent to starve civil­ians as a method of war­fare,” said Omar Shakir, the Israel and Pales­tine direc­tor at Human Rights Watch.

    “World lead­ers should be speak­ing out against this abhor­rent war crime, which has dev­as­tat­ing effects on Gaza’s pop­u­la­tion,” he said.

    At the begin­ning of the war, Israeli offi­cials vowed to deny human­i­tar­i­an aid to Gaza.

    “I have ordered a com­plete siege on the Gaza Strip: There will be no elec­tric­i­ty, no food, no fuel, every­thing is closed,” Defense Min­is­ter Yoav Gal­lant said on Oct. 9. “We are fight­ing human ani­mals, and we are act­ing accord­ing­ly.”

    Noth­ing was allowed in for the first two weeks. Then some deliv­er­ies began to flow, but no fuel was allowed in until Nov. 18.

    In recent weeks, Israel has allowed 100 to 120 trucks to enter Gaza each day, said Dr. Guillemette Thomas, a Jerusalem-based med­ical coor­di­na­tor for Doc­tors With­out Bor­ders. That is still far less than the 500 trucks that entered each day before the war, and far below what is need­ed, she said.

    Mr. Levy, the gov­ern­ment spokesman, pushed back recent­ly against the idea that Israel was pre­vent­ing or slow­ing the flow of aid.

    “We cat­e­gor­i­cal­ly reject the despi­ca­ble and libelous alle­ga­tions that Israel is some­how obstruct­ing the deliv­ery of human­i­tar­i­an aid into Gaza,” he said on Dec. 20.

    “If they want more food and water to reach Gaza, they should send more food and water to Gaza,” he added, refer­ring to inter­na­tion­al aid groups. “And while they’re send­ing more aid, they should con­demn Hamas for hijack­ing aid deliv­er­ies and divert­ing them to its fight­ers. Their silence is shame­ful. We will not accept inter­na­tion­al offi­cials deflect­ing blame onto us to cov­er up the fact they’re cov­er­ing up for Hamas.”

    But Mr. Laz­zari­ni said on Fri­day that it was “base­less mis­in­for­ma­tion” to blame the inter­na­tion­al com­mu­ni­ty for the lack of aid into Gaza. He said deliv­er­ies were “lim­it­ed in quan­ti­ties and rid­dled with logis­ti­cal hur­dles” imposed by Israel.

    Those include a com­pli­cat­ed and lengthy ver­i­fi­ca­tion process, a ban on the deliv­ery of com­mer­cial goods to mar­kets and pri­vate busi­ness­es, and restrict­ed access to much of Gaza, either because of airstrikes, fight­ing or Israeli mil­i­tary check­points.

    Gaza spi­raled so quick­ly into human­i­tar­i­an cat­a­stro­phe when the war began because it had already been deep in cri­sis for many years.

    Israel and Egypt imposed a block­ade on the ter­ri­to­ry after Hamas seized pow­er in 2007, large­ly cut­ting off Gaza’s eco­nom­ic activ­i­ty with the out­side world. The block­ade made up to 80 per­cent of Gazans reliant on human­i­tar­i­an aid even before the war, the Unit­ed Nations said.

    Azmi Keshawi, an ana­lyst for the research orga­ni­za­tion Inter­na­tion­al Cri­sis Group, said that even if Israel says it does not view its war as one against Gaza’s pop­u­la­tion, it is civil­ians who are pay­ing the heav­i­est price.

    “Our dai­ly night­mare is to go hunt for food,” said Mr. Keshawi, who fled his home in Gaza City in the north and now lives in a tent on a side­walk in Rafah with his chil­dren. One of his chil­dren was injured by an Israeli airstrike, he said.

    “You can­not find flour,” he said. “You can­not find yeast to make bread. You can­not find any kind of food — toma­toes, onions, cucum­bers, egg­plant, lemon, orange juice.”

    When food can be found for sale, he said, the prices have sky­rock­et­ed. In Rafah, a sack of flour that might have cost $13 before the war now sells for $138 to $165.

    Thou­sands of dis­placed peo­ple who fled to Rafah, one of the few so-called safe zones in Gaza today, now strug­gle to pay for a can of tuna, which once cost less than 30 cents and is now more than $1.50, or a can of corned beef, which once cost about $1.40 but now is more than $5.50, he said.

    “These peo­ple left home with no mon­ey,” Mr. Keshawi said. “Sur­viv­ing becomes a chal­lenge.”

    Tahrir Muqat, 46, said she had fled her home in Gaza City and now lived with four rel­a­tives, includ­ing a baby, in a school in Mag­hazi refugee camp in cen­tral Gaza. There is vir­tu­al­ly no reg­u­lar run­ning water, and on the rare occa­sions when it does turn on, peo­ple stock­pile it in the toi­let bowl and drink from that, she said.

    She waits in line for hours each day to get two packs of feta cheese and three crack­ers from aid work­ers at a shel­ter. Then she and her rel­a­tives go from door to door, beg­ging for scraps at ruined hous­es crammed with dis­placed peo­ple.

    “Most of the time we get a ‘No!’ with insult­ing com­ments like ‘Go back to Gaza City! Every­thing has become too expen­sive since you arrived!’” Ms. Muqat said.

    She said she had once seen chil­dren eat­ing rot­ten toma­toes that they had found in the street.

    ...

    ———–

    “Half of Gazans Are at Risk of Starv­ing, U.N. Warns” by Liam Stack, Gaya Gup­ta and Abu Bakr Bashir; The New York Times; 01/01/2024

    “Arif Husain, chief econ­o­mist at the World Food Pro­gram, said the human­i­tar­i­an dis­as­ter in Gaza was among the worst he had ever seen. The ter­ri­to­ry appears to meet at least the first cri­te­ria of a famine, with 20 per­cent of the pop­u­la­tion fac­ing an extreme lack of food, he said.”

    With half of Gazans already at risk of star­va­tion, we should­n’t be sur­prised to learn that 1 in 5 are already starv­ing. With that num­ber grow­ing by the day. 90 per­cent of Gazans now report reg­u­lar­ly going a whole day with­out food. Is this the ‘out of the box’ per­sua­sion Smotrich was refer­ring to? Because it’s hard not to notice how mass star­va­tion is accom­plish­ing his stat­ed goal. Gazans are inevitably going to be forced to ‘vol­un­tar­i­ly’ leave giv­en the alter­na­tive of sim­ply starv­ing to death:

    ...
    Israel’s war in Gaza has cre­at­ed a human­i­tar­i­an cat­a­stro­phe, with half of the pop­u­la­tion of about 2.2 mil­lion at risk of star­va­tion and 90 per­cent say­ing that they reg­u­lar­ly go with­out food for a whole day, the Unit­ed Nations said in a recent report.

    ...

    “I’ve been doing this for about 20 years,” Mr. Husain said. “I’ve been to pret­ty much any con­flict, whether Yemen, whether it was South Sudan, north­east Nige­ria, Ethiopia, you name it. And I have nev­er seen any­thing like this, both in terms of its scale, its mag­ni­tude, but also at the pace that this has unfold­ed.”

    ...

    More than 20,000 Pales­tini­ans have been killed in the war, accord­ing to the Gaza Health Min­istry, and it has destroyed much of the territory’s civil­ian infra­struc­ture and econ­o­my. Israel has also imposed a siege on Gaza for months now, cut­ting off most water, food, fuel and med­i­cine.

    ...

    At the begin­ning of the war, Israeli offi­cials vowed to deny human­i­tar­i­an aid to Gaza.

    “I have ordered a com­plete siege on the Gaza Strip: There will be no elec­tric­i­ty, no food, no fuel, every­thing is closed,” Defense Min­is­ter Yoav Gal­lant said on Oct. 9. “We are fight­ing human ani­mals, and we are act­ing accord­ing­ly.”

    Noth­ing was allowed in for the first two weeks. Then some deliv­er­ies began to flow, but no fuel was allowed in until Nov. 18.

    In recent weeks, Israel has allowed 100 to 120 trucks to enter Gaza each day, said Dr. Guillemette Thomas, a Jerusalem-based med­ical coor­di­na­tor for Doc­tors With­out Bor­ders. That is still far less than the 500 trucks that entered each day before the war, and far below what is need­ed, she said.
    ...

    The Israeli gov­ern­ment dis­miss­es crit­i­cism that Israel’s actions are cre­at­ing these con­di­tions and insist­ing that it’s both Hamas steal­ing aid and the inter­na­tion­al com­mu­ni­ty not send­ing enough:

    ...
    Eylon Levy, an Israeli gov­ern­ment spokesman, con­tend­ed that Israel did not stand in the way of human­i­tar­i­an assis­tance and blamed Hamas, the Pales­tin­ian group that rules Gaza, for any short­ages. He accused Hamas of seiz­ing some of the aid for its own uses. He did not pro­vide evi­dence, but West­ern and Arab offi­cials have said that Hamas is known to have a large stock­pile of sup­plies, includ­ing food, fuel and med­i­cine.

    ...

    Mr. Levy, the gov­ern­ment spokesman, pushed back recent­ly against the idea that Israel was pre­vent­ing or slow­ing the flow of aid.

    “We cat­e­gor­i­cal­ly reject the despi­ca­ble and libelous alle­ga­tions that Israel is some­how obstruct­ing the deliv­ery of human­i­tar­i­an aid into Gaza,” he said on Dec. 20.

    “If they want more food and water to reach Gaza, they should send more food and water to Gaza,” he added, refer­ring to inter­na­tion­al aid groups. “And while they’re send­ing more aid, they should con­demn Hamas for hijack­ing aid deliv­er­ies and divert­ing them to its fight­ers. Their silence is shame­ful. We will not accept inter­na­tion­al offi­cials deflect­ing blame onto us to cov­er up the fact they’re cov­er­ing up for Hamas.”
    ...

    But Philippe Laz­zari­ni, the head of the Unit­ed Nations agency that aids Pales­tini­ans calls those Israeli claims of inad­e­quate inter­na­tion­al sup­port as “base­less mis­in­for­ma­tion” that obscures the enor­mous logis­ti­cal hur­dles being imposed by Israel on the deliv­ery of that aid. The Israeli gov­ern­ment spokesman was trolling the world in the face of this unfold­ing cat­a­stro­phe:

    ...
    Philippe Laz­zari­ni, the head of the Unit­ed Nations agency that aids Pales­tini­ans, said he recent­ly saw des­per­ate­ly hun­gry Gazans stop the organization’s aid trucks in Rafah, raid their food sup­plies and devour them on the spot.

    “I wit­nessed this first­hand,” he told a news con­fer­ence in Gene­va two days after vis­it­ing Rafah at the south­ern end of Gaza. “Every­where you go, peo­ple are hun­gry, des­per­ate and ter­ri­fied.”

    Human Rights Watch has accused Israel of col­lec­tive­ly pun­ish­ing Gaza civil­ians for the actions of Hamas and of “using star­va­tion of civil­ians as a method of war­fare.” Both are poten­tial war crimes.

    “For over two months, Israel has been depriv­ing Gaza’s pop­u­la­tion of food and water, a pol­i­cy spurred on or endorsed by high-rank­ing Israeli offi­cials and reflect­ing an intent to starve civil­ians as a method of war­fare,” said Omar Shakir, the Israel and Pales­tine direc­tor at Human Rights Watch.

    “World lead­ers should be speak­ing out against this abhor­rent war crime, which has dev­as­tat­ing effects on Gaza’s pop­u­la­tion,” he said.

    ...

    But Mr. Laz­zari­ni said on Fri­day that it was “base­less mis­in­for­ma­tion” to blame the inter­na­tion­al com­mu­ni­ty for the lack of aid into Gaza. He said deliv­er­ies were “lim­it­ed in quan­ti­ties and rid­dled with logis­ti­cal hur­dles” imposed by Israel.

    Those include a com­pli­cat­ed and lengthy ver­i­fi­ca­tion process, a ban on the deliv­ery of com­mer­cial goods to mar­kets and pri­vate busi­ness­es, and restrict­ed access to much of Gaza, either because of airstrikes, fight­ing or Israeli mil­i­tary check­points.
    ...

    And don’t for­get that it’s not just the lack of food. There’s no reg­u­lar run­ning water either. And as bad as star­va­tion is, dehy­dra­tion will kill you soon­er:

    ...
    Tahrir Muqat, 46, said she had fled her home in Gaza City and now lived with four rel­a­tives, includ­ing a baby, in a school in Mag­hazi refugee camp in cen­tral Gaza. There is vir­tu­al­ly no reg­u­lar run­ning water, and on the rare occa­sions when it does turn on, peo­ple stock­pile it in the toi­let bowl and drink from that, she said.

    She waits in line for hours each day to get two packs of feta cheese and three crack­ers from aid work­ers at a shel­ter. Then she and her rel­a­tives go from door to door, beg­ging for scraps at ruined hous­es crammed with dis­placed peo­ple.

    “Most of the time we get a ‘No!’ with insult­ing com­ments like ‘Go back to Gaza City! Every­thing has become too expen­sive since you arrived!’” Ms. Muqat said.

    She said she had once seen chil­dren eat­ing rot­ten toma­toes that they had found in the street.
    ...

    And then there’s all the dis­ease that comes with both no food and bad water. If the Gazans don’t flee, they are going to die. Those are the con­di­tions that have been cre­at­ed on the ground. Con­di­tions seem­ing­ly designed to encour­age as much ‘vol­un­tary’ emi­gra­tion as pos­si­ble. The sit­u­a­tion is dis­turbing­ly going accord­ing to the plan Smotrich seemed to be hint­ing at. The only ingre­di­ent that’s still need­ed is a place for them to flee to, with none of Israel’s neigh­bors yet will­ing to take in mil­lions of now starv­ing Gazans. Will the deep­en­ing of this human­i­tar­i­an cri­sis change those stances or solid­i­fy them? Time will tell, but not too much more time. Peo­ple need to eat. We’re either going to see a surge in aid deliv­er­ies. A surge in peo­ple flee­ing to oth­er coun­tries. Or a surge in death. Or maybe all of the above.

    But no mat­ter what hap­pens in the short run, it appears Israel is plan­ning on a depop­u­lat­ed Gaza in the long-run. Which is going to be a long-term war crime that’s only going to fes­ter for decades to come and erode what’s left of Israel’s inter­na­tion­al sup­port. It’s often point­ed out that, while you can mil­i­tar­i­ly defeat Hamas, you can’t mil­i­tar­i­ly defeat the idea of Hamas. And, while true, it’s also worth keep­ing in mind that the eth­nic cleans­ing of Gaza and oth­er war crimes envi­sioned by the cur­rent Israeli gov­ern­ment do actu­al­ly rep­re­sent a great way to defeat the idea of Israel. Or at least the idea of a non-fas­cist Israel that any non-fas­cist gov­ern­ment would want to sup­port.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | January 3, 2024, 5:38 pm
  2. It’s not real­ly a sur­prise, but it was treat­ed as such: Ben­jamin Netany­hu has been pub­licly rul­ing out any sort of “two-state solu­tion” for Pales­tine, much to the cha­grin of the Biden admin­is­tra­tion. And while it’s not hard to imag­ine that this has only increased the Biden admin­is­tra­tion’s desire to see Netanyahu replaced as soon as pos­si­ble, it’s worth not­ing that oppo­si­tion to a two-state solu­tion is no longer just what Netanyahu and his sup­port­ers back. Israeli, as a whole, has grown far more con­ser­v­a­tive since the Octo­ber 7 attack, with a grow­ing con­sen­sus that a much hard­er line needs to be tak­en with respect to the Pales­tini­ans which now includ­ed wide­spread oppo­si­tion to any sort of two-state solu­tion. It’s just part of what appears to be a pro­found social trans­for­ma­tion that’s tak­en place inside Israel, with the Israeli left see­ing its sup­port basi­cal­ly col­lapse.

    And this is all hap­pen­ing at the same time Netanyahu’s polls con­tin­ue to drop and more and more Israelis lose faith in his abil­i­ty to faith­ful­ly pros­e­cute this war. It’s the grim real­i­ty fac­ing any sort of prospects of a long-term peace deal emerg­ing from this: the Israelis by and large aren’t inter­est­ed in long-term peace deals at this point. Long-term peace­ful solu­tions have been tak­en off the table.

    But there’s anoth­er angle to this sto­ry that could end up being increas­ing­ly impor­tant over the long run: the Israeli left was increas­ing­ly giv­ing up on Israeli and con­sid­er­ing mov­ing abroad well before the Octo­ber 7 attacks. Netanyahu’s gov­ern­ment of extrem­ists and his push to defang the judi­cia­ry was the final straw for a grow­ing num­ber of Israelis, with large num­ber of doc­tors, aca­d­e­mics, and tech work­ers start­ing to look into mov­ing abroad. As ex-Mossad chief Tamir Par­do put it, “If we lose high tech, if we lose the doc­tors, if we lose the aca­d­e­mics, the coun­try won’t be here,” he said, while clar­i­fy­ing that Israel may end up look­ing like a cen­tral African coun­try “that’s stuck in the ’60s of the last cen­tu­ry.” Par­do went on to char­ac­ter­ize the new gov­ern­ment of extrem­ists as “worse than the KKK” in their racism and big­otry.

    That’s all part of the grim con­text of pub­lic spar­ring between Netanyahu and the Biden White House in recent days over a two state solu­tion. The real­i­ty is a grow­ing por­tion of Israeli has no inter­est in a two state solu­tion. And the part of Israeli soci­ety that is inter­est­ed is shrink­ing and pos­si­bly going to be giv­ing up and leav­ing the coun­try entire­ly in com­ing years as this dark trend plays out.

    Ok, first, here’s a NY Times excerpt from just over a month ago about the pro­found shifts in the Israeli psy­che. Shifts all in one direc­tion, towards a hyper-con­ser­v­a­tive state and mil­i­ta­rized solu­tions:

    The New York Times

    Israelis Aban­don Polit­i­cal Left Over Secu­ri­ty Con­cerns After Oct. 7

    Dis­en­chant­ed by the prospect for peace after a dev­as­tat­ing ter­ror­ist attack, Israelis are becom­ing more con­ser­v­a­tive in their pol­i­tics.

    By Sheera Frenkel
    Report­ing from Tel Aviv
    Dec. 19, 2023

    Maya Mizrachi gri­maced at the group of eight Israelis call­ing for peace with Pales­tini­ans in front of Israel’s mil­i­tary head­quar­ters this month in Tel Aviv.

    A year ago, Ms. Mizrachi, 25, had protest­ed along­side them, car­ry­ing a sign that called for Israel to end its mil­i­tary occu­pa­tion of the West Bank. Now, she had bumped into them by acci­dent, on her way home from a near­by ral­ly call­ing for the return of Israeli cit­i­zens held hostage in the Gaza Strip.

    “I don’t think there are more than eight peo­ple in all of Israel who would protest against the army right now,” said Ms. Mizrachi, who is a stu­dent. “I can’t even bring myself to do it.”

    She is one of a grow­ing num­ber of Israeli cit­i­zens eschew­ing the pol­i­tics of the left — ideas that include pro­mot­ing peace talks with the Pales­tini­ans, end­ing Israel’s occu­pa­tion of the West Bank and sup­port­ing a two-state solu­tion — since Oct. 7, when Hamas gun­men crossed into Israel in a sur­prise attack and killed rough­ly 1,200 peo­ple.

    In the well­spring of sad­ness, anger and fear that has gripped Israel since that day, a con­sen­sus has emerged that Israel needs to take a hard­er line with the Pales­tini­ans and embrace an even more mil­i­ta­rized state. And while pub­lic opin­ion of Prime Min­is­ter Ben­jamin Netanyahu is fal­ter­ing, sup­port for the poli­cies upheld by his right-wing gov­ern­ment is grow­ing.

    If the left has lost main­stream sup­port, Israel’s peace camp has been dri­ven vir­tu­al­ly under­ground. Activist groups say many mem­bers have aban­doned the cause, and those who remain com­mit­ted have strug­gled to find pub­lic places will­ing to accom­mo­date anti­war protests.

    ...

    Accord­ing to polls con­duct­ed in the two months since Oct. 7, Israelis have moved decid­ed­ly to the right on a num­ber of polit­i­cal issues, includ­ing sup­port for set­tlers in the West Bank, endorse­ments for far-right politi­cians, and even the re-estab­lish­ment of a mil­i­tary occu­pa­tion of Gaza.

    “The trau­ma of what hap­pened on Oct. 7 shift­ed Israeli soci­ety. It made them ques­tion the most basic tenets of whether they were safe in their homes,” said Tal Schnei­der, a polit­i­cal colum­nist for The Times of Israel. “They are call­ing now for more — more mil­i­tary, more pro­tec­tion, more hard-line poli­cies.”

    Left-wing par­ties in Israel have seen a steady decline over the past 20 years. In Israel’s last elec­tion cycle, the cen­ter-left Labor Par­ty won only four seats in the Knes­set, Israel’s Par­lia­ment, a sig­nif­i­cant decrease from the 19 seats it held in 2015. The Meretz Par­ty, one of the few left-wing Israeli par­ties to have held a seat in the past decade, failed to get enough votes to qual­i­fy in the last elec­tion.

    Last week, the head of the Labor Par­ty, Mer­av Michaeli, announced that she was step­ping down amid crit­i­cism that she was respon­si­ble for the party’s poor poll num­bers.

    “Nobody in this coun­try wants to talk about peace right now,” Ms. Schnei­der said. “Being a left­ist has become a dirty word,” she said, adding that while social­ly pro­gres­sive caus­es, like gov­ern­ment-backed wel­fare, remain pop­u­lar in Israel, they are increas­ing­ly divorced from Israel’s left-wing move­ments. “Many Israelis want more gov­ern­ment wel­fare pro­grams, but a con­ser­v­a­tive polit­i­cal lead­er­ship.”

    Polls con­duct­ed in Israel since Oct. 7 show the extent of the polit­i­cal shift. A sur­vey by Israel’s Chan­nel 12, one of the country’s most pop­u­lar broad­cast­ers, found that rough­ly one third of Israelis described them­selves as “mov­ing to the right” in the month after the Oct. 7 attacks, while far few­er report­ed that their pol­i­tics had shift­ed more to the left.

    In anoth­er poll, Israel’s Tel Aviv Uni­ver­si­ty found in Novem­ber the share of Israelis in favor of a two-state solu­tion was down from just a month ear­li­er, falling below one third of respon­dents.

    If the war has accel­er­at­ed the left’s decline, it has also hurt Mr. Netanyahu’s pop­u­lar­i­ty.

    For months before the war, the prime min­is­ter held togeth­er an unruly coali­tion of far-right par­ties that con­trolled 64 seats in Israel’s 120-seat Knes­set. Recent­ly, vig­ils for slain Israelis have turned into protests over Mr. Netanyahu’s lead­er­ship and calls for him to resign.

    “The coun­try has lurched to the right, but they no longer want Netanyahu as the leader of the right,” Ms. Schnei­der said. “It is a ques­tion of who can rep­re­sent the new right-wing views held by so many Israelis today.”

    Long­time Israeli peace activists said Israel’s lurch to the right is tan­gi­ble. In the offices of Stand­ing Togeth­er, an orga­ni­za­tion joint­ly found­ed by Israelis and Pales­tini­ans, the mood has been somber since Oct. 7.

    Mem­ber­ship has dropped, said Alon-Lee Green, a founder of the orga­ni­za­tion. When the group has tried to hold sol­i­dar­i­ty ral­lies between Israelis and Pales­tini­ans in pub­lic places, they have found them­selves turned away by local munic­i­pal­i­ties and the police.

    “We are being banned from pub­lic places,” Mr. Green said. “We are being told there isn’t an audi­ence for our mes­sage today,” he added. “There has nev­er been a more dif­fi­cult time to call for peace.”

    ...

    The towns and agri­cul­tur­al com­mu­ni­ties that line Israel’s bor­der with Gaza were once bas­tions of the left. Many vil­lages there were found­ed as kib­butz­im, social­ist agri­cul­tur­al com­mu­ni­ties. Over the years, many res­i­dents used their prox­im­i­ty to the Pales­tini­ans in Gaza to help deliv­er aid and run sol­i­dar­i­ty cam­paigns.

    On Oct. 7, the close­ness of those com­mu­ni­ties to the bor­der made them vul­ner­a­ble to the attack by Hamas ter­ror­ists. Well-known peace activists, includ­ing Vivian Sil­ver, a founder of Women Wage Peace, were among those killed. The attack made the sur­vivors rethink poli­cies they had pre­vi­ous­ly cham­pi­oned.

    Before Oct. 7, Lar­ry But­ler, 73, a res­i­dent of Nir Oz, con­sid­ered him­self a left­ist. As a mem­ber of Peace Now, he par­tic­i­pat­ed in ral­lies call­ing for the evac­u­a­tion of Israeli set­tle­ments in Gaza, which were dis­as­sem­bled in 2005.

    Now, dis­placed in a hotel in Eilat, a resort town on the Red Sea, Mr. But­ler has ques­tioned his beliefs. “I guess I’m some­where in the mid­dle,” he said, “but I’m def­i­nite­ly not left and I’m def­i­nite­ly not right.”

    In Tel Aviv, Ms. Mizrachi’s turn against the left came soon after Oct. 7, when she dis­cov­ered that a high school friend was among those killed at the Tribe of Nova music fes­ti­val.

    “The irony is that she was the biggest peace activist I knew,” Ms. Mizrachi said. “She was the one who got me involved in the move­ment to begin with,” she added. “I used to joke that she made me a left­ie. Now I can’t say that I am.”

    ————

    “Israelis Aban­don Polit­i­cal Left Over Secu­ri­ty Con­cerns After Oct. 7” By Sheera Frenkel; The New York Times; 12/19/2023

    “In the well­spring of sad­ness, anger and fear that has gripped Israel since that day, a con­sen­sus has emerged that Israel needs to take a hard­er line with the Pales­tini­ans and embrace an even more mil­i­ta­rized state. And while pub­lic opin­ion of Prime Min­is­ter Ben­jamin Netanyahu is fal­ter­ing, sup­port for the poli­cies upheld by his right-wing gov­ern­ment is grow­ing.

    As Ben­jamin Netanyahu’s polls grow worse, the pop­u­lar­i­ty for the kind tox­ic poli­cies he rep­re­sents has only grown more pop­u­lar. Surg­ing sup­port that’s come at the left­’s cost. Even as sup­port for left-wing poli­cies like gov­ern­ment-backed wel­fare remains. Israel is chang­ing as a result of the Octo­ber 7 attacks and the result­ing war and it’s not clear there’s a place for the Israeli left in its future:

    ...
    If the left has lost main­stream sup­port, Israel’s peace camp has been dri­ven vir­tu­al­ly under­ground. Activist groups say many mem­bers have aban­doned the cause, and those who remain com­mit­ted have strug­gled to find pub­lic places will­ing to accom­mo­date anti­war protests.

    ...

    Accord­ing to polls con­duct­ed in the two months since Oct. 7, Israelis have moved decid­ed­ly to the right on a num­ber of polit­i­cal issues, includ­ing sup­port for set­tlers in the West Bank, endorse­ments for far-right politi­cians, and even the re-estab­lish­ment of a mil­i­tary occu­pa­tion of Gaza.

    ...

    Left-wing par­ties in Israel have seen a steady decline over the past 20 years. In Israel’s last elec­tion cycle, the cen­ter-left Labor Par­ty won only four seats in the Knes­set, Israel’s Par­lia­ment, a sig­nif­i­cant decrease from the 19 seats it held in 2015. The Meretz Par­ty, one of the few left-wing Israeli par­ties to have held a seat in the past decade, failed to get enough votes to qual­i­fy in the last elec­tion.

    ...

    “Nobody in this coun­try wants to talk about peace right now,” Ms. Schnei­der said. “Being a left­ist has become a dirty word,” she said, adding that while social­ly pro­gres­sive caus­es, like gov­ern­ment-backed wel­fare, remain pop­u­lar in Israel, they are increas­ing­ly divorced from Israel’s left-wing move­ments. “Many Israelis want more gov­ern­ment wel­fare pro­grams, but a con­ser­v­a­tive polit­i­cal lead­er­ship.”

    Polls con­duct­ed in Israel since Oct. 7 show the extent of the polit­i­cal shift. A sur­vey by Israel’s Chan­nel 12, one of the country’s most pop­u­lar broad­cast­ers, found that rough­ly one third of Israelis described them­selves as “mov­ing to the right” in the month after the Oct. 7 attacks, while far few­er report­ed that their pol­i­tics had shift­ed more to the left.

    In anoth­er poll, Israel’s Tel Aviv Uni­ver­si­ty found in Novem­ber the share of Israelis in favor of a two-state solu­tion was down from just a month ear­li­er, falling below one third of respon­dents.
    ...

    And while Netanyahu’s pop­u­lar­i­ty is in decline, all signs point towards some oth­er right-wing fig­ure who will ulti­mate­ly replace him. What kind of fig­ure is that going to be in this polit­i­cal cli­mate?

    ...
    If the war has accel­er­at­ed the left’s decline, it has also hurt Mr. Netanyahu’s pop­u­lar­i­ty.

    For months before the war, the prime min­is­ter held togeth­er an unruly coali­tion of far-right par­ties that con­trolled 64 seats in Israel’s 120-seat Knes­set. Recent­ly, vig­ils for slain Israelis have turned into protests over Mr. Netanyahu’s lead­er­ship and calls for him to resign.

    “The coun­try has lurched to the right, but they no longer want Netanyahu as the leader of the right,” Ms. Schnei­der said. “It is a ques­tion of who can rep­re­sent the new right-wing views held by so many Israelis today.”
    ...

    Also note the direct vic­tims of the Octo­ber 7 attacks: kib­butz­im that were tra­di­tion­al­ly bas­tions of the Israeli left. Plus, a youth music con­cert. Inten­tion­al­ly or not, the Octo­ber 7 attacks appear to be a kind of death blow to the Israeli left:

    ...
    The towns and agri­cul­tur­al com­mu­ni­ties that line Israel’s bor­der with Gaza were once bas­tions of the left. Many vil­lages there were found­ed as kib­butz­im, social­ist agri­cul­tur­al com­mu­ni­ties. Over the years, many res­i­dents used their prox­im­i­ty to the Pales­tini­ans in Gaza to help deliv­er aid and run sol­i­dar­i­ty cam­paigns.

    On Oct. 7, the close­ness of those com­mu­ni­ties to the bor­der made them vul­ner­a­ble to the attack by Hamas ter­ror­ists. Well-known peace activists, includ­ing Vivian Sil­ver, a founder of Women Wage Peace, were among those killed. The attack made the sur­vivors rethink poli­cies they had pre­vi­ous­ly cham­pi­oned.

    ...

    In Tel Aviv, Ms. Mizrachi’s turn against the left came soon after Oct. 7, when she dis­cov­ered that a high school friend was among those killed at the Tribe of Nova music fes­ti­val.

    “The irony is that she was the biggest peace activist I knew,” Ms. Mizrachi said. “She was the one who got me involved in the move­ment to begin with,” she added. “I used to joke that she made me a left­ie. Now I can’t say that I am.”
    ...

    And that brings us to the fol­low­ing report from back in July, two and a half months before the Octover 7 attacks, about the dire warn­ing being issue by form Mas­sod chief Tamir Par­do, who led the agency from 2011–2016. Par­do not only warns that the gov­ern­ment of extrem­ists was “worse than the KKK” in terms of their racist and big­ot­ed atti­tudes, but that the coun­try faced a threat far more dire than any mil­i­tary threat. That would be the threat of non-extrem­ist Israelis sim­ply choos­ing to leave the coun­try. In par­tic­u­lar doc­tors, aca­d­e­mics, and tech work­ers. As Par­do put it, “If we lose high tech, if we lose the doc­tors, if we lose the aca­d­e­mics, the coun­try won’t be here”:

    The Times of Israel

    Ex-Mossad chief: Netanyahu allies worse than KKK, over­haul is his ‘mas­ter plan’

    Tamir Par­do claims PM is in con­trol, it’s an ‘urban leg­end’ he’s under thumb of extrem­ist part­ners; says poten­tial flight of doc­tors more wor­ry­ing than reservist refusals

    By ToI Staff 27 July 2023, 4:39 pm

    For­mer Mossad direc­tor Tamir Par­do on Thurs­day offered a scathing cri­tique of Prime Min­is­ter Ben­jamin Netanyahu, charg­ing that Netanyahu brought par­ties worse than the Ku Klux Klan into his gov­ern­ment.

    In an inter­view with Kan radio, Par­do said Netanyahu’s gov­ern­ment includes “hor­ri­ble racist par­ties” that are not far from the world view of the rul­ing Likud par­ty, includ­ing Finance Min­is­ter Beza­lel Smotrich’s Reli­gious Zion­ism and Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Min­is­ter Ita­mar Ben Gvir’s Otz­ma Yehu­dit.

    The ex-spy chief claimed that they are even “a lot worse” than the Ku Klux Klan, ref­er­enc­ing calls by law­mak­ers for Israel to destroy the West Bank Pales­tin­ian town of Huwara.

    “The nation is break­ing into two and it doesn’t move [Netanyahu], he doesn’t blink, and a sec­ond after the vote fin­ished, the look of hap­pi­ness on the faces of MKs was a hor­ri­ble thing in my eyes,” he said, ref­er­enc­ing Monday’s Knes­set vote approv­ing the “rea­son­able­ness law,” which lim­its judi­cial review of gov­ern­men­tal and min­is­te­r­i­al deci­sions.

    The bill was part of the government’s efforts to over­haul the judi­cia­ry, which have ignit­ed sus­tained, mass pub­lic protests, and oppo­si­tion from mil­i­tary per­son­nel, busi­ness lead­ers, for­eign allies, and oth­ers.

    “The leader has lost his mind. Noth­ing that has hap­pened would have hap­pened if the prime min­is­ter didn’t lead this process,” he said, claim­ing it is an “urban leg­end” that Netanyahu is being led by extrem­ists in the gov­ern­ment.

    “Some­one took the Ku Klux Klan and brought it into the gov­ern­ment, and this is what hap­pened,” he said, adding that the fact that Netanyahu placed Smotrich as a min­is­ter with­in the Defense Min­istry proves that their views on the future of Israel are not far apart.

    Smotrich is a staunch oppo­nent of a Pales­tin­ian state, and has a his­to­ry of mak­ing inflam­ma­to­ry state­ments against Pales­tini­ans, Arab cit­i­zens of Israel, non-Ortho­dox Jews, and the LGBTQ com­mu­ni­ty, includ­ing once declar­ing him­self a “proud homo­phobe.” In 2021, he said David Ben-Guri­on, Israel’s first prime min­is­ter, should have “fin­ished the job” and kicked all Pales­tini­ans out of the coun­try when it was found­ed. Ear­li­er that same year, he said mem­bers of Israel’s Arab minor­i­ty com­mu­ni­ties were cit­i­zens “for now at least.”

    “[Netanyahu] is like a horse run­ning to a goal with blind­folds and ear muffs,” Par­do said, adding that Netanyahu has changed from the cau­tious leader that he knew dur­ing his time as Mossad direc­tor in 2011–2016.

    ...

    While Par­do said there is no doubt that Netanyahu received a man­date to gov­ern in the last elec­tion, he stressed that no prime min­is­ter com­mands a man­date “to change the social con­tract” of the State of Israel.

    Asked about reservists refus­ing to per­form their vol­un­teer ser­vice in the mil­i­tary in protest of the over­haul, Par­do said that recent reports that thou­sands of doc­tors were seek­ing advice to relo­cate abroad were “more hor­ri­fy­ing and scary than the sto­ry of the army.”

    Par­do said that even if there is a major war in the region, “there is no way” that the coun­try faces an exis­ten­tial mil­i­tary threat.

    “If we lose high tech, if we lose the doc­tors, if we lose the aca­d­e­mics, the coun­try won’t be here,” he said, clar­i­fy­ing that Israel may end up look­ing like a cen­tral African coun­try “that’s stuck in the ’60s of the last cen­tu­ry.”

    ———-

    “Ex-Mossad chief: Netanyahu allies worse than KKK, over­haul is his ‘mas­ter plan’” By ToI Staff; The Times of Israel; 07/27/2023

    “The ex-spy chief claimed that they are even “a lot worse” than the Ku Klux Klan, ref­er­enc­ing calls by law­mak­ers for Israel to destroy the West Bank Pales­tin­ian town of Huwara.”

    Again, this was Par­do’s take back in July, months before the night­mare of Octo­ber 7. The nation was “break­ing into two”. And not just over the extrem­ist invit­ed in the gov­ern­ment. It’s also the fact that the extrem­ists were invit­ed in, in part, because only they would approve of Netanyahu’s cor­rupt attempts to defang the judi­cia­ry:

    ...
    “The nation is break­ing into two and it doesn’t move [Netanyahu], he doesn’t blink, and a sec­ond after the vote fin­ished, the look of hap­pi­ness on the faces of MKs was a hor­ri­ble thing in my eyes,” he said, ref­er­enc­ing Monday’s Knes­set vote approv­ing the “rea­son­able­ness law,” which lim­its judi­cial review of gov­ern­men­tal and min­is­te­r­i­al deci­sions.

    ...

    “The leader has lost his mind. Noth­ing that has hap­pened would have hap­pened if the prime min­is­ter didn’t lead this process,” he said, claim­ing it is an “urban leg­end” that Netanyahu is being led by extrem­ists in the gov­ern­ment.

    “Some­one took the Ku Klux Klan and brought it into the gov­ern­ment, and this is what hap­pened,” he said, adding that the fact that Netanyahu placed Smotrich as a min­is­ter with­in the Defense Min­istry proves that their views on the future of Israel are not far apart.

    Smotrich is a staunch oppo­nent of a Pales­tin­ian state, and has a his­to­ry of mak­ing inflam­ma­to­ry state­ments against Pales­tini­ans, Arab cit­i­zens of Israel, non-Ortho­dox Jews, and the LGBTQ com­mu­ni­ty, includ­ing once declar­ing him­self a “proud homo­phobe.” In 2021, he said David Ben-Guri­on, Israel’s first prime min­is­ter, should have “fin­ished the job” and kicked all Pales­tini­ans out of the coun­try when it was found­ed. Ear­li­er that same year, he said mem­bers of Israel’s Arab minor­i­ty com­mu­ni­ties were cit­i­zens “for now at least.”

    “[Netanyahu] is like a horse run­ning to a goal with blind­folds and ear muffs,” Par­do said, adding that Netanyahu has changed from the cau­tious leader that he knew dur­ing his time as Mossad direc­tor in 2011–2016.
    ...

    And then Par­do get to what he views as the real exis­ten­tial threat to the long-term via­bil­i­ty of Israeli: large num­bers of high­ly skilled Israelis might sim­ply give up on the coun­try and leave:

    ...
    While Par­do said there is no doubt that Netanyahu received a man­date to gov­ern in the last elec­tion, he stressed that no prime min­is­ter com­mands a man­date “to change the social con­tract” of the State of Israel.

    Asked about reservists refus­ing to per­form their vol­un­teer ser­vice in the mil­i­tary in protest of the over­haul, Par­do said that recent reports that thou­sands of doc­tors were seek­ing advice to relo­cate abroad were “more hor­ri­fy­ing and scary than the sto­ry of the army.”

    Par­do said that even if there is a major war in the region, “there is no way” that the coun­try faces an exis­ten­tial mil­i­tary threat.

    “If we lose high tech, if we lose the doc­tors, if we lose the aca­d­e­mics, the coun­try won’t be here,” he said, clar­i­fy­ing that Israel may end up look­ing like a cen­tral African coun­try “that’s stuck in the ’60s of the last cen­tu­ry.”
    ...

    That was just a snap­shot of the enor­mous ten­sions roil­ing Israeli soci­ety. Ten­sions that pre­sum­ably have been trans­formed in recent months. How has that grow­ing despair among many on the Israeli left changed as a result of this con­flict? As we saw above, many Israelis have indeed become more con­ser­v­a­tive. But that’s sure­ly not uni­ver­sal­ly the case. What is going to hap­pen to that remain­ing Israeli left if the coun­try effec­tive­ly becomes a per­ma­nent, increas­ing­ly con­ser­v­a­tive and mil­i­ta­rized soci­ety locked in what appears to be a kind of per­ma­nent zero-sum con­flict with all its neigh­bors? What hap­pens when the shock of the events of Octo­ber 7 and the con­flict sub­side but the real­i­ty of a new per­ma­nent hyper-con­ser­v­a­tive Israeli take hold? Will the Israeli left stick around in a coun­try where it has no real future or even accep­tance any­more? Time will tell, but all signs are going towards a far right “Fortress Israel” future. A fortress with a lot few­er doc­tors, aca­d­e­mics, and tech work­ers than it will prob­a­bly pre­fer.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | January 21, 2024, 5:44 pm
  3. Sniper shots to the head aren’t an acci­dent. So when you find chil­dren arriv­ing at the hos­pi­tal with sniper shots to the head, you can be pret­ty con­fi­dent some­one aimed and fired at the heads of chil­dren. Which brings us to the fol­low­ing extreme­ly dis­turb­ing piece that recent­ly showed up in the Los Ange­les Times, authored by an Amer­i­can doc­tor who trav­eled to Gaza in Jan­u­ary. Dr Irfan Galar­ia describes a med­ical sys­tem in such dire con­di­tions that they were forced to per­form ampu­ta­tions using a Gigli saw, a tool from the Civ­il War-era.

    But of all the hor­rif­ic details in the piece, it’s the sniper shots to the head that are by far the most dis­turb­ing. One day, mul­ti­ple chil­dren, all about ages 5 to 8, were brought to the ER, all with a sin­gle sniper shots to the head. Their fam­i­lies had been return­ing to their homes in Khan Yunis after Israeli tanks had with­drawn. So snipers were appar­ent­ly be left behind and decid­ed to snipe chil­dren. Again, that’s not an acci­dent. Some­one saw the heads of these kids in their sniper scope and repeat­ed pulled the trig­ger. And while this was just one hor­ri­ble wartime anec­dote, with over 10,000 Gazan chil­dren already dead, it’s not like we can assume this was an iso­lat­ed inci­dent. It’s open sea­son on the Gazans.

    So with Israel increas­ing­ly in the grip of far right theo­crat­ic fanat­ics intent on turn­ing this con­flict into an excuse to basi­cal­ly eth­ni­cal­ly cleanse Gaza, ques­tions about whether or not the tar­get­ing of chil­dren is being unof­fi­cial­ly (or even offi­cial­ly) tol­er­at­ed by the Israeli mil­i­tary is some­thing we have to ask. Which brings us to the fol­low­ing reports below about exact­ly that: the hor­rif­ic extrem­ist indoc­tri­na­tion tak­ing place inside Israel’s mil­i­tary com­mu­ni­ties. In par­tic­u­lar, the explic­it­ly pro-Nazi lessons that were being taught at some of Israel’s elite pre-mil­i­tary acad­e­mies that have long served as a source for many of the IDF’s senior mil­i­tary offi­cers. It would be nice if this was as shock­ing as it should be.

    In par­tic­u­lar, back in 2019, it was dis­cov­ered that the Bnei David acad­e­my in Eli was teach­ing stu­dents that Hitler was cor­rect, with only one prob­lem. He tar­get­ed the wrong peo­ple. Or to put it in the words of Rab­bi Gio­ra Redler, “He was the most cor­rect per­son there ever was, and was cor­rect in every word he said… he was just on the wrong side.” Redler went on to argue that plu­ral­ism was the real geno­cide being per­pe­trat­ed against the Jews.

    Sim­i­lar lessons were taught by the head of the acad­e­my, Rab­bi Eliez­er Kashtiel, who instruct­ed stu­dents on how “The gen­tiles will want to be our slaves. Being a slave to a Jew is the best. They’re glad to be slaves, they want to be slaves...Instead of just walk­ing the streets and being stu­pid and vio­lent and harm­ing each oth­er, once they’re slaves, their lives can begin to take shape...All around us, we are sur­round­ed by peo­ples with genet­ic prob­lems. Ask a sim­ple Arab ‘where do you want to be?’ He wants to be under the occu­pa­tion. Why? Because they have genet­ic prob­lems, they don’t know how to run a coun­try, they don’t know how to do any­thing. Look at them.

    Jour­nal­ist David Sheen cov­ered this sto­ry in a 2019 lec­ture at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Zurich that also addressed the numer­ous awards and state acco­lades these fig­ures have received. At the end of the video (it’s less than 7 min­utes), Sheen dis­cussed the prize award­ed to some­one Sheen describes as prob­a­bly the most racist rab­bi in the coun­try: Rab­bi Yitzchak Gins­burgh, who actu­al­ly wrote a book jus­ti­fy­ing not just the killing of Pales­tin­ian adults but even the killing Pales­tin­ian babies. As we’re also going to see, Gins­burgh’s thou­sands of cult-like fol­low­ers have plans of their own for the future of Israel. Plans revolv­ing around over­throw­ing the gov­ern­ment and impos­ing a Jew­ish theoc­ra­cy led by a king, with Gins­burgh obvi­ous­ly as their king-of-choice.

    Here we are in 2024 with reports of child sniper vic­tims months into a con­flict that appears to being a not-exact­ly-covert eth­nic cleans­ing oper­a­tion. So we have to ask: how many rad­i­cal­ized sol­diers are there in the IDF at this point who have been put through what amounts to a Nazi mil­i­tary edu­ca­tion?

    And, yes, Hamas is guid­ed by a grotesque anti-sec­u­lar ide­ol­o­gy with roots in Nazism of its own. There was even that Hamas chil­dren’s pro­gram a decade ago that was encour­ag­ing audi­ences to “kill the Jews”. Hamas isn’t exact­ly a sym­pa­thet­ic enti­ty in this sit­u­a­tion. But kids sure are. Which is part of what makes this such a dark­ly dement­ed sit­u­a­tion. The more you look at the ide­olo­gies Hamas and these Jew­ish suprema­cists, the more sim­i­lar they appear. It’s increas­ing­ly turn­ing into a con­flict between mutu­al exter­mi­na­tion­ist move­ments. With kids in the crossfire...until there aren’t any more kids, which is kind of ide­o­log­i­cal point:

    Los Ange­les Times

    Opin­ion: I’m an Amer­i­can doc­tor who went to Gaza. What I saw wasn’t war — it was anni­hi­la­tion

    By Irfan Galar­ia
    Feb. 16, 2024 12:08 PM PT

    In late Jan­u­ary, I left my home in Vir­ginia, where I work as a plas­tic and recon­struc­tive sur­geon and joined a group of physi­cians and nurs­es trav­el­ing to Egypt with the human­i­tar­i­an aid group Med­G­lob­al to vol­un­teer in Gaza.

    I have worked in oth­er war zones. But what I wit­nessed dur­ing the next 10 days in Gaza was not war — it was anni­hi­la­tion. 28,000 Pales­tini­ans have been killed in Israel’s bom­bard­ment of Gaza. From Cairo, Egypt’s cap­i­tal, we drove 12 hours east to the Rafah bor­der. We passed miles of parked human­i­tar­i­an aid trucks because they weren’t allowed into Gaza. Aside from my team and oth­er envoy mem­bers from the Unit­ed Nations and World Health Orga­ni­za­tion, there were very few oth­ers there.

    Enter­ing south­ern Gaza on Jan. 29, where many have fled from the north, felt like the first pages of a dystopi­an nov­el. Our ears were numb with the con­stant hum­ming of what I was told were the sur­veil­lance drones that cir­cled con­stant­ly. Our noses were con­sumed with the stench of 1 mil­lion dis­placed humans liv­ing in close prox­im­i­ty with­out ade­quate san­i­ta­tion. Our eyes got lost in the sea of tents. We stayed at a guest house in Rafah. Our first night was cold, and many of us couldn’t sleep. We stood on the bal­cony lis­ten­ing to the bombs, and see­ing the smoke rise from Khan Yunis.

    ...

    Peo­ple also spilled into the hos­pi­tal: liv­ing in hall­ways, stair­well cor­ri­dors and even stor­age clos­ets. The once-wide walk­ways designed by the Euro­pean Union to accom­mo­date the busy traf­fic of med­ical staff, stretch­ers and equip­ment were now reduced to a sin­gle-file pas­sage­way. On either side, blan­kets hung from the ceil­ing to cor­don off small areas for entire fam­i­lies, offer­ing a sliv­er of pri­va­cy. A hos­pi­tal designed to accom­mo­date about 300 patients was now strug­gling to care for more than 1,000 patients and hun­dreds more seek­ing refuge.

    There were a lim­it­ed num­ber of local sur­geons avail­able. We were told that many had been killed or arrest­ed, their where­abouts or even their exis­tence unknown. Oth­ers were trapped in occu­pied areas in the north or near­by places where it was too risky to trav­el to the hos­pi­tal. There was only one local plas­tic sur­geon left and he cov­ered the hos­pi­tal 24/7. His home had been destroyed, so he lived in the hos­pi­tal, and was able to stuff all of his per­son­al pos­ses­sions into two small hand bags. This nar­ra­tive became all too com­mon among the remain­ing staff at the hos­pi­tal. This sur­geon was lucky, because his wife and daugh­ter were still alive, although almost every­one else work­ing in the hos­pi­tal was mourn­ing the loss of their loved ones.

    I began work imme­di­ate­ly, per­form­ing 10 to 12 surg­eries a day, work­ing 14 to 16 hours at a time. The oper­at­ing room would often shake from the inces­sant bomb­ings, some­times as fre­quent as every 30 sec­onds. We oper­at­ed in unster­ile set­tings that would’ve been unthink­able in the Unit­ed States. We had lim­it­ed access to crit­i­cal med­ical equip­ment: We per­formed ampu­ta­tions of arms and legs dai­ly, using a Gigli saw, a Civ­il War-era tool, essen­tial­ly a seg­ment of barbed wire. Many ampu­ta­tions could’ve been avoid­ed if we’d had access to stan­dard med­ical equip­ment. It was a strug­gle try­ing to care for all the injured with­in the con­structs of a health­care sys­tem that has utter­ly col­lapsed.

    ...

    I stopped keep­ing track of how many new orphans I had oper­at­ed on. After surgery they would be filed some­where in the hos­pi­tal, I’m unsure of who will take care of them or how they will sur­vive. On one occa­sion, a hand­ful of chil­dren, all about ages 5 to 8, were car­ried to the emer­gency room by their par­ents. All had sin­gle sniper shots to the head. These fam­i­lies were return­ing to their homes in Khan Yunis, about 2.5 miles away from the hos­pi­tal, after Israeli tanks had with­drawn. But the snipers appar­ent­ly stayed behind. None of these chil­dren sur­vived.

    On my last day, as I returned to the guest house where locals knew for­eign­ers were stay­ing, a young boy ran up and hand­ed me a small gift. It was a rock from the beach, with an Ara­bic inscrip­tion writ­ten with a mark­er: “From Gaza, With Love, Despite the Pain.” As I stood on the bal­cony look­ing out at Rafah for the last time, we could hear the drones, bomb­ings and bursts of machine-gun fire, but some­thing was dif­fer­ent this time: The sounds were loud­er, the explo­sions were clos­er.

    This week, Israeli forces raid­ed anoth­er large hos­pi­tal in Gaza, and they’re plan­ning a a ground offen­sive in Rafah. I feel incred­i­bly guilty that I was able to leave while mil­lions are forced to endure the night­mare in Gaza. As an Amer­i­can, I think of our tax dol­lars pay­ing for the weapons that like­ly injured my patients there. Already dri­ven from their homes, these peo­ple have nowhere else to turn.

    ———–

    “Opin­ion: I’m an Amer­i­can doc­tor who went to Gaza. What I saw wasn’t war — it was anni­hi­la­tion” By Irfan Galar­ia; Los Ange­les Times; 02/16/2024

    “I stopped keep­ing track of how many new orphans I had oper­at­ed on. After surgery they would be filed some­where in the hos­pi­tal, I’m unsure of who will take care of them or how they will sur­vive. On one occa­sion, a hand­ful of chil­dren, all about ages 5 to 8, were car­ried to the emer­gency room by their par­ents. All had sin­gle sniper shots to the head. These fam­i­lies were return­ing to their homes in Khan Yunis, about 2.5 miles away from the hos­pi­tal, after Israeli tanks had with­drawn. But the snipers appar­ent­ly stayed behind. None of these chil­dren sur­vived.

    Small chil­dren with sniper shots to the head are show­ing up in Gazan hos­pi­tals. That’s what this Amer­i­can doc­tor just report­ed wit­ness­ing in the Los Ange­les Times. As grue­some as it is to hear about bombs being dropped in areas known to be filled with civil­ians, even that’s not as delib­er­ate as the act of snip­ing chil­dren. But some­one in the IDF was appar­ent­ly doing this.

    And that grim sto­ry brings us to the fol­low­ing Times of Israel report from back in 2019 about the kind of theo­crat­ic extrem­ism that was being taught at Israeli pre-mil­i­tary reli­gious acad­e­mies. Not just Nazi-like extrem­ism but an actu­al­ly embrace of Nazism, includ­ing a deep respect for Adolf Hitler. He only got one thing wrong, which was that he tar­get­ed con­ser­v­a­tive Jews, but oth­er­wise he was cor­rect. Also, non-Jews want to be the slaves of Jews due to the genet­ic supe­ri­or­i­ty of the Jews. Yep. Those were the lessons being taught at these pre-mil­i­tary acad­e­mies in 2019. And the rab­bis behind these extrem­ist teach­ings are unam­bigu­ous­ly rad­i­cals, they aren’t exact­ly obscure rad­i­cals. Fig­ures like Rab­bi Eliez­er Kashtiel, the head of the Bnei David acad­e­my in Eli, whose grad­u­ates often go on to join Israel’s mil­i­tary elite.

    And, again, these reports are from 2019, almost 5 years ago. Israel’s far right theoc­ra­cy prob­lem has­n’t exact­ly got­ten bet­ter over the last five years. So when we find reports about Israeli snipers inten­tion­al­ly tar­get­ing small chil­dren, we have to ask: were any of these snipers by chance grad­u­ates of a school that gave them an edu­ca­tion in geno­ci­dal thought?:

    Times of Israel

    Embrac­ing racism, rab­bis at pre-army yeshi­va laud Hitler, urge enslav­ing Arabs

    Record­ings show instruc­tors at set­tle­ment acad­e­my open­ly pro­mot­ing Jew­ish suprema­cy; prin­ci­pal says Arabs want to live under Israeli occu­pa­tion due to their genet­ic infe­ri­or­i­ty

    By Tamar Pileg­gi
    30 April 2019, 10:17 am

    Two rab­bis at a pre-mil­i­tary reli­gious acad­e­my in a West Bank set­tle­ment were record­ed mak­ing deroga­to­ry and racist com­ments about Arabs, defend­ing Adolf Hitler’s world­view, and open­ly pro­mot­ing Jew­ish suprema­cy.

    In a series of undat­ed record­ings pub­lished by Chan­nel 13 news on Mon­day, Rab­bi Eliez­er Kashtiel, the head of the Bnei David acad­e­my in Eli, can be heard call­ing for the enslave­ment of the “stu­pid and vio­lent” non-Jews due to their genet­ic infe­ri­or­i­ty.

    “The gen­tiles will want to be our slaves. Being a slave to a Jew is the best. They’re glad to be slaves, they want to be slaves,” he told a class in one of the video clips. “Instead of just walk­ing the streets and being stu­pid and vio­lent and harm­ing each oth­er, once they’re slaves, their lives can begin to take shape.”

    “All around us, we are sur­round­ed by peo­ples with genet­ic prob­lems. Ask a sim­ple Arab ‘where do you want to be?’ He wants to be under the occu­pa­tion. Why? Because they have genet­ic prob­lems, they don’t know how to run a coun­try, they don’t know how to do any­thing. Look at them.”

    In the lec­ture, Kashtiel goes on to embrace racism against non-Jews.

    “Yes, we’re racists. We believe in racism… There are races in the world and peo­ples have genet­ic traits, and that requires us to try to help them,” he said. “The Jews are a more suc­cess­ful race.”

    In anoth­er clip from the Bnei David Yeshi­va pub­lished by Chan­nel 13, Rab­bi Gio­ra Redler can be heard prais­ing Hilter’s ide­ol­o­gy dur­ing a les­son about the Holo­caust.

    “Let’s just start with whether Hitler was right or not,” he told stu­dents. “He was the most cor­rect per­son there ever was, and was cor­rect in every word he said… he was just on the wrong side.”

    Redler goes on to say that plu­ral­ism is the “real” geno­cide being per­pe­trat­ed against the Jew­ish peo­ple, not Nazi Germany’s Final Solu­tion.

    “The real Holo­caust was not when they mur­dered the Jews, that’s not it. All these excus­es — that it was ide­o­log­i­cal or sys­tem­at­ic — are non­sense,” he said. “Human­ism, and the sec­u­lar cul­ture of ‘We believe in man,’ that’s the Holo­caust.”

    The com­ments drew wide con­dem­na­tion from oppo­si­tion law­mak­ers who called for pulling all state fund­ing to the Eli-based acad­e­my over Kashtiel’s and Redler’s remarks.

    ...

    After the footage was aired on Mon­day, Kashtiel and Redler, in a state­ment to Chan­nel 13, acknowl­edged mak­ing the remarks but claimed the com­ments were tak­en out of con­text.

    Kashtiel said he was “pained” that his “les­son on human rights” was mis­in­ter­pret­ed, telling the net­work he meant the pre­cise oppo­site, and was call­ing for “social respon­si­bil­i­ty and car­ing for the weak.” He said his ref­er­ences to slav­ery and racism were a “mod­ernist-social­ist inter­pre­ta­tion” of those con­cepts.

    In his les­son, Redler said he was sim­ply try­ing to “explain Hitler’s mor­bid log­ic,” and accused the media of a “cyn­i­cal smear” against him days before Holo­caust Remem­brance Day.

    Rab­bis teach­ing at the Eli acad­e­my — a dar­ling of the nation­al reli­gious camp for fun­nel­ing of thou­sands of reli­gious offi­cers into senior com­bat posi­tions in the IDF — have a his­to­ry of mak­ing con­tro­ver­sial and illib­er­al remarks.

    In 2016, the co-founder of the Bnei David acad­e­my, Yigal Levin­stein, was record­ed in class call­ing gay peo­ple “sick and per­vert­ed. In anoth­er lec­ture that year, Levin­stein claimed that draft­ing women to the IDF was mak­ing them “crazy” and stripped them of their Jew­ish­ness.

    Bnei David’s oth­er co-founder, Rab­bi Eli Sadan, preach­es against edu­cat­ing women, claim­ing that inde­pen­dent think­ing “neuters their most impor­tant capa­bil­i­ty… to build the home.”

    Last year, footage sur­faced of anoth­er Bnei David teacher, Rab­bi Yosef Kel­ner, lec­tur­ing stu­dents on women being “weak-mind­ed” and pos­sess­ing a reduced capac­i­ty for spir­i­tu­al­i­ty.

    In 2017, then-defense min­is­ter Avig­dor Liber­man vowed to defund the Eli acad­e­my, but the move was blocked by the attor­ney gen­er­al for legal rea­sons. Instead, Liber­man announced that he would restrict the num­ber of stu­dents as a puni­tive mea­sure for the “con­stant sex­ism” at the Eli acad­e­my.

    ———-

    “Embrac­ing racism, rab­bis at pre-army yeshi­va laud Hitler, urge enslav­ing Arabs” By Tamar Pileg­gi; Times of Israel; 04/30/2019

    “Rab­bis teach­ing at the Eli acad­e­my — a dar­ling of the nation­al reli­gious camp for fun­nel­ing of thou­sands of reli­gious offi­cers into senior com­bat posi­tions in the IDF — have a his­to­ry of mak­ing con­tro­ver­sial and illib­er­al remarks.”

    A dar­ling of the nation­al reli­gious camp that fun­nels thou­sands of reli­gious offi­cers into senior com­bat roles in the IDF. That’s how this report described the Eli Acad­e­my. Hence the nation­al scan­dal when it was revealed that the acad­e­my is indoc­tri­nat­ing its stu­dents in gen­uine Nazi-like lessons in the genet­ic suprema­cy of the Jews and, in turn, the genet­ic infe­ri­or­i­ty of Arabs (LOL). And it’s not just overt racism but a kind of Jew­ish ver­sion of the “white man’s bur­den” call to col­o­nize peo­ple ‘for their own good’ we recent­ly heard from Erik Prince. The Pales­tini­ans need­ed the Jews to occu­py and enslave them due to their genet­ic infe­ri­or­i­ty. Those were the lessons com­ing from none oth­er than the mouth of Rab­bi Kashtiel, the head of the acad­e­my:

    ...
    “The gen­tiles will want to be our slaves. Being a slave to a Jew is the best. They’re glad to be slaves, they want to be slaves,” he told a class in one of the video clips. “Instead of just walk­ing the streets and being stu­pid and vio­lent and harm­ing each oth­er, once they’re slaves, their lives can begin to take shape.”

    “All around us, we are sur­round­ed by peo­ples with genet­ic prob­lems. Ask a sim­ple Arab ‘where do you want to be?’ He wants to be under the occu­pa­tion. Why? Because they have genet­ic prob­lems, they don’t know how to run a coun­try, they don’t know how to do any­thing. Look at them.”

    In the lec­ture, Kashtiel goes on to embrace racism against non-Jews.

    “Yes, we’re racists. We believe in racism… There are races in the world and peo­ples have genet­ic traits, and that requires us to try to help them,” he said. “The Jews are a more suc­cess­ful race.”
    ...

    But Kashtiel was­n’t the only rab­bi espous­ing Nazi-like lessons. There’s also Rab­bi Gio­ra Redler, who appeared to make the case that the real geno­cide being com­mit­ted against the Jews is sec­u­lar­ism. And also that Hitler was right. Or rather, Hitler was “the most cor­rect per­son there ever was, and was cor­rect in every word he said… he was just on the wrong side.” In oth­er words, had the Nazis specif­i­cal­ly just exter­mi­nat­ed sec­u­lar peo­ples that would have been jus­ti­fied:

    ...
    In anoth­er clip from the Bnei David Yeshi­va pub­lished by Chan­nel 13, Rab­bi Gio­ra Redler can be heard prais­ing Hilter’s ide­ol­o­gy dur­ing a les­son about the Holo­caust.

    “Let’s just start with whether Hitler was right or not,” he told stu­dents. “He was the most cor­rect per­son there ever was, and was cor­rect in every word he said… he was just on the wrong side.”

    Redler goes on to say that plu­ral­ism is the “real” geno­cide being per­pe­trat­ed against the Jew­ish peo­ple, not Nazi Germany’s Final Solu­tion.

    “The real Holo­caust was not when they mur­dered the Jews, that’s not it. All these excus­es — that it was ide­o­log­i­cal or sys­tem­at­ic — are non­sense,” he said. “Human­ism, and the sec­u­lar cul­ture of ‘We believe in man,’ that’s the Holo­caust.”

    The com­ments drew wide con­dem­na­tion from oppo­si­tion law­mak­ers who called for pulling all state fund­ing to the Eli-based acad­e­my over Kashtiel’s and Redler’s remarks.
    ...

    Jour­nal­ist David Sheen held a 2019 lec­ture at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Zurich that delves more into the Naz­i­fied pre-mil­i­tary edu­ca­tion tak­ing place at these acad­e­mies and the numer­ous awards and state acco­lades these fig­ures have received. At the end of the video (it’s less than 7 min­utes), Sheen dis­cussed the prize award­ed to Rab­bi Yitzchak Gins­burgh, who Sheen describes as prob­a­bly the most racist rab­bi in the coun­try. As Sheen goes on to describe, Gins­burgh actu­al­ly wrote a book jus­ti­fy­ing not just the killing of Pales­tin­ian adults but even the killing Pales­tin­ian babies.

    So with that kind of insti­tu­tion­al­ized extrem­ism per­co­lat­ing though the IDF in mind, here’s a 2016 piece in the For­ward with much more about Gins­burgh and his fol­low­ing. A cult-like fol­low­ing that wants to over­throw the gov­ern­ment and enshrine him as King of Israel:

    For­ward

    The Kab­bal­ist Who Would Be King of a New Jew­ish Monar­chy in Israel

    By Natan Oden­heimer
    Octo­ber 14, 2016

    The crowd was eclec­tic, from stern, black-garbed ultra-Ortho­dox men to youths of both sex­es bedecked in col­or­ful, hip­pie-like clothes. They hailed from homes as far as Safed, the kab­bal­ist cen­ter in Israel’s North, and as remote as iso­lat­ed hill­top set­tle­ments in the occu­pied West Bank. Even a few New Age types from sec­u­lar Tel Aviv were in evi­dence.

    The 3,000 men, women and chil­dren at Tel Aviv’s new­ly ren­o­vat­ed Habi­ma Square last Decem­ber were wait­ing anx­ious­ly to hear Rab­bi Yitzchak Gins­burgh, the St. Louis-born mys­tic and schol­ar whose qui­et demeanor belies incen­di­ary schol­ar­ly writ­ings that are inspir­ing a gen­er­a­tion of Jew­ish suprema­cists.

    The venue marked some­thing of a main­stream com­ing-out mile­stone for Gins­burgh. Every year since 2011, in coop­er­a­tion with the Chabad Hasidic sect, Gins­burgh has held an epic event on “Redemp­tion Hol­i­day,” a Chabad-Lubav­itch fes­tiv­i­ty set for the 19th of Kislev on the Hebrew cal­en­dar — the day in 1798 that czarist author­i­ties in Rus­sia released Chabad’s founder, Rab­bi Schneur Zal­man, from jail. After years of stag­ing the event in heav­i­ly Ortho­dox Jerusalem, this was the first time that Gins­burgh, a long­time Chabad adher­ent, held the event in Tel Aviv, in one of the city’s most promi­nent sec­u­lar venues.

    An Amer­i­can trans­plant to Israel, Gins­burgh is best known for his teach­ings that seem to give license to Jew­ish vengeance attacks against Pales­tini­ans. His crit­ics claim that Ginsburgh’s influ­ence lies behind the worst Jew­ish ter­ror attacks of the past 20 years, from the assas­si­na­tion of Prime Min­is­ter Yitzhak Rabin, to the mas­sacre in Hebron of 29 Pales­tini­ans by Baruch Gold­stein, who he hailed and endorsed in a book soon after the mur­ders.

    But Ginsburgh’s fol­low­ers view him as no less than a prophet.

    “Sec­u­lar Zion­ism is stag­nant and has noth­ing left to offer. Even Bibi [Prime Min­is­ter Ben­jamin Netanyahu] does not know how to cope with ter­ror,” said Tzvi­ki Basok, a 29-year-old res­i­dent of the tiny West Bank set­tle­ment of Aha­ia who iden­ti­fied him­self as a devot­ed Gins­burgh fol­low­er. A father of six, Basok wore a dark-brown flat cap on his head, slim glass­es on his nose, and a per­pet­u­al­ly friend­ly smile that his shag­gy beard could not quite hide. “Gins­burgh,” he said, is the “only one who is will­ing to take respon­si­bil­i­ty over the entire­ty of the Jew­ish nation, accord­ing to Torah.”

    But Gins­burgh is not just about vio­lence against Pales­tini­ans. His wide net­work of schools and com­mu­ni­ties has, until recent­ly, been finan­cial­ly sup­port­ed by the Israeli gov­ern­ment and con­tin­ues to receive fund­ing from pri­vate donors in the Unit­ed States and Israel. And he has a vision for the state’s future: He wants to dis­man­tle it. In its place, he seeks to estab­lish a Jew­ish monar­chy. Indeed, some of his fol­low­ers hope to crown Gins­burgh him­self as their king. And though the num­ber of Israelis open­ly advo­cat­ing this right now is rel­a­tive­ly small, they have a pen­chant for action that has giv­en them a dis­pro­por­tion­ate impact on events.

    Ginsburgh’s stu­dents include the so-called Hill­top Youth — gag­gles of Jew­ish teens who roam the West Bank hill­tops and intim­i­date Pales­tini­ans through acts of van­dal­ism, arson and even mur­der.

    Just a few weeks pri­or to Ginsburgh’s Tel Aviv event, two of these youths, now under indict­ment, alleged­ly fire­bombed the home of a fam­i­ly in the West Bank Pales­tin­ian vil­lage of Duma. Two young par­ents and their 18-month infant burned to death. On the walls of the Dawab­sheh family’s home, the arson­ists daubed the graf­fi­ti mes­sages “Revenge” and “Long Live King Mes­si­ah.”

    Gins­burgh has a pro­pos­al for address­ing such out­breaks. In a 2014 pub­lic let­ter to 100 rab­bis, he declared that the only way to stop Jew­ish ter­ror actions, which he referred to as “uncon­trolled reac­tions of young­sters who care about Israel,” is for the gov­ern­ment and army to inter­nal­ize that “the entire­ty of the State of Israel (includ­ing what is called ‘occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries’) belongs sole­ly to the Nation of Israel, that it’s every Jew’s right to set­tle any­where he pleas­es, and that the role of the army is only to pro­tect Jews.”

    ...

    Gins­burgh is the spir­i­tu­al leader of the Od Yosef Chai (“Joseph Still Lives”) yeshi­va — a West Bank sem­i­nary that has pro­duced suc­ces­sive cohorts of rad­i­cal stu­dents impli­cat­ed in vio­lence against Pales­tini­ans—and the cler­i­cal emi­nence behind a wide net­work of vil­lages, neigh­bor­hoods, ele­men­tary schools, yeshiv­as, pub­lish­ing hous­es. He directs a youth move­ment, a news web­site, a cen­ter for Jew­ish psy­chol­o­gy and even a polit­i­cal move­ment, called Derech Chaim, of about 4,500 activists who sup­port the idea that “the essence of the Jew­ish State is to become the King­dom of Israel,” accord­ing to the movement’s offi­cial web­site. One of Derech Chaim’s major projects is the Hebrew Labor cam­paign, a title that white­wash­es the real pur­pose of the project: to con­vince Jew­ish busi­ness own­ers not to hire Arab work­ers.

    For more than 20 years, many of Ginsburgh’s insti­tu­tions were sup­port­ed by the State of Israel through the Min­istry of Edu­ca­tion, the Min­istry of Reli­gious Affairs and the Min­istry of Wel­fare, receiv­ing mil­lions of shekels. Od Yosef Chai’s pub­lished finan­cial records, for instance, record bud­getary allo­ca­tions from the Min­istry of Edu­ca­tion total­ing over $221,000 in 2007, a lit­tle more than $265,000 in 2008 and almost $293,000 in 2010.

    In 2011 the flow of cash from the state to most of his orga­ni­za­tions was stopped after the Min­istry of Edu­ca­tion accept­ed a Shin Bet assess­ment that “lead­ing teach­ers” at Od Yosef Chai Yeshi­va fos­ter vio­lence by their stu­dents against the Israel Defense Forces and the Pales­tini­ans. Pub­lished records show that the Min­istry of Edu­ca­tion still funds two of Ginsburg’s ele­men­tary schools in Jerusalem, Torat HaY­im and Ye’elat Chen, and that the Min­istry of Wel­fare sup­ports a side project of Od Yosef Chai yeshi­va in the Galilee.

    A spokesper­son for the Min­istry of Reli­gion and the Chief Rab­binate told the For­ward that the min­istry does not allo­cate funds to Ginsburg’s yeshiv­as but it does con­sid­er grad­u­ates of those yeshiv­as as eli­gi­ble can­di­dates to become state-approved rab­bis.

    Pri­vate donors also hand­some­ly sup­port Ginsburgh’s orga­ni­za­tions through tax-exempt Amer­i­can and Israeli not-for-prof­its. As report­ed by Haaretz jour­nal­ist Uri Blau, the Cen­tral Fund of Israel, head­ed by the New York-based Mar­cus fam­i­ly, has giv­en Gins­burgh $100,000–$160,000 annu­al­ly for sev­er­al years now; the yeshiva’s official’s web­site still sug­gests that dona­tions in the Unit­ed States should be made to the Cen­tral Fund of Israel, c/o Mar­cus Broth­ers Tex­tile, 980 6th Ave. NYC. Od Yosef Chai’s finan­cial reports show that Keren Hayesod, an Israeli arm of the Jew­ish Agency, made a one-time con­tri­bu­tion of $117,000 to the yeshi­va in 2013.

    Gins­burgh also runs his own sep­a­rate not-for-prof­it edu­ca­tion­al out­let, the Gal Einai insti­tute — which works close­ly with his pub­lish­ing house of the same name — to fundraise in the Unit­ed States, although most of his dona­tions, pub­lic records show, come from pri­vate Israeli donors and small busi­ness­es such as the Israeli real-estate com­pa­ny ICOM.

    Gal Einai’s younger, more dynam­ic jour­nal­is­tic sis­ter is the Jew­ish Voice, a media out­let that gives Gins­burgh-inspired instant expla­na­tions for cur­rent events as they unfold. In late sum­mer 2015 the fire­bomb­ing of the Dawab­sheh family’s home in Duma moved Israeli secu­ri­ty forces to con­duct a sweep of sus­pect­ed Jew­ish ter­ror­ists. Quick­ly, the Jew­ish Voice pro­mot­ed a wide­ly cir­cu­lat­ed peti­tion call­ing for their release. Ginsburg’s name was the first in the long list of estab­lished rab­bis on the pub­lic peti­tion.

    ...

    Ginsburgh’s own path from a tra­di­tion­al Jew­ish com­mu­ni­ty in St. Louis to the fore­front of Israel’s rad­i­cal reli­gious fringe is part­ly unknown, part­ly cloud­ed by myths. The way Ginsburgh’s fol­low­ers tell it, the future kab­bal­ist became a ba’al teshu­vah, or returnee to tra­di­tion­al Judaism, at the age of 14 after a strik­ing encounter with a Hasidic Jew. Oth­ers, who knew him lat­er in life, say that it was a rab­bi in Philadel­phia who paved Ginsburg’s path to Torah when he was 18 or 19.

    ...

    In 1965, Gins­burgh immi­grat­ed to Israel, where he lived in Jerusalem and con­tin­ued to immerse him­self in his stud­ies. Then, after the 1967 Six-Day War he was part of a small group that pio­neered the revival of the Jew­ish Quar­ter in the Old City of Jerusalem.

    It was also around this time that Gins­burgh dis­cov­ered Chabad. The encounter inspired him to jour­ney to the heart of the move­ment, in the Crown Heights sec­tion of Brook­lyn. He stayed in New York for a few months and stud­ied with Rab­bi Men­achem Mendel Schneer­son, the sect’s influ­en­tial grand rab­bi.

    The expe­ri­ence trans­formed him; to this day he con­sid­ers him­self part of Chabad even though, to a sig­nif­i­cant extent, he has diverged from the Chabad doc­trine and cre­at­ed one of his own.

    Today, Gins­burgh and Schneer­son resem­ble each oth­er. Ginsburgh’s long white beard, pale skin, black Chabad attire and even his ges­tures — like rais­ing a hand to empha­size a cru­cial point, or his con­cen­trat­ed nod when music is play­ing — are rem­i­nis­cent of Schneer­son. His ties with the sect remain close.

    There is anoth­er sim­i­lar­i­ty: Schneer­son was rou­tine­ly hailed by his acolytes as the Jew­ish mes­si­ah whose com­ing was pre­dict­ed by bibil­i­cal prophets, but nev­er pub­licly accept­ed or dis­avowed these beliefs. Sim­i­lar­ly, Ginsburgh’s fol­low­ers do not just sup­port his calls for an Israeli monar­chy; they believe he should hold the crown. But Gins­burgh has care­ful­ly avoid­ed either con­firm­ing or dis­avow­ing his inter­est in the posi­tion.

    In the late 1960s, Gins­burgh returned to teach in Jerusalem, where he got mar­ried and even­tu­al­ly moved to Kfar Chabad, the Chabad-only vil­lage near Lod in cen­tral Israel, where he even­tu­al­ly raised six chil­dren. And by the ear­ly 1970s, he was amass­ing a fol­low­ing. “He was kind of their guru,” said Dov, who moved to Israel him­self around that time and recon­nect­ed with his for­mer study part­ner. These ear­ly dis­ci­ples seemed to grav­i­tate toward Gins­burgh, who exud­ed a spir­i­tu­al self-con­fi­dence, Dov said.

    By the ear­ly 1980s, Gins­burgh was quick­ly becom­ing a leader among the West Bank rad­i­cal youth. In 1983 he helped found the Od Yosef Chai yeshi­va in the Pales­tin­ian city of Nablus. And in 1989, 30 of Ginsburgh’s stu­dents went on a ram­page in the vil­lage of Kifl Hares near Nablus shoot­ing and killing a 13-year-old Pales­tin­ian girl. Gins­burgh tes­ti­fied on their behalf in an Israeli court, say­ing, “It should be rec­og­nized that Jew­ish blood and a goy’s [non Jew’s] blood are not the same.” It is a phrase that he would repeat, in one iter­a­tion or anoth­er, time and again.

    In 1994, the Amer­i­can-born set­tler, Gold­stein, mur­dered 29 Pales­tin­ian Mus­lims in Hebron as they knelt in prayer at the Cave of the Patri­archs, where, accord­ing to tra­di­tion, the bib­li­cal fig­ures Abra­ham, Isaac, Jacob and their wives — all of them revered also in Islam — are buried. Soon after, Gins­burgh wrote his most infa­mous work: a pam­phlet titled “Baruch Ha Gev­er,” or “Blessed Is the Hero­ic Man,” that inves­ti­gates the spir­i­tu­al and moral virtues of Goldstein’s mas­sacre. The title, per­haps not inci­den­tal­ly, also invoked Goldstein’s own first name, sug­gest­ing he was the hero­ic man. “The life of Israel is more impor­tant than the life of goy­im,” Gins­burgh wrote there. “If there is a chance (even a slight one) that the goy will work (even indis­creet­ly) to harm the life of Israel, then you don’t care for the life of the goy — more­over the best goy is a dead one.”

    Ginsburgh’s pam­phlet inspired the pub­li­ca­tion of a col­lec­tion of arti­cles in a book, also enti­tled “Baruch Ha Gev­er,” that explored the per­mis­si­bil­i­ty of killing Arabs accord­ing to Jew­ish law. The edi­tors of the books were con­vict­ed of incite­ment for racism in 1996. In April of that same year, Gins­burgh gained notice in Amer­i­can Jew­ish cir­cles when he told the New York Jew­ish Week that Halacha, or tra­di­tion­al Jew­ish law, would “prob­a­bly per­mit” seiz­ing an unwill­ing non-Jew for a liv­er trans­plant to save the life of a Jew.

    “Jew­ish life has infi­nite val­ue,” he told the news­pa­per. “There is some­thing infi­nite­ly more holy and unique about Jew­ish life than non-Jew­ish life.”

    In March 1996, Gins­burg was detained with­out charge or tri­al — a prac­tice usu­al­ly reserved exclu­sive­ly for Arabs — for 60 days on the direct order of Prime Min­is­ter Shi­mon Peres. The state cit­ed him as an imme­di­ate threat when, after a spate of ter­ror­ist attacks, he alleged­ly told his stu­dents that it was “imper­a­tive under Jew­ish law to revenge the Arabs.” In his appeal, Gins­burgh didn’t deny these words; he instead argued that his prais­ing of revenge against Arabs, “… isn’t enough to assume — at least not to the need­ed degree of prob­a­bil­i­ty — that because of these words his stu­dents will harm Arabs.”

    Debrief­ing the Knes­set three days after the deten­tion order, Min­is­ter of Inter­nal Secu­ri­ty Moshe Sha­hal said: “Yitzchak Gins­burgh is one of the most extreme of the so-called rab­bis. He con­sis­tent­ly preach­es for revenge, he jus­ti­fied the mas­sacre at the Tomb of the Patri­archs…. He has influ­ence over his fol­low­ers, who see his inter­pre­ta­tion of Jew­ish law as a per­mis­sion, and even an instruc­tion, for action.”

    But less than three weeks lat­er, Supreme Court Judge Dalia Dorner ordered Ginsburgh’s release. She crit­i­cized Peres’s admin­is­tra­tive deten­tion order, say­ing that “it was nev­er proved that his state­ments… may bring his stu­dents to attack Arabs.”

    Since then, some of Ginsburgh’s stu­dents have been accused and jailed count­less times for attack­ing Arabs, in some cas­es, shoot­ing and seri­ous­ly wound­ing them. But author­i­ties have been frus­trat­ed in prov­ing a link between some­thing Gins­burgh said and a spe­cif­ic vio­lent action.

    “In my per­son­al opin­ion, [Ginsburgh’s] words count as incite­ment and he should have faced charges a long time ago,” Car­mi Gillon, a for­mer head of the Shin Bet, Israel’s domes­tic secu­ri­ty and intel­li­gence ser­vice, told the For­ward in a phone inter­view. “The argu­ment against charg­ing him is that it is impos­si­ble to draw a direct line between some­thing he said and a spe­cif­ic ter­ror attack. But this is the crux of the issue: Often­times in the case of incite­ment, there is no smok­ing bar­rel and we need to trust oth­er evi­dence.”

    The rab­bi first moved to Yitzhar in 2001, when the Israeli army, as part of the Oslo peace agree­ment, with­drew from Nablus, where his Od Yosef Chai yeshi­va had pre­vi­ous­ly been locat­ed, at a site reput­ed by leg­end to be the bur­ial place of the bib­li­cal patri­arch Joseph. Yitzhar is known as one of the most extreme West Bank Jew­ish set­tle­ments, and as if in line with his new loca­tion, Gins­burgh pub­licly called at the time for a “rev­o­lu­tion” and a “new Jew­ish coun­try” where Jew­ish law would replace sec­u­lar gov­ern­ment. Israel’s secu­ri­ty ser­vices raid­ed the school in 2010, after pub­li­ca­tion of “The King’s Torah,” a book by two of Ginsburgh’s top dis­ci­ples there that jus­ti­fies the killing of non-Jews, includ­ing infants, if there is rea­son to believe they will grow up to harm Jews.

    For Gins­burgh, “The sec­u­lar Zion­ist enter­prise is the shell before the fruit,” mean­ing the redemp­tion, said Shlo­mo Fis­ch­er, an Israeli soci­ol­o­gist who has stud­ied his work. “The Israeli gov­ern­ment is basi­cal­ly evil. It is pre­vent­ing the redemp­tion. So what he is say­ing is that we need some­thing total­ly dif­fer­ent.” To Ginsburgh’s fol­low­ers, the rab­bi him­self is the only one who can bring that about.

    The extent of his fol­low­ers’ devo­tion is dis­played at his events. This past March, dur­ing Purim fes­tiv­i­ties on the third floor of a syn­a­gogue in the Nach­laot neigh­bor­hood in Jerusalem, some of his stu­dents were singing and danc­ing. “You know who this is?” one of them asked anoth­er. Before his friend could reply, he answered: “The rab­bi is the Mes­si­ah King! He is our king and our Mes­si­ah.” Eliyahu Pelee, the 22 year-old son of one of Ginsburgh’s clos­est stu­dents, who was raised in Yitzhar, told the For­ward that for his fol­low­ers, Gins­burgh is unques­tion­ably the per­son for the job of monarch.

    In the past 10 years, Gins­burgh has some­what toned down his vio­lent rhetoric, even decry­ing the use of vio­lence to achieve the tru­ly Jew­ish state of which he dreams. But his influ­ence con­tin­ues through his stu­dents. In June 2014, secu­ri­ty offi­cials were cit­ed in an arti­cle in the Israeli dai­ly Haaretz blam­ing a spate of vengeance attacks on a group of about 100 rad­i­cal activists in Yitzhar who based their actions on Ginsburgh’s teach­ings.

    Duma, site of the arson attack that killed the three Dawab­sheh fam­i­ly mem­bers, lies between Yitzhar and Kfar Tapuach, a strong­hold of fol­low­ers of Rab­bi Meir Kahane, the late right-wing Brook­lyn-born reli­gious nation­al­ist. Kahane advo­cat­ed mass expul­sion of all Arabs from Israel and the West Bank and, in a kind of fate­ful con­ver­gence, one of the prize stu­dents to emerge from Ginsburgh’s yeshi­va is Meir Ettinger, a Kfar Tapuach native and Kahane’s own grand­son. Today, Ettinger has come to promi­nence as a rad­i­cal anti-state ide­o­logue in his own right while remain­ing a close asso­ciate of Gins­burgh. In a blog post last year, Ettinger advo­cat­ed strate­gi­cal­ly dri­ving the Israeli Pales­tin­ian con­flict toward “expul­sion” of non-Jews. Israeli author­i­ties believe he is the leader of a group called The Revolt — a West Bank cell that aims to over­throw the state—and jailed him with­out charge or tri­al in July 2015. He was released only this past Feb­ru­ary.

    In a recent rare inter­view, Ettinger’s wife said, “All of [Ettinger’s] ideas are advised by the Torah’s opin­ion, espe­cial­ly by Rab­bi Yitzchak Gins­burgh; he gets all of his ideas from him [Gins­burgh] and tries to be his sho­far.”

    ————

    “The Kab­bal­ist Who Would Be King of a New Jew­ish Monar­chy in Israel” By Natan Oden­heimer; For­ward; 10/14/2016

    “But Gins­burgh is not just about vio­lence against Pales­tini­ans. His wide net­work of schools and com­mu­ni­ties has, until recent­ly, been finan­cial­ly sup­port­ed by the Israeli gov­ern­ment and con­tin­ues to receive fund­ing from pri­vate donors in the Unit­ed States and Israel. And he has a vision for the state’s future: He wants to dis­man­tle it. In its place, he seeks to estab­lish a Jew­ish monar­chy. Indeed, some of his fol­low­ers hope to crown Gins­burgh him­self as their king. And though the num­ber of Israelis open­ly advo­cat­ing this right now is rel­a­tive­ly small, they have a pen­chant for action that has giv­en them a dis­pro­por­tion­ate impact on events.”

    The for­mal impo­si­tion of a Jew­ish theoc­ra­cy ruled by a king. That’s the plan. Or at least, that’s the plan of Rab­bi Gins­burgh and his thou­sands of zeal­ous fol­low­ers. And based on the decades of state sup­port, it’s hard to avoid the sus­pi­cion that a lot more peo­ple are very open to tak­ing Israel in this direc­tion:

    ...
    Gins­burgh is the spir­i­tu­al leader of the Od Yosef Chai (“Joseph Still Lives”) yeshi­va — a West Bank sem­i­nary that has pro­duced suc­ces­sive cohorts of rad­i­cal stu­dents impli­cat­ed in vio­lence against Pales­tini­ans—and the cler­i­cal emi­nence behind a wide net­work of vil­lages, neigh­bor­hoods, ele­men­tary schools, yeshiv­as, pub­lish­ing hous­es. He directs a youth move­ment, a news web­site, a cen­ter for Jew­ish psy­chol­o­gy and even a polit­i­cal move­ment, called Derech Chaim, of about 4,500 activists who sup­port the idea that “the essence of the Jew­ish State is to become the King­dom of Israel,” accord­ing to the movement’s offi­cial web­site. One of Derech Chaim’s major projects is the Hebrew Labor cam­paign, a title that white­wash­es the real pur­pose of the project: to con­vince Jew­ish busi­ness own­ers not to hire Arab work­ers.

    For more than 20 years, many of Ginsburgh’s insti­tu­tions were sup­port­ed by the State of Israel through the Min­istry of Edu­ca­tion, the Min­istry of Reli­gious Affairs and the Min­istry of Wel­fare, receiv­ing mil­lions of shekels. Od Yosef Chai’s pub­lished finan­cial records, for instance, record bud­getary allo­ca­tions from the Min­istry of Edu­ca­tion total­ing over $221,000 in 2007, a lit­tle more than $265,000 in 2008 and almost $293,000 in 2010.

    In 2011 the flow of cash from the state to most of his orga­ni­za­tions was stopped after the Min­istry of Edu­ca­tion accept­ed a Shin Bet assess­ment that “lead­ing teach­ers” at Od Yosef Chai Yeshi­va fos­ter vio­lence by their stu­dents against the Israel Defense Forces and the Pales­tini­ans. Pub­lished records show that the Min­istry of Edu­ca­tion still funds two of Ginsburg’s ele­men­tary schools in Jerusalem, Torat HaY­im and Ye’elat Chen, and that the Min­istry of Wel­fare sup­ports a side project of Od Yosef Chai yeshi­va in the Galilee.

    A spokesper­son for the Min­istry of Reli­gion and the Chief Rab­binate told the For­ward that the min­istry does not allo­cate funds to Ginsburg’s yeshiv­as but it does con­sid­er grad­u­ates of those yeshiv­as as eli­gi­ble can­di­dates to become state-approved rab­bis.
    ...

    And it appears that one of Gins­burgh’s key skills is legal­ly get­ting away with advo­cat­ing what amounts to ter­ror against non-Jews. Bad faith legal argu­ments have served him well:

    ...
    In the late 1960s, Gins­burgh returned to teach in Jerusalem, where he got mar­ried and even­tu­al­ly moved to Kfar Chabad, the Chabad-only vil­lage near Lod in cen­tral Israel, where he even­tu­al­ly raised six chil­dren. And by the ear­ly 1970s, he was amass­ing a fol­low­ing. “He was kind of their guru,” said Dov, who moved to Israel him­self around that time and recon­nect­ed with his for­mer study part­ner. These ear­ly dis­ci­ples seemed to grav­i­tate toward Gins­burgh, who exud­ed a spir­i­tu­al self-con­fi­dence, Dov said.

    By the ear­ly 1980s, Gins­burgh was quick­ly becom­ing a leader among the West Bank rad­i­cal youth. In 1983 he helped found the Od Yosef Chai yeshi­va in the Pales­tin­ian city of Nablus. And in 1989, 30 of Ginsburgh’s stu­dents went on a ram­page in the vil­lage of Kifl Hares near Nablus shoot­ing and killing a 13-year-old Pales­tin­ian girl. Gins­burgh tes­ti­fied on their behalf in an Israeli court, say­ing, “It should be rec­og­nized that Jew­ish blood and a goy’s [non Jew’s] blood are not the same.” It is a phrase that he would repeat, in one iter­a­tion or anoth­er, time and again.

    In 1994, the Amer­i­can-born set­tler, Gold­stein, mur­dered 29 Pales­tin­ian Mus­lims in Hebron as they knelt in prayer at the Cave of the Patri­archs, where, accord­ing to tra­di­tion, the bib­li­cal fig­ures Abra­ham, Isaac, Jacob and their wives — all of them revered also in Islam — are buried. Soon after, Gins­burgh wrote his most infa­mous work: a pam­phlet titled “Baruch Ha Gev­er,” or “Blessed Is the Hero­ic Man,” that inves­ti­gates the spir­i­tu­al and moral virtues of Goldstein’s mas­sacre. The title, per­haps not inci­den­tal­ly, also invoked Goldstein’s own first name, sug­gest­ing he was the hero­ic man. “The life of Israel is more impor­tant than the life of goy­im,” Gins­burgh wrote there. “If there is a chance (even a slight one) that the goy will work (even indis­creet­ly) to harm the life of Israel, then you don’t care for the life of the goy — more­over the best goy is a dead one.”

    Ginsburgh’s pam­phlet inspired the pub­li­ca­tion of a col­lec­tion of arti­cles in a book, also enti­tled “Baruch Ha Gev­er,” that explored the per­mis­si­bil­i­ty of killing Arabs accord­ing to Jew­ish law. The edi­tors of the books were con­vict­ed of incite­ment for racism in 1996. In April of that same year, Gins­burgh gained notice in Amer­i­can Jew­ish cir­cles when he told the New York Jew­ish Week that Halacha, or tra­di­tion­al Jew­ish law, would “prob­a­bly per­mit” seiz­ing an unwill­ing non-Jew for a liv­er trans­plant to save the life of a Jew.

    “Jew­ish life has infi­nite val­ue,” he told the news­pa­per. “There is some­thing infi­nite­ly more holy and unique about Jew­ish life than non-Jew­ish life.”

    In March 1996, Gins­burg was detained with­out charge or tri­al — a prac­tice usu­al­ly reserved exclu­sive­ly for Arabs — for 60 days on the direct order of Prime Min­is­ter Shi­mon Peres. The state cit­ed him as an imme­di­ate threat when, after a spate of ter­ror­ist attacks, he alleged­ly told his stu­dents that it was “imper­a­tive under Jew­ish law to revenge the Arabs.” In his appeal, Gins­burgh didn’t deny these words; he instead argued that his prais­ing of revenge against Arabs, “… isn’t enough to assume — at least not to the need­ed degree of prob­a­bil­i­ty — that because of these words his stu­dents will harm Arabs.”

    Debrief­ing the Knes­set three days after the deten­tion order, Min­is­ter of Inter­nal Secu­ri­ty Moshe Sha­hal said: “Yitzchak Gins­burgh is one of the most extreme of the so-called rab­bis. He con­sis­tent­ly preach­es for revenge, he jus­ti­fied the mas­sacre at the Tomb of the Patri­archs…. He has influ­ence over his fol­low­ers, who see his inter­pre­ta­tion of Jew­ish law as a per­mis­sion, and even an instruc­tion, for action.”

    But less than three weeks lat­er, Supreme Court Judge Dalia Dorner ordered Ginsburgh’s release. She crit­i­cized Peres’s admin­is­tra­tive deten­tion order, say­ing that “it was nev­er proved that his state­ments… may bring his stu­dents to attack Arabs.”

    Since then, some of Ginsburgh’s stu­dents have been accused and jailed count­less times for attack­ing Arabs, in some cas­es, shoot­ing and seri­ous­ly wound­ing them. But author­i­ties have been frus­trat­ed in prov­ing a link between some­thing Gins­burgh said and a spe­cif­ic vio­lent action.

    “In my per­son­al opin­ion, [Ginsburgh’s] words count as incite­ment and he should have faced charges a long time ago,” Car­mi Gillon, a for­mer head of the Shin Bet, Israel’s domes­tic secu­ri­ty and intel­li­gence ser­vice, told the For­ward in a phone inter­view. “The argu­ment against charg­ing him is that it is impos­si­ble to draw a direct line between some­thing he said and a spe­cif­ic ter­ror attack. But this is the crux of the issue: Often­times in the case of incite­ment, there is no smok­ing bar­rel and we need to trust oth­er evi­dence.”
    ...

    And then there’s the 2010 raid of his school fol­low­ing the pub­lic of “The King’s Torah”, a book that jus­ti­fied even the killing of non-Jew­ish infants. Infants grow up, after all!

    ...
    The rab­bi first moved to Yitzhar in 2001, when the Israeli army, as part of the Oslo peace agree­ment, with­drew from Nablus, where his Od Yosef Chai yeshi­va had pre­vi­ous­ly been locat­ed, at a site reput­ed by leg­end to be the bur­ial place of the bib­li­cal patri­arch Joseph. Yitzhar is known as one of the most extreme West Bank Jew­ish set­tle­ments, and as if in line with his new loca­tion, Gins­burgh pub­licly called at the time for a “rev­o­lu­tion” and a “new Jew­ish coun­try” where Jew­ish law would replace sec­u­lar gov­ern­ment. Israel’s secu­ri­ty ser­vices raid­ed the school in 2010, after pub­li­ca­tion of “The King’s Torah,” a book by two of Ginsburgh’s top dis­ci­ples there that jus­ti­fies the killing of non-Jews, includ­ing infants, if there is rea­son to believe they will grow up to harm Jews.

    For Gins­burgh, “The sec­u­lar Zion­ist enter­prise is the shell before the fruit,” mean­ing the redemp­tion, said Shlo­mo Fis­ch­er, an Israeli soci­ol­o­gist who has stud­ied his work. “The Israeli gov­ern­ment is basi­cal­ly evil. It is pre­vent­ing the redemp­tion. So what he is say­ing is that we need some­thing total­ly dif­fer­ent.” To Ginsburgh’s fol­low­ers, the rab­bi him­self is the only one who can bring that about.
    ...

    Again, we have to ask: is the sniper respon­si­ble for all those child head­shots by chance a big Rab­bi Gins­burgh fan? We don’t know and prob­a­bly won’t ever know. But we do know thou­sands of kids when through this kind of indoc­tri­na­tion and went on to serve in senior IDF posi­tions. What kinds of lessons are these kids get­ting today, now that the far right has effec­tive­ly cap­tured Israeli soci­ety? It’s not Israel cir­ca 2019. Things are even cra­zier now. What kind of ‘edu­ca­tion’ are these kids get­ting today? Kids who are prob­a­bly going to be hand­ed a rifle soon­er rather than lat­er in this con­flict.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | February 21, 2024, 5:58 pm
  4. Is a swasti­ka always anti­se­mit­ic? Or does it depend on the con­text? That’s the ques­tion at the heart of a inci­dent cap­ture on video on Lon­don last week that has many ask­ing whether or not Lon­don author­i­ties have allowed the city to be turned into a kind of ‘no-go zone for Jews’ as the mas­sive pro-Pales­tin­ian protests con­tin­ue over the con­flict in Gaza. The inci­dent cen­tered around a Jew­ish counter-pro­tes­tor, Amer­i­can doc­u­men­tary film­mak­er Joce­lyn Weiss, who saw a pro-Pales­tin­ian pro­test­er car­ry­ing a sign with a swasti­ka on it. Weiss then con­fronts a Lon­don police offi­cer to ask why this pro­tes­tor was­n’t being arrest­ed for a bla­tant dis­play of anti­semitism. The offi­cer attempts to explain why he isn’t arrest­ing the pro­tes­tor by cit­ing the need to assess the con­text in which a swasti­ka is used. The two get into a heat­ed exchange, with Weiss express­ing exas­per­a­tion about how any sort of con­text could excuse the use of a swasti­ka in pub­lic while the offi­cer — and his fel­low offi­cers — make rather inept attempts to explain how they rec­og­nize the his­tor­i­cal sig­nif­i­cance of the sym­bol while refut­ing the idea that the use sym­bol, in and of itself, is nec­es­sar­i­ly an anti­se­mit­ic attack.

    It was an inci­dent that left many won­der­ing if Lon­don author­i­ties were some­how com­plic­it in cod­dling pro-Pales­tin­ian extrem­ists. And as part of the larg­er con­text over this ‘con­text ker­fuf­fle’, Britain’s counter-extrem­ism tsar, Robin Sim­cox, warned ear­li­er last month that pro-Pales­tine pro­test­ers are turn­ing Lon­don into a ‘no-go zone for Jews’.

    What are we look­ing at here? It’s a bit of a mess, in part because it’s been large­ly unclear what was actu­al­ly on the swasti­ka sign oth­er than a swasti­ka. After all, it’s one thing to cel­e­brate swasti­ka, but anoth­er to use a swasti­ka to some­how depict some­one as Nazi. The use of a swasti­ka in protest signs real­ly is pret­ty con­text spe­cif­ic. Is the swasti­ka being used for cel­e­bra­tion or con­dem­na­tion? And as we’re going to see in a fol­low up inter­view with Weiss, it appears it’s the lat­ter. The sign she saw depict­ed Ben­jamin Netanyahu with a Hitler mus­tache and a red tie con­tain­ing with a swasti­ka. So while a lot of the cov­er­age of this sto­ry left it ambigu­ous as to whether or not this was a sign cel­e­brat­ing the Nazis in the mid­dle of a pro-Pales­tin­ian protest, that’s not actu­al­ly the case. The swasti­ka was being used to equate Netanyahu with the Nazis.

    It’s also worth keep­ing in mind some of the oth­er the grim his­toric con­text behind this inci­dent: the fact that pow­er­ful ele­ments in both Israeli and Pales­tin­ian soci­eties have deep ties to not just fas­cism but Nazism. Whether we’re talk­ing about the exten­sive fas­cists con­nec­tions to the Jabotin­sky move­ment inside Zion­ism, or the inter­twined his­to­ry of fas­cism and mod­ern Islamist rad­i­cal­ism through groups like the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood, there is no hon­est way to dis­as­so­ci­ate the lead­er­ship of either Israel or Gaza with fas­cism and Nazism.

    But we don’t have to look at his­to­ry to find these con­nec­tions to the Netanyahu gov­ern­ment. Don’t for­get how for­mer Mossad chief Tamir Par­do warned back in July of 2023 — months before Octo­ber 7 — that Netanyahu’s gov­ern­ment is “a lot worse” than the Ku Klux Klan in terms of its racism. Or there’s the very promi­nent rab­bis open­ly foment­ing Nazi-like poli­cies, like Rab­bi Eliez­er Kashtiel, who has open­ly expressed an admi­ra­tion for Adolf Hitler and the Nazis over­all goals. He only quib­bled with the part where the Nazis killed con­ser­v­a­tive Jews. Every­one else was appro­pri­ate­ly liq­ui­dat­ed. That gross con­tem­po­rary his­to­ry is part of the con­text of that sign too. Along with the hor­rif­ic con­text of the real­i­ty on the ground in Gaza, which appears to be in the mid­dle of an unde­clared eth­nic cleans­ing cam­paign.

    So it’s going to be inter­est­ing to see how many more swasti­ka inci­dents we see pop up in the still-mas­sive pro-Pales­tin­ian protests going for­ward. It’s not hard to imag­ine we’re going to see A LOT more at this point. What is sad­ly much hard­er to imag­ine is that any of these inci­dents will result in any mean­ing­ful explo­ration of the dis­turb­ing pro-Nazi his­to­ry found in the lead­er­ship of both sides of this gross con­flict.

    Ok, first, here’s a Dai­ly Mail piece describ­ing the back and forth cap­tured in video between Weiss and the Lon­don offi­cers. Note that, like most report­ing on this sto­ry, there was no actu­al descrip­tion of sign in ques­tion and how it specif­i­cal­ly depict­ed Ben­jamin Netanyahu as as Nazi. We’re only told that it had a swasti­ka:

    The Dai­ly Mail

    Fury over ‘absolute­ly gob­s­mack­ing’ footage show­ing Met Police offi­cer telling Jew­ish woman that swastikas ‘need to be tak­en into con­text’ and might not be anti-Semit­ic — after she com­plained about Nazi sym­bol being used in pro-Pales­tine march

    By Arthur Parashar
    Pub­lished: 08:04 EDT, 31 March 2024 | Updat­ed: 10:07 EDT, 31 March 2024

    The Met Police has sparked fury after ‘absolute­ly gob­s­mack­ing’ footage emerged of an offi­cer telling a Jew­ish woman that swastikas ‘need to be tak­en into con­text’ at a pro-Pales­tine march in Lon­don.

    Aston­ish­ing video shows the woman con­fronting offi­cers after she was alleged­ly told that the swastikas were ‘not nec­es­sar­i­ly anti-Semit­ic or a dis­rup­tion of pub­lic order’ when she report­ed them being dis­played at Sat­ur­day’s demon­stra­tion.

    Dur­ing the heat­ed inter­ac­tion, the furi­ous activist demands to know why the pro-Pales­tine pro­test­er show­ing a swasti­ka has not been arrest­ed.

    But two oth­er offi­cers seem­ing­ly defend the lack of action and refuse to acknowl­edge that parad­ing a swasti­ka sym­bol at the pro-Pales­tine march is anti-Semit­ic.

    After being shown the footage, a spokesper­son for Cam­paign Against Anti­semitism told MailOn­line: ‘This inter­ac­tion is absolute­ly gob­s­mack­ing.

    ‘The very notion that a British police offi­cer could imag­ine a con­text in which the Nazi swasti­ka is an accept­able image to be dis­played in pub­lic is dis­tress­ing enough, but for him to be uncer­tain about its mean­ing in the con­text of a march ooz­ing with anti-Semit­ic rhetoric and sig­nage is an indict­ment of the Met.

    ...

    ‘This is less the fault of a soli­tary offi­cer than it is of Met Com­mis­sion­er Sir Mark Row­ley, who has bent over back­wards to ratio­nalise and ‘con­tex­tu­alise’ calls for vio­lent Jihad and geno­ci­dal chant­i­ng.

    ‘If Sir Mark dis­agrees with this offi­cer’s assess­ment, he should come out and say so and explain what train­ing he will pro­vide to his offi­cers to ensure that they are clear that Nazism is bad.

    ‘But if he agrees that the swasti­ka is con­text-depen­dent, let him tell that to the hun­dreds of thou­sands of Britons who gave their lives to pre­vent that despi­ca­ble sym­bol from ever being flown on the streets of Lon­don.’

    After the woman tells the offi­cer that she has been told a swasti­ka ‘isn’t nec­es­sar­i­ly anti-Semit­ic’, he starts to say ‘So I think the sym­bol in of itself...’ which prompts the activist to beg oth­ers to film the heat­ed inter­ac­tion.

    When those gath­er­ing around the pair tell the offi­cer ‘it is anti-Semit­ic’, the offi­cer responds: ‘I did­n’t say it was­n’t.’

    But the incensed woman then asks: ‘If some­one is car­ry­ing a sign with a swasti­ka, you said you would­n’t arrest them on the spot, it would have to be inves­ti­gat­ed online?’

    A sec­ond Met Police offi­cer then inter­rupts to say: ‘A swasti­ka on its own, I don’t think is...’.

    The offi­cers claim that ‘every­thing needs to be tak­en in con­text’ despite the Nazi sym­bol being parad­ed at a pro-Pales­tine march in the con­text of the Israel-Hamas war.

    It comes despite the Met assur­ing ahead of the demon­stra­tion that they would take ‘swift and deci­sive action’ against any­one break­ing the law. And ear­li­er this month, Robin Sim­cox, Britain’s counter-extrem­ism tsar warned pro-Pales­tine pro­test­ers are turn­ing Lon­don into a ‘no-go zone for Jews’.

    Dur­ing the video, the offi­cer tries to explain the Pub­lic Order Act and leg­is­la­tion they work under, but the woman shouts: ‘A swasti­ka is a swasti­ka!’

    The offi­cer con­tin­ues: ‘There are var­i­ous facets to the Pub­lic Order Act ok. So what in this sphere we’re work­ing under things called Sec­tion 5 of the Pub­lic Order Act and Sec­tion 4A of the Pub­lic Order Act. They are some of the pri­ma­ry leg­is­la­tion we’re using right.

    ‘If you go away and look at that and it’s all about if it’s some­thing like­ly to cause vast alarm and dis­tress if it is writ­ten words or there’s spo­ken words that are abu­sive.’

    The woman then inter­rupts: ‘So under what con­text is a swasti­ka not dis­rupt­ing pub­lic order? Could you just explain under what sym­bol that is not dis­rupt­ing pub­lic order?’

    The offi­cer answers: ‘I haven’t said any­thing about it that it is or it isn’t. Every­thing needs to be tak­en in con­text does­n’t it.’

    The per­son film­ing inter­rupts to say: ‘Yeah but it’s a con­text of a hate­ful march.’

    And the Jew­ish woman adds: ‘Why does a swasti­ka need con­text?’

    She con­tin­ues: ‘Why is a swasti­ka not imme­di­ate­ly anti-Semi­tism. Why does it need con­text? This is what I’m con­fused about. This isn’t even about Israel. In what con­text is a swasti­ka not anti-Semit­ic and dis­rup­tive to pub­lic order? That is my ques­tion.’

    The Met Police offi­cer replies: ‘I don’t have an in depth knowl­edge of signs and sym­bols. I know the swasti­ka was used by the Nazi par­ty dur­ing their incep­tion and the peri­od of them being in pow­er in Ger­many in 1934... I’m aware of that.’

    But the woman hits back, say­ing: ‘I just can’t believe this con­ver­sa­tion is actu­al­ly hap­pen­ing.’

    The offi­cer, seem­ing­ly get­ting frus­trat­ed, responds: ‘What exact­ly are you get­ting con­fused about?’

    And the woman replies: ‘I’m con­fused about in what con­text a swasti­ka is not anti-Semit­ic. This is what I want to know.’

    As the con­ver­sa­tion gets more heat­ed, the offi­cer says: ‘I sup­pose to some I don’t know how every­body would feel about that sign. Now if you came up to me and you felt mass alarm and dis­tress about a sym­bol that some­one was...’

    The woman then inter­rupts him to say: ‘I am extreme­ly dis­tressed and I am very alarmed.’

    She then claims she has offered to take the offi­cer to peo­ple who are hold­ing signs with swastikas.

    But the offi­cer insists on stay­ing where he is because there are oth­er offi­cers through­out the protest.

    He adds: ‘If you walk down the road and you see that per­son then there’s a police offi­cer...’

    The woman claims she did speak to an offi­cer who told her that it was ‘not their job to arrest peo­ple with swastikas’.

    The offi­cer replies: ‘I apol­o­gise that has hap­pened... It is not my respon­si­bil­i­ty unfor­tu­nate­ly to walk down the road. If you walk down the road and you see some­body then we can send some oth­er offi­cers with you back.’

    A spokesman for the Met Police said: ‘We’re aware of an online clip from today’s protest in cen­tral Lon­don show­ing an inter­ac­tion between an offi­cer and a woman dur­ing which there is an exchange over con­cern around pro­tes­tors dis­play­ing offen­sive ban­ners, includ­ing swastikas.

    ‘The online clip is a short excerpt of what was a 10-minute con­ver­sa­tion with the offi­cer. Dur­ing the full con­ver­sa­tion, the offi­cer estab­lish­es that the per­son the woman was con­cerned about had already been arrest­ed for a pub­lic order offence in rela­tion to a plac­ard.

    ‘The offi­cer then offered to arrange for oth­er offi­cers to attend and accom­pa­ny the woman to iden­ti­fy any oth­er per­sons she was con­cerned about amongst the pro­tes­tors, but after turn­ing to speak to his super­vi­sor, she then unfor­tu­nate­ly left.

    ...

    Four peo­ple were arrest­ed, includ­ing one man on sus­pi­cion of a ter­ror­ism-relat­ed offence, at yes­ter­day’s protest.

    More than 200,000 peo­ple took part in the demon­stra­tion on Sat­ur­day call­ing for an imme­di­ate cease­fire in Gaza, accord­ing to esti­mates by organ­is­ers.

    Since the start of the Israel-Hamas war, thou­sands of pro-Pales­tin­ian sup­port­ers have marched through the streets of Lon­don.

    There has also been a huge increase in anti-Semi­tism in the cap­i­tal since Hamas’s hor­rif­ic Octo­ber 7 attacks that saw 1,139 peo­ple slaugh­tered and 240 tak­en hostage.

    ...

    Prime Min­is­ter Rishi Sunak has pre­vi­ous­ly called for the Met Police to take tougher action against pro­test­ers.

    Sunak also promised to deal with the ‘root caus­es’ of the prob­lem and ensure that ‘no extrem­ist organ­i­sa­tions or indi­vid­u­als are being lent legit­i­ma­cy by their actions and inter­ac­tions with cen­tral gov­ern­ment’.

    But Met Police Com­mis­sion­er Sir Mark Row­ley lat­er defend­ed the force’s polic­ing of protests, declar­ing ‘we have to police the law as it is, not as oth­ers would wish it to be’.

    A fort­night ago, Michael Gove com­piled a list of extrem­ist groups and barred them from gov­ern­ment meet­ings and fund­ing.

    The Com­mu­ni­ties Sec­re­tary unveiled a new def­i­n­i­tion of extrem­ism, warn­ing that divi­sions in the wake of Hamas’s ter­ror attack on Israel pose a ‘real risk’ to British democ­ra­cy.

    Groups meet­ing the mul­ti-pronged def­i­n­i­tion – even if they are non-vio­lent – will be banned from receiv­ing tax­pay­ers’ mon­ey and from con­tact with min­is­ters or senior civ­il ser­vants. It will also apply to the hon­ours sys­tem and pub­lic appoint­ments.

    ———–

    “Fury over ‘absolute­ly gob­s­mack­ing’ footage show­ing Met Police offi­cer telling Jew­ish woman that swastikas ‘need to be tak­en into con­text’ and might not be anti-Semit­ic — after she com­plained about Nazi sym­bol being used in pro-Pales­tine march” By Arthur Parashar; The Dai­ly Mail; 03/31/2024

    “It comes despite the Met assur­ing ahead of the demon­stra­tion that they would take ‘swift and deci­sive action’ against any­one break­ing the law. And ear­li­er this month, Robin Sim­cox, Britain’s counter-extrem­ism tsar warned pro-Pales­tine pro­test­ers are turn­ing Lon­don into a ‘no-go zone for Jews’.”

    Have reg­u­lar mas­sive protests over the war in Gaza turned Lon­don in a ‘no-go zone for Jews’, as the UK counter-extrem­ism tsar warned last month? That’s part of the larg­er con­text over the con­text ker­fuf­fle over a protest sign con­tain­ing a swasti­ka. Was ‘swift and deci­sion action’ war­rant­ed in the case of the pro­tes­tor hold­ing a sign with a swasti­ka? The answer, accord­ing to the Lon­don metro police, appears to be that it depends on the con­text of the sign. Because every­thing needs to be tak­en in con­text:

    ...
    After the woman tells the offi­cer that she has been told a swasti­ka ‘isn’t nec­es­sar­i­ly anti-Semit­ic’, he starts to say ‘So I think the sym­bol in of itself...’ which prompts the activist to beg oth­ers to film the heat­ed inter­ac­tion.

    When those gath­er­ing around the pair tell the offi­cer ‘it is anti-Semit­ic’, the offi­cer responds: ‘I did­n’t say it was­n’t.’

    But the incensed woman then asks: ‘If some­one is car­ry­ing a sign with a swasti­ka, you said you would­n’t arrest them on the spot, it would have to be inves­ti­gat­ed online?’

    A sec­ond Met Police offi­cer then inter­rupts to say: ‘A swasti­ka on its own, I don’t think is...’.

    The offi­cers claim that ‘every­thing needs to be tak­en in con­text’ despite the Nazi sym­bol being parad­ed at a pro-Pales­tine march in the con­text of the Israel-Hamas war.

    ...

    As the con­ver­sa­tion gets more heat­ed, the offi­cer says: ‘I sup­pose to some I don’t know how every­body would feel about that sign. Now if you came up to me and you felt mass alarm and dis­tress about a sym­bol that some­one was...’

    The woman then inter­rupts him to say: ‘I am extreme­ly dis­tressed and I am very alarmed.’

    She then claims she has offered to take the offi­cer to peo­ple who are hold­ing signs with swastikas.

    But the offi­cer insists on stay­ing where he is because there are oth­er offi­cers through­out the protest.

    He adds: ‘If you walk down the road and you see that per­son then there’s a police offi­cer...’

    The woman claims she did speak to an offi­cer who told her that it was ‘not their job to arrest peo­ple with swastikas’.

    The offi­cer replies: ‘I apol­o­gise that has hap­pened... It is not my respon­si­bil­i­ty unfor­tu­nate­ly to walk down the road. If you walk down the road and you see some­body then we can send some oth­er offi­cers with you back.’
    ...

    Also note that this does­n’t appear to be a rogue offi­cer who was mak­ing up his own con­text-cen­tric pol­i­cy. Met Police Com­mis­sion­er Sir Mark Row­ley has already been defend­ing his police force against sim­i­lar crit­i­cisms from the UK gov­ern­ment about tak­ing too light a hand against the pro­tes­tors:

    ...
    ‘This is less the fault of a soli­tary offi­cer than it is of Met Com­mis­sion­er Sir Mark Row­ley, who has bent over back­wards to ratio­nalise and ‘con­tex­tu­alise’ calls for vio­lent Jihad and geno­ci­dal chant­i­ng.

    ‘If Sir Mark dis­agrees with this offi­cer’s assess­ment, he should come out and say so and explain what train­ing he will pro­vide to his offi­cers to ensure that they are clear that Nazism is bad.

    ‘But if he agrees that the swasti­ka is con­text-depen­dent, let him tell that to the hun­dreds of thou­sands of Britons who gave their lives to pre­vent that despi­ca­ble sym­bol from ever being flown on the streets of Lon­don.’

    ...

    A spokesman for the Met Police said: ‘We’re aware of an online clip from today’s protest in cen­tral Lon­don show­ing an inter­ac­tion between an offi­cer and a woman dur­ing which there is an exchange over con­cern around pro­tes­tors dis­play­ing offen­sive ban­ners, includ­ing swastikas.

    ‘The online clip is a short excerpt of what was a 10-minute con­ver­sa­tion with the offi­cer. Dur­ing the full con­ver­sa­tion, the offi­cer estab­lish­es that the per­son the woman was con­cerned about had already been arrest­ed for a pub­lic order offence in rela­tion to a plac­ard.

    ‘The offi­cer then offered to arrange for oth­er offi­cers to attend and accom­pa­ny the woman to iden­ti­fy any oth­er per­sons she was con­cerned about amongst the pro­tes­tors, but after turn­ing to speak to his super­vi­sor, she then unfor­tu­nate­ly left.

    ...

    Prime Min­is­ter Rishi Sunak has pre­vi­ous­ly called for the Met Police to take tougher action against pro­test­ers.

    Sunak also promised to deal with the ‘root caus­es’ of the prob­lem and ensure that ‘no extrem­ist organ­i­sa­tions or indi­vid­u­als are being lent legit­i­ma­cy by their actions and inter­ac­tions with cen­tral gov­ern­ment’.

    But Met Police Com­mis­sion­er Sir Mark Row­ley lat­er defend­ed the force’s polic­ing of protests, declar­ing ‘we have to police the law as it is, not as oth­ers would wish it to be’.
    ...

    So what is the actu­al­ly con­text of this sign? It’s a lit­tle dif­fi­cult to assess based on almost all of the arti­cles about this inci­dent since we don’t typ­i­cal­ly get to see one of the biggest pieces of con­text in this whole sto­ry: the sign itself. But it looks like we do now know what the sign was, thanks to the fol­low­ing inter­view in the Jew­ish Chron­i­cle with Joce­lyn Weiss, woman in the video argu­ing with the police offi­cer. As Weiss describes, “I’m not a fan of Bibi [Netanyahu] but he shouldn’t be depict­ed with a Hitler mous­tache and a swasti­ka. I saw Sunak and Starmer both depict­ed with horns – it’s bla­tant anti­se­mit­ic imagery.” So it appears that the swasti­ka was specif­i­cal­ly used in an image of Netanyahu with a Hitler mous­tache and a swasti­ka. The inter­view includes a pho­to of a protest poster with exact­ly that image, with Netanyahu wear­ing a red tie with a swasti­ka. That’s the key con­text of this whole inci­dent. A poster depict­ing Natanyahu as Hitler. It was­n’t a cel­e­bra­tion of Nazism, but rather a Nazi-cen­tric con­dem­na­tion of the Israeli Prime Min­is­ter:

    The Jew­ish Chon­i­cle

    Police should apol­o­gise after an offi­cer told me that swastikas ‘need to be tak­en in con­text’

    Woman who chal­lenged a police­man dur­ing an anti-Israel march in Lon­don has com­plained to the Met

    BY Jane Prins­ley
    April 02, 2024 16:35

    A woman has com­plained to the Met after she was told by a police­man patrolling an anti-Israel march that the ques­tion of whether or not hold­ing up a swasti­ka was an offence depend­ed “on con­text”.

    “A swasti­ka does not depend on con­text,” Amer­i­can doc­u­men­tary mak­er Joce­lyn Weiss told the JC after a video of her chal­leng­ing the Met offi­cer about a pro­test­er car­ry­ing a swasti­ka went viral.

    Over the course of a ten-minute con­ver­sa­tion on Sat­ur­day after­noon in cen­tral Lon­don, Weiss tried to appeal to the offi­cer, explain­ing that a swasti­ka was anti­se­mit­ic. The offi­cer said swastikas were not ille­gal in cer­tain con­texts and refused to leave his post.

    The Met has since said that they arrest­ed the pro­test­er, one of two arrests made under sec­tion 5 of the Pub­lic Order Act for caus­ing harass­ment, alarm and dis­tress at the anti-Israel march on Sat­ur­day.

    Shad­ow for­eign sec­re­tary David Lam­my crit­i­cised the offi­cer on LBC: “It doesn’t need con­text. It’s an out­ra­geous sym­bol to use on a protest, and we’ve got to bear down hard on those that have used it.

    “Of course the man should have been arrest­ed but it does seem to me that the offi­cer should have known this isn’t about con­text. It’s about vile anti­semitism on the streets of Lon­don mak­ing peo­ple feel unsafe. It’s a hate sym­bol and it’s got to be treat­ed as such.”

    ...

    Weiss had been at a counter-demo on Sat­ur­day where anti-Hamas demon­stra­tors waved Israeli flags and signs that said “Hamas is ter­ror­ist” towards a large crowd of anti-Israel pro­test­ers. She had not want­ed to draw atten­tion to her­self, and so had left her use­ful “rape is resis­tance” sign at home. In the anti-Israel crowd, she saw numer­ous offen­sive ban­ners, includ­ing one with Nazi sym­bols.

    Weiss was aston­ished by the police officer’s com­ments when she com­plained about the swasti­ka. “I could­n’t believe it hap­pened, I am still in shock,” she said.

    The Amer­i­can has lived in Lon­don for a year and a half and prefers the UK cap­i­tal city to her pre­vi­ous home­towns of Boston and New York. “It’s safe in Lon­don, it’s a beau­ti­ful city with a thriv­ing Jew­ish com­mu­ni­ty. This inci­dent doesn’t do the city jus­tice [...] it’s not this law­less city that it’s depict­ed as.”

    Weiss describes her­self as a “left-lean­ing free­lance doc­u­men­tary mak­er and researcher” and said she has been left feel­ing like a “polit­i­cal foot­ball”, not­ing that peo­ple have used her video to fur­ther their polit­i­cal aims.

    She has con­sid­ered print­ing “leaflets that say swastikas are bad and see if they respond to them.”

    Weiss objects to the idea that anti­semitism needs to be con­tex­tu­al­ized. She said: “It’s like this Clau­dine Gay bullsh*t.

    I’m not a fan of Bibi [Netanyahu] but he shouldn’t be depict­ed with a Hitler mous­tache and a swasti­ka. I saw Sunak and Starmer both depict­ed with horns – it’s bla­tant anti­se­mit­ic imagery.”

    “It’s not about Israel, it’s about swastikas and swastikas are bad.”

    Weiss thinks “peo­ple have no lit­er­a­cy on this issue” and there is a “lack of bias train­ing” in the UK about anti­semitism.

    ...

    As the video con­tin­ued cir­cu­lat­ing on social media, the Met released a state­ment: “This video clip is a short excerpt of a 10-minute con­ver­sa­tion with an offi­cer. Dur­ing the full con­ver­sa­tion, the offi­cer estab­lished that the per­son the woman was con­cerned about had already been arrest­ed for a pub­lic order offence in rela­tion to a plac­ard.

    “The offi­cer then offered to arrange for oth­er offi­cers to attend and accom­pa­ny the woman to iden­ti­fy any oth­er per­sons she was con­cerned about amongst the pro­tes­tors, but after turn­ing to speak to his super­vi­sor, she had unfor­tu­nate­ly left.”

    ————

    “Police should apol­o­gise after an offi­cer told me that swastikas ‘need to be tak­en in con­text’” by Jane Prins­ley; The Jew­ish Chon­i­cle; 04/02/2024

    “Weiss had been at a counter-demo on Sat­ur­day where anti-Hamas demon­stra­tors waved Israeli flags and signs that said “Hamas is ter­ror­ist” towards a large crowd of anti-Israel pro­test­ers. She had not want­ed to draw atten­tion to her­self, and so had left her use­ful “rape is resis­tance” sign at home. In the anti-Israel crowd, she saw numer­ous offen­sive ban­ners, includ­ing one with Nazi sym­bols.

    There does­n’t appear to have been a sea of swastikas. It was a sin­gle sign, based on Weis­s’s descrip­tion. A sign fea­tur­ing Netanyahu with a Hitler mous­tache and swasti­ka. So while Weiss equat­ed the ‘con­tex­tu­al­iz­ing’ of the offi­cer with ‘Clau­dine Gay bullsh*t’, it’s impor­tant to rec­og­nize that the swasti­ka was­n’t be used in a ‘Riv­er to the Sea’ calls that could be inter­pret­ed as an endorse­ment of eth­nic cleans­ing that was at the cen­ter of the Clau­dine Gay con­tro­ver­sy. This is a sign depict­ing Netanyahu as a geno­ci­dal Nazi. An unpleas­ant image, no doubt. But, con­tex­tu­al­ly, it does­n’t appear to be a call for eth­nic cleans­ing. If any­thing, it’s a con­dem­na­tion of eth­nic cleans­ing, albeit a pret­ty inflam­ma­to­ry con­dem­na­tion:

    ...
    Weiss objects to the idea that anti­semitism needs to be con­tex­tu­al­ized. She said: “It’s like this Clau­dine Gay bullsh*t.

    I’m not a fan of Bibi [Netanyahu] but he shouldn’t be depict­ed with a Hitler mous­tache and a swasti­ka. I saw Sunak and Starmer both depict­ed with horns – it’s bla­tant anti­se­mit­ic imagery.”

    “It’s not about Israel, it’s about swastikas and swastikas are bad.”
    ...

    Is it inher­ent­ly anti­se­mit­ic to depict an Israeli prime min­is­ter as a Nazi? Well, it cer­tain­ly would be nice if we lived in a world where the Israeli prime min­is­ter was­n’t lead­ing a far right gov­ern­ment seem­ing­ly engaged in an eth­nic cleans­ing cam­paign. If we lived in that world then, sure, this could be seen as an inher­ent­ly anti­se­mit­ic image. But how are we to inter­pret it giv­en the gross and dis­turb­ing world we actu­al­ly live in? That ques­tion, unfor­tu­nate­ly, has basi­cal­ly been glossed over as this sto­ry has played out.

    So we’ll see if we hear about more sto­ries of Lon­don pro­tes­tor sport­ing swasti­ka signs. But it’s worth not­ing that, should we end up see­ing protest and counter-protests both hold­ing up mutu­al­ly incrim­i­nat­ing signs up that depict the lead­er­ship of Israel and Hamas as a bunch of fas­cist-sym­pa­thiz­ing wannabes, that may not make for a pleas­ant envi­ron­ment but it would at least be his­tor­i­cal­ly ground­ed. It’s not great con­text but it’s our con­text, whether we want to rec­og­nized it or not.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | April 3, 2024, 5:27 pm
  5. It’s not real­ly a ques­tion whether or not the Israeli gov­ern­ment is vio­lat­ing inter­na­tion­al law with its con­duct of the war in Gaza. That’s been obvi­ous for months now, if only from the scenes of urban rub­ble where mil­lions of civil­ians used to live. The big ques­tion is what will the world do about the sit­u­a­tion. And, in turn, will the US do some­thing it’s high­ly ret­i­cent to do and reign in its close ally. Well, we got an update of sorts on that front: the Biden admin­is­tra­tion just released a report con­clud­ing there is “rea­son­able” evi­dence that Israel has vio­lat­ed inter­na­tion­al law with its use of US-pro­vid­ed weapons.

    Now, the “rea­son­able” lan­guage is impor­tant here because its also an admis­sion that the US does­n’t have con­clu­sive proof that US weapons were specif­i­cal­ly used in par­tic­u­lar instances. And that ambi­gu­i­ty might be enough to allow the US to con­tin­ue deliv­er­ing weapons despite this find­ing. Still, it’s a step clos­er to the US break­ing off a sup­ply of bombs that the Israelis will undoubt­ed­ly need soon­er or lat­er to con­tin­ue wag­ing this war in this man­ner.

    Inter­est­ing­ly, while Repub­li­cans are pre­dictably slam­ming the Biden admin­is­tra­tion for issu­ing the report at all, some Con­gres­sion­al Democ­rats, includ­ing Sen­a­tor Chris Van Hollen, are still crit­i­cal of the Biden admin­is­tra­tion for not doing enough. As Van Hollen put it, “they’re duck­ing a deter­mi­na­tion on the hard cas­es. Polit­i­cal­ly incon­ve­nient cas­es.”

    And those allu­sions to polit­i­cal­ly incon­ve­nient cas­es brings us to a sec­ond report that just came out. This time from CNN, which is report­ing on a set of tru­ly dis­turb­ing alle­ga­tions com­ing from mul­ti­ple anony­mous whistle­blow­ers who have spent time work­ing at the secret Israeli mil­i­tary deten­tion facil­i­ties that have been set up since Octo­ber 7. The camps are a result of the Unlaw­ful Com­bat­ants Law passed fol­low­ing the attacks that allow for 45 days of deten­tion with­out an arrest war­rant, after which they must be trans­ferred to Israel’s prison sys­tem or released. It sounds like they’re being used as a ‘fil­tra­tion sys­tem’ for cap­tured Gazans.

    And while It sounds like it’s basi­cal­ly Israel’s short-term ver­sion of Guan­tanamo Bay, with ram­pant sys­tem­at­ic human rights vio­la­tions, it’s impor­tant to keep in mind that Guan­tanamo Bay was pri­mar­i­ly pop­u­lat­ed by sus­pect­ed ter­ror­ists picked up on ‘the bat­tle­field’. In this case, ‘the bat­tle­field’ is Gaza, a for­mer­ly civil­ian area. In oth­er words, detained Gazans are poten­tial­ly being sub­ject­ed to a month and a half of tor­tur­ous con­di­tions as part of the screen­ing process for assess­ing whether or not they are a mem­ber of Hamas.

    This is also a good time to keep in mind that the US’s Guan­tanamo Bay deten­tion facil­i­ties are still in oper­a­tion and have held some peo­ple for over two decades now. It’s anoth­er grim facet of this sto­ry.

    The con­di­tions include long peri­ods in stress posi­tions dur­ing the day while being blind­fold­ed and near­ly naked. At night, teams with large dogs are sent in to ‘inspect’ the detainees. Patients are report­ed­ly hand­cuffed at the ankles and wrists and in some cas­es ampu­ta­tions have been per­formed on limbs due to exces­sive zip-tying.

    We’re also told by these whistle­blow­ers — who face pos­si­ble pros­e­cu­tion for their whistle­blow­ing — that they were asked to per­form med­ical pro­ce­dures for which they were unqual­i­fied. They were also instruct­ed not to sign forms per­mit­ting med­ical pro­ce­dures. So med­ical pro­ce­dures are being per­formed by peo­ple with­out the prop­er train­ing and who have been instruct­ed to not keep records. It’s a con­scious­ness of guilt sit­u­a­tion. The kind of sit­u­a­tion that sug­gests it’s even worse than what we know about.

    We’ll see if the Biden admin­is­tra­tion does ulti­mate­ly end up with­hold­ing more weapons for Israel. It may not hap­pen imme­di­ate­ly. But giv­en the steady stream of increas­ing­ly hor­rif­ic reports of a grow­ing human­i­tar­i­an dis­as­ter, it’s not hard to imag­ine those weapons will be with­held even­tu­al­ly. So at this point, it’s less a ques­tion of whether or not the Biden admin­is­tra­tion will even­tu­al­ly with­hold those weapons and more a ques­tion of how large will this human­i­tar­i­an cat­a­stro­phe get before that hap­pens:

    Asso­ci­at­ed Press

    US says Israel’s use of US arms like­ly vio­lat­ed inter­na­tion­al law, but evi­dence is incom­plete

    By ELLEN KNICKMEYER, AAMER MADHANI and MATTHEW LEE
    Updat­ed 8:42 AM CDT, May 11, 2024

    WASHINGTON (AP) — The Biden admin­is­tra­tion said Fri­day that Israel’s use of U.S.-provided weapons in Gaza like­ly vio­lat­ed inter­na­tion­al human­i­tar­i­an law but that wartime con­di­tions pre­vent­ed U.S. offi­cials from deter­min­ing that for cer­tain in spe­cif­ic airstrikes.

    The find­ing of “rea­son­able” evi­dence to con­clude that the U.S. ally had breached inter­na­tion­al law pro­tect­ing civil­ians in the way it con­duct­ed its war against Hamas was the strongest state­ment that the Biden admin­is­tra­tion has yet made on the mat­ter. It was released in a sum­ma­ry of a report being deliv­ered to Con­gress on Fri­day.

    But the caveat that the admin­is­tra­tion wasn’t able to link spe­cif­ic U.S. weapons to indi­vid­ual attacks by Israeli forces in Gaza could give the admin­is­tra­tion lee­way in any future deci­sion on whether to restrict pro­vi­sions of offen­sive weapons to Israel.

    The first-of-its-kind assess­ment, which was com­pelled by Pres­i­dent Joe Biden’s fel­low Democ­rats in Con­gress, comes after sev­en months of airstrikes, ground fight­ing and aid restric­tions that have claimed the lives of near­ly 35,000 Pales­tini­ans, most­ly women and chil­dren.

    While U.S. offi­cials were unable to gath­er all the infor­ma­tion they need­ed on spe­cif­ic strikes, the report said that giv­en Israel’s “sig­nif­i­cant reliance” on U.S.-made weapons, it was “rea­son­able to assess” that they had been used by Israel’s secu­ri­ty forces in instances “incon­sis­tent” with its oblig­a­tions under inter­na­tion­al human­i­tar­i­an law “or with best prac­tices for mit­i­gat­ing civil­ian harm.”

    ...

    Inter­na­tion­al human rights groups and a review by an unof­fi­cial pan­el of for­mer State and mil­i­tary offi­cials, aca­d­e­m­ic experts and oth­ers had point­ed to more than a dozen Israeli airstrikes for which they said there were cred­i­ble evi­dence of vio­la­tions of the laws of war and human­i­tar­i­an law. Tar­gets includ­ed aid con­voys, med­ical work­ers, hos­pi­tals, jour­nal­ists, schools and refugee cen­ters and oth­er sites that have broad pro­tec­tion under inter­na­tion­al law.

    They argued that the civil­ian death toll in many strikes in Gaza — such as an Oct. 31 strike on an apart­ment build­ing report­ed to have killed 106 civil­ians — was dis­pro­por­tion­ate to the val­ue of any mil­i­tary tar­get.

    ...

    Rep. Michael McCaul, the Repub­li­can chair­man of the House For­eign Affairs Com­mit­tee, said the review “only con­tributes to polit­i­cal­ly moti­vat­ed anti-Israel sen­ti­ment” and should nev­er have been done.

    “Now is the time to stand with our ally Israel and ensure they have the tools they need,” he said in a state­ment.

    But Sen. Chris Van Hollen, the Mary­land Demo­c­rat who led the push in Con­gress, told reporters that even even though the admin­is­tra­tion had reached a gen­er­al find­ing, “they’re duck­ing a deter­mi­na­tion on the hard cas­es. Polit­i­cal­ly incon­ve­nient cas­es.”

    The U.S. “treats the gov­ern­ment of Israel as above the law,” Aman­da Klas­ing of the Amnesty Inter­na­tion­al USA rights group said in a state­ment.

    Biden has tried to walk an ever-fin­er line in his sup­port of Prime Min­is­ter Ben­jamin Netanyahu’s war against Hamas. The U.S. leader is a tar­get of grow­ing ran­cor at home and abroad over the soar­ing Pales­tin­ian death toll and the onset of famine, caused in large part by Israeli restric­tions on the move­ment of food and aid into Gaza. Ten­sions have been height­ened fur­ther in recent weeks by Netanyahu’s pledge to expand the Israeli military’s offen­sive in the crowd­ed south­ern city of Rafah, despite Biden’s adamant oppo­si­tion.

    ...

    Biden, in the clos­ing months of a tough reelec­tion cam­paign against Don­ald Trump, faces demands from many Democ­rats that he cut the flow of offen­sive weapons to Israel and denun­ci­a­tion from Repub­li­cans who accuse him of waver­ing on sup­port for Israel at its time of need.

    The Demo­c­ra­t­ic admin­is­tra­tion took one of the first steps toward con­di­tion­ing mil­i­tary aid to Israel in recent days when it paused a ship­ment of 3,500 bombs out of con­cern over Israel’s threat­ened offen­sive on Rafah, a south­ern city crowd­ed with more than a mil­lion Pales­tini­ans, a senior admin­is­tra­tion offi­cial said.

    The pres­i­den­tial direc­tive that led to the review, agreed to in Feb­ru­ary, oblig­at­ed the Defense and State depart­ments to con­duct “an assess­ment of any cred­i­ble reports or alle­ga­tions that such defense arti­cles and, as appro­pri­ate, defense ser­vices, have been used in a man­ner not con­sis­tent with inter­na­tion­al law, includ­ing inter­na­tion­al human­i­tar­i­an law.”

    Noth­ing in the pres­i­den­tial direc­tive would have trig­gered any cut­off of arms if the admin­is­tra­tion had more defin­i­tive­ly ruled that Israel’s con­duct had vio­lat­ed inter­na­tion­al law.

    The agree­ment also oblig­at­ed the State and Defense depart­ments to tell Con­gress whether they deemed that Israel has act­ed to “arbi­trar­i­ly to deny, restrict, or oth­er­wise impede, direct­ly or indi­rect­ly,” deliv­ery of any U.S.-supported human­i­tar­i­an aid into Gaza for starv­ing civil­ians there.

    On this ques­tion, the report cit­ed “deep con­cerns” that Israel played a sig­nif­i­cant role in pre­vent­ing ade­quate aid from reach­ing starv­ing Pales­tini­ans. How­ev­er, it said Israel had recent­ly tak­en some pos­i­tive steps, although still inad­e­quate, and the U.S. gov­ern­ment did not cur­rent­ly find Israel restrict­ing aid deliv­er­ies in a way that vio­lat­ed U.S. law gov­ern­ing for­eign mil­i­taries that receive U.S. mil­i­tary aid.

    Van Hollen accused the admin­is­tra­tion of gloss­ing over what he said were clear Israeli blocks on food and aid deliv­er­ies dur­ing much of the war. “That’s why we have hun­dreds of thou­sands of Pales­tini­ans that have noth­ing to do with Hamas on the verge of star­va­tion,” he said.

    Law­mak­ers and oth­ers who advo­cat­ed for the review said Biden and pre­vi­ous Amer­i­can lead­ers have fol­lowed a dou­ble stan­dard when enforc­ing U.S. laws gov­ern­ing how for­eign mil­i­taries use U.S. sup­port, an accu­sa­tion the Biden admin­is­tra­tion denies.

    Their oppo­nents argued that a U.S. find­ing against Israel would weak­en it at a time it is bat­tling Hamas and oth­er Iran-backed groups. It’s not clear how much Friday’s more in-between ver­dict would add to pres­sure on Biden to curb the flow of weapons and mon­ey to Israel’s mil­i­tary or fur­ther height­en ten­sions with Netanyahu’s hard-right gov­ern­ment.

    ...

    Israel launched its offen­sive after an Oct. 7 assault into Israel, led by Hamas, killed about 1,200 peo­ple. Two-thirds of the Pales­tini­ans killed since then have been women and chil­dren, accord­ing to local health offi­cials. U.S. and U.N. offi­cials say Israeli restric­tions on food ship­ments since Oct. 7 have brought on full-fledged famine in north­ern Gaza.

    Human rights groups long have accused Israeli secu­ri­ty forces of com­mit­ting abus­es against Pales­tini­ans and have accused Israeli lead­ers of fail­ing to hold those respon­si­ble to account. In Jan­u­ary, in a case brought by South Africa, the The agree­ment ordered Israel to do all it could to pre­vent death, destruc­tion and any acts of geno­cide in Gaza, but the pan­el stopped short of order­ing an end to the mil­i­tary offen­sive.

    Biden in Decem­ber said “indis­crim­i­nate bomb­ing” was cost­ing Israel inter­na­tion­al back­ing. After Israeli forces tar­get­ed and killed sev­en aid work­ers from the World Cen­tral Kitchen in April, the Biden admin­is­tra­tion for the first time sig­naled it might cut mil­i­tary aid to Israel if it didn’t change its han­dling of the war and human­i­tar­i­an aid.

    Pres­i­dents Ronald Rea­gan and George H.W. Bush, in the 1980s and ear­ly 1990s, were the last pres­i­dents to open­ly hold back weapons or mil­i­tary financ­ing to try to push Israel to change its actions in the region or toward Pales­tini­ans.

    ——-

    “US says Israel’s use of US arms like­ly vio­lat­ed inter­na­tion­al law, but evi­dence is incom­plete” By ELLEN KNICKMEYER, AAMER MADHANI and MATTHEW LEE; Asso­ci­at­ed Press; 05/11/2024

    The find­ing of “rea­son­able” evi­dence to con­clude that the U.S. ally had breached inter­na­tion­al law pro­tect­ing civil­ians in the way it con­duct­ed its war against Hamas was the strongest state­ment that the Biden admin­is­tra­tion has yet made on the mat­ter. It was released in a sum­ma­ry of a report being deliv­ered to Con­gress on Fri­day.”

    A find­ing of “rea­son­able” evi­dence of vio­la­tions of inter­na­tion­al law using US weapons. Is this the begin­ning of a shift in US pol­i­cy towards Israel? Or just sabre rat­tling? Time will tell, but we appear to be see­ing a num­ber of loop­holes that will allow the US to con­tin­ue mak­ing these arms ship­ments for the time being:

    ...
    But the caveat that the admin­is­tra­tion wasn’t able to link spe­cif­ic U.S. weapons to indi­vid­ual attacks by Israeli forces in Gaza could give the admin­is­tra­tion lee­way in any future deci­sion on whether to restrict pro­vi­sions of offen­sive weapons to Israel.

    The first-of-its-kind assess­ment, which was com­pelled by Pres­i­dent Joe Biden’s fel­low Democ­rats in Con­gress, comes after sev­en months of airstrikes, ground fight­ing and aid restric­tions that have claimed the lives of near­ly 35,000 Pales­tini­ans, most­ly women and chil­dren.

    While U.S. offi­cials were unable to gath­er all the infor­ma­tion they need­ed on spe­cif­ic strikes, the report said that giv­en Israel’s “sig­nif­i­cant reliance” on U.S.-made weapons, it was “rea­son­able to assess” that they had been used by Israel’s secu­ri­ty forces in instances “incon­sis­tent” with its oblig­a­tions under inter­na­tion­al human­i­tar­i­an law “or with best prac­tices for mit­i­gat­ing civil­ian harm.”

    ...

    The Demo­c­ra­t­ic admin­is­tra­tion took one of the first steps toward con­di­tion­ing mil­i­tary aid to Israel in recent days when it paused a ship­ment of 3,500 bombs out of con­cern over Israel’s threat­ened offen­sive on Rafah, a south­ern city crowd­ed with more than a mil­lion Pales­tini­ans, a senior admin­is­tra­tion offi­cial said.

    The pres­i­den­tial direc­tive that led to the review, agreed to in Feb­ru­ary, oblig­at­ed the Defense and State depart­ments to con­duct “an assess­ment of any cred­i­ble reports or alle­ga­tions that such defense arti­cles and, as appro­pri­ate, defense ser­vices, have been used in a man­ner not con­sis­tent with inter­na­tion­al law, includ­ing inter­na­tion­al human­i­tar­i­an law.”

    Noth­ing in the pres­i­den­tial direc­tive would have trig­gered any cut­off of arms if the admin­is­tra­tion had more defin­i­tive­ly ruled that Israel’s con­duct had vio­lat­ed inter­na­tion­al law.
    ...

    And note how the report has­n’t just con­clud­ed that US weapons were like­ly used in vio­la­tion of inter­na­tion­al law. It also con­clud­ed that Israel is play­ing a major role in block­ing aide to starv­ing Pales­tini­ans. In oth­er words, it’s pret­ty rea­son­able to con­clude that US weapons are being used to impose a famine too:

    ...
    The agree­ment also oblig­at­ed the State and Defense depart­ments to tell Con­gress whether they deemed that Israel has act­ed to “arbi­trar­i­ly to deny, restrict, or oth­er­wise impede, direct­ly or indi­rect­ly,” deliv­ery of any U.S.-supported human­i­tar­i­an aid into Gaza for starv­ing civil­ians there.

    On this ques­tion, the report cit­ed “deep con­cerns” that Israel played a sig­nif­i­cant role in pre­vent­ing ade­quate aid from reach­ing starv­ing Pales­tini­ans. How­ev­er, it said Israel had recent­ly tak­en some pos­i­tive steps, although still inad­e­quate, and the U.S. gov­ern­ment did not cur­rent­ly find Israel restrict­ing aid deliv­er­ies in a way that vio­lat­ed U.S. law gov­ern­ing for­eign mil­i­taries that receive U.S. mil­i­tary aid.

    Van Hollen accused the admin­is­tra­tion of gloss­ing over what he said were clear Israeli blocks on food and aid deliv­er­ies dur­ing much of the war. “That’s why we have hun­dreds of thou­sands of Pales­tini­ans that have noth­ing to do with Hamas on the verge of star­va­tion,” he said.

    ...

    Israel launched its offen­sive after an Oct. 7 assault into Israel, led by Hamas, killed about 1,200 peo­ple. Two-thirds of the Pales­tini­ans killed since then have been women and chil­dren, accord­ing to local health offi­cials. U.S. and U.N. offi­cials say Israeli restric­tions on food ship­ments since Oct. 7 have brought on full-fledged famine in north­ern Gaza.
    ...

    But also note how, while Repub­li­cans are pre­dictably call­ing for no restric­tions at all an arms ship­ments or even any crit­i­cisms of how Israel is con­duct­ing this war, some Democ­rats are open­ly accus­ing the Biden admin­is­tra­tion of “duck­ing a deter­mi­na­tion on the hard cas­es. Polit­i­cal­ly incon­ve­nient cas­es.” It’s the kind of of back and forth that sug­gests that is going to get much ugli­er as this plays out, with more and more evi­dence of even worse war crimes and out­cries from Democ­rats paired with more and more denials from Repub­li­cans that any­thing wrong is hap­pen­ing at all. With civil­ian deaths and star­va­tion pil­ing up the entire time:

    ...
    Rep. Michael McCaul, the Repub­li­can chair­man of the House For­eign Affairs Com­mit­tee, said the review “only con­tributes to polit­i­cal­ly moti­vat­ed anti-Israel sen­ti­ment” and should nev­er have been done.

    “Now is the time to stand with our ally Israel and ensure they have the tools they need,” he said in a state­ment.

    But Sen. Chris Van Hollen, the Mary­land Demo­c­rat who led the push in Con­gress, told reporters that even even though the admin­is­tra­tion had reached a gen­er­al find­ing, “they’re duck­ing a deter­mi­na­tion on the hard cas­es. Polit­i­cal­ly incon­ve­nient cas­es.”

    The U.S. “treats the gov­ern­ment of Israel as above the law,” Aman­da Klas­ing of the Amnesty Inter­na­tion­al USA rights group said in a state­ment.
    ...

    And that report on the US final­ly start­ing to for­mal­ly rec­og­nize the war crimes under­way brings us to the fol­low­ing CNN report. Mul­ti­ple whistle­blow­ers work­ing at secret Israeli mil­i­tary deten­tion camps have come for­ward detail­ing abus­es that might even exceed the hor­rif­ic con­di­tions of Guan­tanamo Bay (maybe). Not only did these whistle­blow­ers wit­ness con­di­tions like ampu­ta­tions caused by exces­sive zip-typ­ing of wrists, but they were instruct­ed not to sign forms approv­ing med­ical pro­ce­dures. In oth­er words, these whistle­blow­ers are describ­ing a deten­tion sys­tem where it’s known by the peo­ple run­ning the camps that they are engag­ing in the kinds of crimes that should­n’t be doc­u­ment­ed:

    CNN

    Strapped down, blind­fold­ed, held in dia­pers: Israeli whistle­blow­ers detail abuse of Pales­tini­ans in shad­owy deten­tion cen­ter

    By CNN’s Inter­na­tion­al Inves­ti­ga­tions and Visu­als teams
    Updat­ed 10:23 AM EDT, Fri May 10, 2024

    Sde Teiman, Israel CNN — At a mil­i­tary base that now dou­bles as a deten­tion cen­ter in Israel’s Negev desert, an Israeli work­ing at the facil­i­ty snapped two pho­tographs of a scene that he says con­tin­ues to haunt him.

    Rows of men in gray track­suits are seen sit­ting on paper-thin mat­tress­es, ringfenced by barbed wire. All appear blind­fold­ed, their heads hang­ing heavy under the glare of flood­lights.

    A putrid stench filled the air and the room hummed with the men’s mur­murs, the Israeli who was at the facil­i­ty told CNN. For­bid­den from speak­ing to each oth­er, the detainees mum­bled to them­selves.

    “We were told they were not allowed to move. They should sit upright. They’re not allowed to talk. Not allowed to peek under their blind­fold.”

    Guards were instruct­ed “to scream uskot” – shut up in Ara­bic – and told to “pick peo­ple out that were prob­lem­at­ic and pun­ish them,” the source added.

    CNN spoke to three Israeli whistle­blow­ers who worked at the Sde Teiman desert camp, which holds Pales­tini­ans detained dur­ing Israel’s inva­sion of Gaza. All spoke out at risk of legal reper­cus­sions and reprisals from groups sup­port­ive of Israel’s hard­line poli­cies in Gaza.

    They paint a pic­ture of a facil­i­ty where doc­tors some­times ampu­tat­ed pris­on­ers’ limbs due to injuries sus­tained from con­stant hand­cuff­ing; of med­ical pro­ce­dures some­times per­formed by under­qual­i­fied medics earn­ing it a rep­u­ta­tion for being “a par­adise for interns”; and where the air is filled with the smell of neglect­ed wounds left to rot.

    Accord­ing to the accounts, the facil­i­ty some 18 miles from the Gaza fron­tier is split into two parts: enclo­sures where around 70 Pales­tin­ian detainees from Gaza are placed under extreme phys­i­cal restraint, and a field hos­pi­tal where wound­ed detainees are strapped to their beds, wear­ing dia­pers and fed through straws.

    “They stripped them down of any­thing that resem­bles human beings,” said one whistle­blow­er, who worked as a medic at the facility’s field hos­pi­tal.

    “(The beat­ings) were not done to gath­er intel­li­gence. They were done out of revenge,” said anoth­er whistle­blow­er. “It was pun­ish­ment for what they (the Pales­tini­ans) did on Octo­ber 7 and pun­ish­ment for behav­ior in the camp.”

    ...

    The IDF did not direct­ly deny accounts of peo­ple being stripped of their cloth­ing or held in dia­pers. Instead, the Israeli mil­i­tary said that the detainees are giv­en back their cloth­ing once the IDF has deter­mined that they pose no secu­ri­ty risk.

    Reports of abuse at Sde Teiman have already sur­faced in Israeli and Arab media after an out­cry from Israeli and Pales­tin­ian rights groups over con­di­tions there. But this rare tes­ti­mo­ny from Israelis work­ing at the facil­i­ty sheds fur­ther light on Israel’s con­duct as it wages war in Gaza, with fresh alle­ga­tions of mis­treat­ment. It also casts more doubt on the Israeli government’s repeat­ed asser­tions that it acts in accor­dance with accept­ed inter­na­tion­al prac­tices and law.

    CNN has request­ed per­mis­sion from the Israeli mil­i­tary to access the Sde Teiman base. Last month, a CNN team cov­ered a small protest out­side its main gate staged by Israeli activists demand­ing the clo­sure of the facil­i­ty. Israeli secu­ri­ty forces ques­tioned the team for around 30 min­utes there, demand­ing to see the footage tak­en by CNN’s pho­to­jour­nal­ist. Israel often sub­jects reporters, even for­eign jour­nal­ists, to mil­i­tary cen­sor­ship on secu­ri­ty issues.

    Detained in the desert

    The Israeli mil­i­tary has acknowl­edged par­tial­ly con­vert­ing three dif­fer­ent mil­i­tary facil­i­ties into deten­tion camps for Pales­tin­ian detainees from Gaza since the Hamas-led Octo­ber 7 attack on Israel, in which Israeli author­i­ties say about 1,200 were killed and over 250 were abduct­ed, and the sub­se­quent Israeli offen­sive in Gaza, killing near­ly 35,000 peo­ple accord­ing to the strip’s health min­istry. These facil­i­ties are Sde Teiman in the Negev desert, as well as Ana­tot and Ofer mil­i­tary bases in the occu­pied West Bank.

    The camps are part of the infra­struc­ture of Israel’s Unlaw­ful Com­bat­ants Law, an amend­ed leg­is­la­tion passed by the Knes­set last Decem­ber that expand­ed the military’s author­i­ty to detain sus­pect­ed mil­i­tants.

    The law per­mits the mil­i­tary to detain peo­ple for 45 days with­out an arrest war­rant, after which they must be trans­ferred to Israel’s for­mal prison sys­tem (IPS), where over 9,000 Pales­tini­ans are being held in con­di­tions that rights groups say have dras­ti­cal­ly dete­ri­o­rat­ed since Octo­ber 7. Two Pales­tin­ian pris­on­ers asso­ci­a­tions said last week that 18 Pales­tini­ans – includ­ing lead­ing Gaza sur­geon Dr. Adnan al-Bursh – had died in Israeli cus­tody over the course of the war.

    The mil­i­tary deten­tion camps – where the num­ber of inmates is unknown – serve as a fil­tra­tion point dur­ing the arrest peri­od man­dat­ed by the Unlaw­ful Com­bat­ants Law. After their deten­tion in the camps, those with sus­pect­ed Hamas links are trans­ferred to the IPS, while those whose mil­i­tant ties have been ruled out are released back to Gaza.

    CNN inter­viewed over a dozen for­mer Gazan detainees who appeared to have been released from those camps. They said they could not deter­mine where they were held because they were blind­fold­ed through most of their deten­tion and cut off from the out­side world. But the details of their accounts tal­ly with those of the whistle­blow­ers.

    “We looked for­ward to the night so we could sleep. Then we looked for­ward to the morn­ing in hopes that our sit­u­a­tion might change,” said Dr. Mohammed al-Ran, recall­ing his detain­ment at a mil­i­tary facil­i­ty where he said he endured desert tem­per­a­tures, swing­ing from the heat of the day to the chill of night. CNN inter­viewed him out­side Gaza last month.

    Al-Ran, a Pales­tin­ian who holds Bosn­ian cit­i­zen­ship, head­ed the sur­gi­cal unit at north­ern Gaza’s Indone­sian hos­pi­tal, one of the first to be shut down and raid­ed as Israel car­ried out its aer­i­al, ground and naval offen­sive.

    He was arrest­ed on Decem­ber 18, he said, out­side Gaza City’s Al-Ahli Bap­tist Hos­pi­tal, where he had been work­ing for three days after flee­ing his hos­pi­tal in the heav­i­ly bom­bard­ed north.

    He was stripped down to his under­wear, blind­fold­ed and his wrists tied, then dumped in the back of a truck where, he said, the near-naked detainees were piled on top of one anoth­er as they were shut­tled to a deten­tion camp in the mid­dle of the desert.

    The details in his account are con­sis­tent with those of dozens of oth­ers col­lect­ed by CNN recount­ing the con­di­tions of arrest in Gaza. His account is also sup­port­ed by numer­ous images depict­ing mass arrests pub­lished on social media pro­files belong­ing to Israeli sol­diers. Many of those images show cap­tive Gazans, their wrists or ankles tied by cables, in their under­wear and blind­fold­ed.

    Al-Ran was held in a mil­i­tary deten­tion cen­ter for 44 days, he told CNN. “Our days were filled with prayer, tears, and sup­pli­ca­tion. This eased our agony,” said al-Ran.

    ...

    A week into his impris­on­ment, the deten­tion camp’s author­i­ties ordered him to act as an inter­me­di­ary between the guards and the pris­on­ers, a role known as Shaw­ish, “super­vi­sor,” in ver­nac­u­lar Ara­bic.

    Accord­ing to the Israeli whistle­blow­ers, a Shaw­ish is nor­mal­ly a pris­on­er who has been cleared of sus­pect­ed links to Hamas after inter­ro­ga­tion.

    The Israeli mil­i­tary denied hold­ing detainees unnec­es­sar­i­ly, or using them for trans­la­tion pur­pos­es. “If there is no rea­son for con­tin­ued deten­tion, the detainees are released back to Gaza,” they said in a state­ment.

    How­ev­er, whistle­blow­er and detainee accounts – par­tic­u­lar­ly per­tain­ing to Shaw­ish – cast doubt on the IDF’s depic­tion of its clear­ing process. Al-Ran says that he served as Shaw­ish for sev­er­al weeks after he was cleared of Hamas links. Whistle­blow­ers also said that the absolved Shaw­ish served as inter­me­di­aries for some time.

    ...

    For that, al-Ran said he was giv­en a spe­cial priv­i­lege: his blind­fold was removed. He said this was anoth­er kind of hell.

    “Part of my tor­ture was being able to see how peo­ple were being tor­tured,” he said. “At first you couldn’t see. You couldn’t see the tor­ture, the vengeance, the oppres­sion.

    “When they removed my blind­fold, I could see the extent of the humil­i­a­tion and abase­ment … I could see the extent to which they saw us not as human beings but as ani­mals.”

    Al-Ran’s account of the forms of pun­ish­ment he saw were cor­rob­o­rat­ed by the whistle­blow­ers who spoke with CNN. A pris­on­er who com­mit­ted an offense such as speak­ing to anoth­er would be ordered to raise his arms above his head for up to an hour. The prisoner’s hands would some­times be zip-tied to a fence to ensure that he did not come out of the stress posi­tion.

    For those who repeat­ed­ly breached the pro­hi­bi­tion on speak­ing and mov­ing, the pun­ish­ment became more severe. Israeli guards would some­times take a pris­on­er to an area out­side the enclo­sure and beat him aggres­sive­ly, accord­ing to two whistle­blow­ers and al-Ran. A whistle­blow­er who worked as a guard said he saw a man emerge from a beat­ing with his teeth, and some bones, appar­ent­ly bro­ken.

    That whistle­blow­er and al-Ran also described a rou­tine search when the guards would unleash large dogs on sleep­ing detainees, lob­bing a sound grenade at the enclo­sure as troops barged in. Al-Ran called this “the night­ly tor­ture.”

    “While we were cabled, they unleashed the dogs that would move between us, and tram­ple over us,” said al-Ran. “You’d be lying on your bel­ly, your face pressed against the ground. You can’t move, and they’re mov­ing above you.”

    The same whistle­blow­er recount­ed the search in the same har­row­ing detail. “It was a spe­cial unit of the mil­i­tary police that did the so-called search,” said the source. “But real­ly it was an excuse to hit them. It was a ter­ri­fy­ing sit­u­a­tion.”

    “There was a lot of scream­ing and dogs bark­ing.”

    Strapped to beds in a field hos­pi­tal

    Whistle­blow­er accounts por­trayed a dif­fer­ent kind of hor­ror at the Sde Teiman field hos­pi­tal.

    “What I felt when I was deal­ing with those patients is an idea of total vul­ner­a­bil­i­ty,” said one medic who worked at Sde Teiman.

    “If you imag­ine your­self being unable to move, being unable to see what’s going on, and being com­plete­ly naked, that leaves you com­plete­ly exposed,” the source said. “I think that’s some­thing that bor­ders on, if not cross­es to, psy­cho­log­i­cal tor­ture.”

    Anoth­er whistle­blow­er said he was ordered to per­form med­ical pro­ce­dures on the Pales­tin­ian detainees for which he was not qual­i­fied.

    “I was asked to learn how to do things on the patients, per­form­ing minor med­ical pro­ce­dures that are total­ly out­side my exper­tise,” he said, adding that this was fre­quent­ly done with­out anes­the­sia.

    “If they com­plained about pain, they would be giv­en parac­eta­mol,” he said, using anoth­er name for aceta­minophen.

    “Just being there felt like being com­plic­it in abuse.”

    The same whistle­blow­er also said he wit­nessed an ampu­ta­tion per­formed on a man who had sus­tained injuries caused by the con­stant zip-tying of his wrists. The account tal­lied with details of a let­ter authored by a doc­tor work­ing at Sde Teiman pub­lished by Ha’aretz in April.

    “From the first days of the med­ical facility’s oper­a­tion until today, I have faced seri­ous eth­i­cal dilem­mas,” said the let­ter addressed to Israel’s attor­ney gen­er­al, and its health and defense min­istries, accord­ing to Ha’aretz. “More than that, I am writ­ing (this let­ter) to warn you that the facil­i­ties’ oper­a­tions do not com­ply with a sin­gle sec­tion among those deal­ing with health in the Incar­cer­a­tion of Unlaw­ful Com­bat­ants Law.”

    ...

    Whistle­blow­ers also said that med­ical team were told to refrain from sign­ing med­ical doc­u­ments, cor­rob­o­rat­ing pre­vi­ous report­ing by rights group Physi­cians for Human Rights in Israel (PHRI).

    The PHRI report released in April warned of “a seri­ous con­cern that anonymi­ty is employed to pre­vent the pos­si­bil­i­ty of inves­ti­ga­tions or com­plaints regard­ing breach­es of med­ical ethics and pro­fes­sion­al­ism.”

    “You don’t sign any­thing, and there is no ver­i­fi­ca­tion of author­i­ty,” said the same whistle­blow­er who said he lacked the appro­pri­ate train­ing for the treat­ment he was asked to admin­is­ter. “It is a par­adise for interns because it’s like you do what­ev­er you want.”

    CNN also request­ed com­ment from the Israeli health min­istry on the alle­ga­tions in this report. The min­istry referred CNN back to the IDF.

    Con­cealed from the out­side world

    Sde Teiman and oth­er mil­i­tary deten­tion camps have been shroud­ed in secre­cy since their incep­tion. Israel has repeat­ed­ly refused requests to dis­close the num­ber of detainees held at the facil­i­ties, or to reveal the where­abouts of Gazan pris­on­ers.

    Last Wednes­day, the Israeli Supreme Court held a hear­ing in response to a peti­tion brought for­ward by Israeli rights group, HaMoked, to reveal the loca­tion of a Pales­tin­ian X‑Ray tech­ni­cian detained from Nass­er Hos­pi­tal in south­ern Gaza in Feb­ru­ary. It was the first court ses­sion of its kind since Octo­ber 7.

    Israel’s high­est court had pre­vi­ous­ly reject­ed writs of habeas cor­pus filed on behalf of dozens of Pales­tini­ans from Gaza held in unknown loca­tions.

    The dis­ap­pear­ances “allows for the atroc­i­ties that we’ve been hear­ing about to hap­pen,” said Tal Stein­er, an Israeli human rights lawyer and exec­u­tive direc­tor of the Pub­lic Com­mit­tee Against Tor­ture in Israel.

    “Peo­ple com­plete­ly dis­con­nect­ed from the out­side world are the most vul­ner­a­ble to tor­ture and mis­treat­ment,” Stein­er said in an inter­view with CNN.

    ...

    “I was there for 23 days. Twen­ty-three days that felt like 100 years,” said 27-year-old Ibrahim Yas­sine on the day of his release from a mil­i­tary deten­tion camp.

    He was lying in a crowd­ed room with over a dozen new­ly freed men – they were still in the grey track­suit prison uni­forms. Some had deep flesh wounds from where the hand­cuffs had been removed.

    “We were hand­cuffed and blind­fold­ed,” said anoth­er man, 43-year-old Sufyan Abu Salah. “Today is the first day I can see.”

    Sev­er­al had a glassy look in their eyes and were seem­ing­ly ema­ci­at­ed. One elder­ly man breathed through an oxy­gen machine as he lay on a stretch­er. Out­side the hos­pi­tal, two freed men from the Pales­tin­ian Red Cres­cent Soci­ety embraced their col­leagues.

    For Dr. Al-Ran, his reunion with his friends was any­thing but joy­ful. The expe­ri­ence, he said, ren­dered him mute for a month as he bat­tled an “emo­tion­al dead­ness.”

    “It was very painful. When I was released, peo­ple expect­ed me to miss them, to embrace them. But there was a gap,” said al-Ran. “The peo­ple who were with me at the deten­tion facil­i­ty became my fam­i­ly. Those friend­ships were the only things that belonged to us.”

    Just before his release, a fel­low pris­on­er had called out to him, his voice bare­ly ris­ing above a whis­per, al-Ran said. He asked the doc­tor to find his wife and kids in Gaza. “He asked me to tell them that it is bet­ter for them to be mar­tyrs,” said al-Ran. “It is bet­ter for them to die than to be cap­tured and held here.”

    ———-

    “Strapped down, blind­fold­ed, held in dia­pers: Israeli whistle­blow­ers detail abuse of Pales­tini­ans in shad­owy deten­tion cen­ter” By CNN’s Inter­na­tion­al Inves­ti­ga­tions and Visu­als teams; CNN; 05/10/2024

    “Reports of abuse at Sde Teiman have already sur­faced in Israeli and Arab media after an out­cry from Israeli and Pales­tin­ian rights groups over con­di­tions there. But this rare tes­ti­mo­ny from Israelis work­ing at the facil­i­ty sheds fur­ther light on Israel’s con­duct as it wages war in Gaza, with fresh alle­ga­tions of mis­treat­ment. It also casts more doubt on the Israeli government’s repeat­ed asser­tions that it acts in accor­dance with accept­ed inter­na­tion­al prac­tices and law.

    This CNN report would be damn­ing enough if it was just based on the tes­ti­monies of the released pris­on­ers. But it’s the fact that there are whistle­blow­ers who worked at these secret mil­i­tary deten­tion facil­i­ties going to the press under threat of legal reper­cus­sions and reprisals that makes this such a damn­ing report. It’s not for­mer pris­on­ers telling us about ampu­ta­tions and tor­tur­ous con­di­tions. It’s these whistle­blow­ers telling us, describ­ing a sys­tem of mil­i­tary deten­tions that sounds like the Israeli ver­sion of Guan­tanamo Bay:

    ...
    CNN spoke to three Israeli whistle­blow­ers who worked at the Sde Teiman desert camp, which holds Pales­tini­ans detained dur­ing Israel’s inva­sion of Gaza. All spoke out at risk of legal reper­cus­sions and reprisals from groups sup­port­ive of Israel’s hard­line poli­cies in Gaza.

    They paint a pic­ture of a facil­i­ty where doc­tors some­times ampu­tat­ed pris­on­ers’ limbs due to injuries sus­tained from con­stant hand­cuff­ing; of med­ical pro­ce­dures some­times per­formed by under­qual­i­fied medics earn­ing it a rep­u­ta­tion for being “a par­adise for interns”; and where the air is filled with the smell of neglect­ed wounds left to rot.

    Accord­ing to the accounts, the facil­i­ty some 18 miles from the Gaza fron­tier is split into two parts: enclo­sures where around 70 Pales­tin­ian detainees from Gaza are placed under extreme phys­i­cal restraint, and a field hos­pi­tal where wound­ed detainees are strapped to their beds, wear­ing dia­pers and fed through straws.

    “They stripped them down of any­thing that resem­bles human beings,” said one whistle­blow­er, who worked as a medic at the facility’s field hos­pi­tal.

    “(The beat­ings) were not done to gath­er intel­li­gence. They were done out of revenge,” said anoth­er whistle­blow­er. “It was pun­ish­ment for what they (the Pales­tini­ans) did on Octo­ber 7 and pun­ish­ment for behav­ior in the camp.”

    ...

    The Israeli mil­i­tary has acknowl­edged par­tial­ly con­vert­ing three dif­fer­ent mil­i­tary facil­i­ties into deten­tion camps for Pales­tin­ian detainees from Gaza since the Hamas-led Octo­ber 7 attack on Israel, in which Israeli author­i­ties say about 1,200 were killed and over 250 were abduct­ed, and the sub­se­quent Israeli offen­sive in Gaza, killing near­ly 35,000 peo­ple accord­ing to the strip’s health min­istry. These facil­i­ties are Sde Teiman in the Negev desert, as well as Ana­tot and Ofer mil­i­tary bases in the occu­pied West Bank.

    The camps are part of the infra­struc­ture of Israel’s Unlaw­ful Com­bat­ants Law, an amend­ed leg­is­la­tion passed by the Knes­set last Decem­ber that expand­ed the military’s author­i­ty to detain sus­pect­ed mil­i­tants.

    The law per­mits the mil­i­tary to detain peo­ple for 45 days with­out an arrest war­rant, after which they must be trans­ferred to Israel’s for­mal prison sys­tem (IPS), where over 9,000 Pales­tini­ans are being held in con­di­tions that rights groups say have dras­ti­cal­ly dete­ri­o­rat­ed since Octo­ber 7. Two Pales­tin­ian pris­on­ers asso­ci­a­tions said last week that 18 Pales­tini­ans – includ­ing lead­ing Gaza sur­geon Dr. Adnan al-Bursh – had died in Israeli cus­tody over the course of the war.

    The mil­i­tary deten­tion camps – where the num­ber of inmates is unknown – serve as a fil­tra­tion point dur­ing the arrest peri­od man­dat­ed by the Unlaw­ful Com­bat­ants Law. After their deten­tion in the camps, those with sus­pect­ed Hamas links are trans­ferred to the IPS, while those whose mil­i­tant ties have been ruled out are released back to Gaza.
    ...

    Those whistle­blow­er accounts include being asked to per­form med­ical pro­ce­dures for which they were not qual­i­fied and per­formed with­out anes­the­sia. And then there’s the things they wit­nessed, like a hand get­ting ampu­tat­ed after con­stant zip-typ­ing at the wrists. They are depict­ing an ‘any­thing goes’ moral envi­ron­ment. Which sug­gests the sit­u­a­tion could get much worse as this con­tin­ues to fes­ter:

    ...
    Whistle­blow­er accounts por­trayed a dif­fer­ent kind of hor­ror at the Sde Teiman field hos­pi­tal.

    “What I felt when I was deal­ing with those patients is an idea of total vul­ner­a­bil­i­ty,” said one medic who worked at Sde Teiman.

    “If you imag­ine your­self being unable to move, being unable to see what’s going on, and being com­plete­ly naked, that leaves you com­plete­ly exposed,” the source said. “I think that’s some­thing that bor­ders on, if not cross­es to, psy­cho­log­i­cal tor­ture.”

    Anoth­er whistle­blow­er said he was ordered to per­form med­ical pro­ce­dures on the Pales­tin­ian detainees for which he was not qual­i­fied.

    “I was asked to learn how to do things on the patients, per­form­ing minor med­ical pro­ce­dures that are total­ly out­side my exper­tise,” he said, adding that this was fre­quent­ly done with­out anes­the­sia.

    “If they com­plained about pain, they would be giv­en parac­eta­mol,” he said, using anoth­er name for aceta­minophen.

    “Just being there felt like being com­plic­it in abuse.”

    The same whistle­blow­er also said he wit­nessed an ampu­ta­tion per­formed on a man who had sus­tained injuries caused by the con­stant zip-tying of his wrists. The account tal­lied with details of a let­ter authored by a doc­tor work­ing at Sde Teiman pub­lished by Ha’aretz in April.

    “From the first days of the med­ical facility’s oper­a­tion until today, I have faced seri­ous eth­i­cal dilem­mas,” said the let­ter addressed to Israel’s attor­ney gen­er­al, and its health and defense min­istries, accord­ing to Ha’aretz. “More than that, I am writ­ing (this let­ter) to warn you that the facil­i­ties’ oper­a­tions do not com­ply with a sin­gle sec­tion among those deal­ing with health in the Incar­cer­a­tion of Unlaw­ful Com­bat­ants Law.”
    ...

    And then there’s the instruc­tions these whistle­blow­ers report receiv­ing about not sign­ing med­ical doc­u­ments. It’s the kind of detail that points to a con­scious group coverup. Which, again, points to the kind of group moral envi­ron­ment where the worsts kinds of crimes can tran­spire. This is a night­mare sit­u­a­tion poised to get a lot worse:

    ...
    Whistle­blow­ers also said that med­ical team were told to refrain from sign­ing med­ical doc­u­ments, cor­rob­o­rat­ing pre­vi­ous report­ing by rights group Physi­cians for Human Rights in Israel (PHRI).

    The PHRI report released in April warned of “a seri­ous con­cern that anonymi­ty is employed to pre­vent the pos­si­bil­i­ty of inves­ti­ga­tions or com­plaints regard­ing breach­es of med­ical ethics and pro­fes­sion­al­ism.”

    “You don’t sign any­thing, and there is no ver­i­fi­ca­tion of author­i­ty,” said the same whistle­blow­er who said he lacked the appro­pri­ate train­ing for the treat­ment he was asked to admin­is­ter. “It is a par­adise for interns because it’s like you do what­ev­er you want.”

    CNN also request­ed com­ment from the Israeli health min­istry on the alle­ga­tions in this report. The min­istry referred CNN back to the IDF.
    ...

    On top of those those whistle­blow­ers, over a dozen for­mer detainees have described their expe­ri­ences, which are report­ed­ly con­sis­tent with the whistle­blow­er accounts. But we’re not entire­ly reliant on the tes­ti­monies of these whistle­blow­ers or for­mer detainees. Images post­ed on social media by Israeli sol­diers cor­rob­o­rate these accounts:

    ...
    CNN inter­viewed over a dozen for­mer Gazan detainees who appeared to have been released from those camps. They said they could not deter­mine where they were held because they were blind­fold­ed through most of their deten­tion and cut off from the out­side world. But the details of their accounts tal­ly with those of the whistle­blow­ers.

    “We looked for­ward to the night so we could sleep. Then we looked for­ward to the morn­ing in hopes that our sit­u­a­tion might change,” said Dr. Mohammed al-Ran, recall­ing his detain­ment at a mil­i­tary facil­i­ty where he said he endured desert tem­per­a­tures, swing­ing from the heat of the day to the chill of night. CNN inter­viewed him out­side Gaza last month.

    Al-Ran, a Pales­tin­ian who holds Bosn­ian cit­i­zen­ship, head­ed the sur­gi­cal unit at north­ern Gaza’s Indone­sian hos­pi­tal, one of the first to be shut down and raid­ed as Israel car­ried out its aer­i­al, ground and naval offen­sive.

    ...

    He was stripped down to his under­wear, blind­fold­ed and his wrists tied, then dumped in the back of a truck where, he said, the near-naked detainees were piled on top of one anoth­er as they were shut­tled to a deten­tion camp in the mid­dle of the desert.

    The details in his account are con­sis­tent with those of dozens of oth­ers col­lect­ed by CNN recount­ing the con­di­tions of arrest in Gaza. His account is also sup­port­ed by numer­ous images depict­ing mass arrests pub­lished on social media pro­files belong­ing to Israeli sol­diers. Many of those images show cap­tive Gazans, their wrists or ankles tied by cables, in their under­wear and blind­fold­ed.

    ...

    Al-Ran’s account of the forms of pun­ish­ment he saw were cor­rob­o­rat­ed by the whistle­blow­ers who spoke with CNN. A pris­on­er who com­mit­ted an offense such as speak­ing to anoth­er would be ordered to raise his arms above his head for up to an hour. The prisoner’s hands would some­times be zip-tied to a fence to ensure that he did not come out of the stress posi­tion.

    For those who repeat­ed­ly breached the pro­hi­bi­tion on speak­ing and mov­ing, the pun­ish­ment became more severe. Israeli guards would some­times take a pris­on­er to an area out­side the enclo­sure and beat him aggres­sive­ly, accord­ing to two whistle­blow­ers and al-Ran. A whistle­blow­er who worked as a guard said he saw a man emerge from a beat­ing with his teeth, and some bones, appar­ent­ly bro­ken.

    That whistle­blow­er and al-Ran also described a rou­tine search when the guards would unleash large dogs on sleep­ing detainees, lob­bing a sound grenade at the enclo­sure as troops barged in. Al-Ran called this “the night­ly tor­ture.”

    “While we were cabled, they unleashed the dogs that would move between us, and tram­ple over us,” said al-Ran. “You’d be lying on your bel­ly, your face pressed against the ground. You can’t move, and they’re mov­ing above you.”

    The same whistle­blow­er recount­ed the search in the same har­row­ing detail. “It was a spe­cial unit of the mil­i­tary police that did the so-called search,” said the source. “But real­ly it was an excuse to hit them. It was a ter­ri­fy­ing sit­u­a­tion.”

    “There was a lot of scream­ing and dogs bark­ing.”

    ...

    “I was there for 23 days. Twen­ty-three days that felt like 100 years,” said 27-year-old Ibrahim Yas­sine on the day of his release from a mil­i­tary deten­tion camp.

    He was lying in a crowd­ed room with over a dozen new­ly freed men – they were still in the grey track­suit prison uni­forms. Some had deep flesh wounds from where the hand­cuffs had been removed.

    “We were hand­cuffed and blind­fold­ed,” said anoth­er man, 43-year-old Sufyan Abu Salah. “Today is the first day I can see.”

    Sev­er­al had a glassy look in their eyes and were seem­ing­ly ema­ci­at­ed. One elder­ly man breathed through an oxy­gen machine as he lay on a stretch­er. Out­side the hos­pi­tal, two freed men from the Pales­tin­ian Red Cres­cent Soci­ety embraced their col­leagues.
    ...

    As dis­turb­ing as it is to learn about pris­on­ers released with deep flesh wounds on their wrists, at least they still had hands! Could have been worse and pre­sum­ably is worse for the hand­less peo­ple still detained. Peo­ple who, sta­tis­ti­cal­ly speak­ing, are prob­a­bly just civil­ians who were scooped up from ‘the bat­tle­field’ that was pre­vi­ous­ly a civil­ian area. It’s a sys­tem for the mass sys­tem­at­ic ter­ror­iza­tion of a pop­u­la­tion. Git­mo for Gaza.

    So are we on the cusp of see­ing the Biden admin­is­tra­tion cut off mil­i­tary sup­plies, or the cusp or more reports about how the US is fuel­ing an even worse vio­la­tion of inter­na­tion­al law? Time will tell, as always. But, again, let’s not for­get that Guan­tanamo Bay is still oper­at­ing. Time has told a chill­ing sto­ry in that at case. Let’s hope time tells a bet­ter sto­ry this time. At least bet­ter than the his­toric cat­a­stro­phe that appears to be unfold­ing.

    A his­toric cat­a­stro­phe for not just Gaza but Israel, whether the Israelis real­ize it or not. Along with the US, of course.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | May 11, 2024, 7:04 pm
  6. After lis­ten­ing for decades to Dav­e’s broad­casts, I am sur­prised to not see much about the Octo­ber 7th attack on Israel by Hamas. Is there some­thing I’ve missed? Please point me to it if so.

    I recall hear­ing about Haj Amin Al-Hus­sayni from Dav­e’s research and the his­toric con­nec­tions of Pales­tini­ans & Nazis, as well as the his­to­ry of the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood and its off­shoots to the Pales­tin­ian Author­i­ty, Fatah, Hamas, Islam­ic Jihad, Hebol­lah, et al.

    Seems like this would be a great time to start orga­niz­ing and bring­ing that infor­ma­tion out to the mis­in­formed pub­lic.

    Posted by Bruce | May 21, 2024, 8:54 pm
  7. @ Bruce–The pro­grams explain quite com­plete­ly why I will not dis­cuss this fur­ther, bar­ring fur­ther major devel­op­ments.

    Best,

    Dave

    Posted by Dave Emory | May 22, 2024, 4:58 pm
  8. Dave,

    Please dis­re­gard my last com­ment, I found FTR@1316 and am cur­rent­ly lis­ten­ing to it. BTW, I am sor­ry to hear about your health chal­lenges. Same issues here with get­ting old­er.

    Is it accept­able to attempt ( civ­il & polite ) dis­cussing and express­ing opin­ions here on this site about this issue — as I am inter­est­ed in inter­act­ing with folks who have an under­stand­ing and ori­en­ta­tion to this infor­ma­tion whether they agree or dis­agree with me.

    I want to find some place to get some inter­ac­tions that are not bots or sock-pup­pets and who can actu­al­ly bring facts rea­son and human­i­ty to bear. I find myself in the odd posi­tion of oppos­ing the Ukraine war, and sup­port­ing Israel in its war against Hamas, while also try­ing to keep an open mind and avoid­ing extrem­ism.

    Posted by Bruce | May 23, 2024, 7:39 am
  9. @Bruce–

    Please lis­ten to FTR#1317 as well.

    In gen­er­al, this site is not con­ver­sa­tion­al.

    Sub­scrib­ing to the Patre­on site might pro­vide more of an oppor­tu­ni­ty.

    Best,

    Dave

    Posted by Dave Emory | May 23, 2024, 3:37 pm
  10. It keeps get­ting worse. It was already hor­rif­ic but it’s worse now. The New York Times just issued a trou­bling new update to the sto­ries we’ve been hear­ing for weeks now about the abus­es tak­ing place at the Sde Teiman mil­i­tary deten­tion facil­i­ty where Gazans are being held and ‘processed’. As we saw in a CNN report almost a month ago, whistle­blow­ers were report­ing con­di­tions that includ­ed detainees wear­ing noth­ing but dia­pers and inex­pe­ri­enced staff per­form­ing med­ical pro­ce­dures. Ampu­ta­tions were even per­formed on pris­on­ers from wounds inflict­ed due to the overuse of hand­cuffs. And med­ical staff were instruct­ed not to sign their names on any doc­u­ments.

    The fol­low­ing NY Times report expands upon those alle­ga­tions, with one key dif­fer­ence: while the CNN report appeared to be based entire­ly on accounts from whistle­blow­ers and inter­views with for­mer detainees that had been released, the NY Times report was based on a three month long inves­ti­ga­tion that includ­ed on sight access and inter­views with staff. It’s an impor­tant detail to keep in mind with this report. It was done with the coop­er­a­tion of the Israeli mil­i­tary. Which strong­ly sug­gests the sto­ry pre­sent­ed here isn’t near­ly as bad as the real­i­ty. For exam­ple, there’s no men­tion of ampu­ta­tions in this report.

    We do learn about new abus­es, how­ev­er. A “dis­co room” with extreme­ly loud music is report­ed­ly part of the pre-inter­ro­ga­tion process, with music so loud it has caused bleed­ing from ears. We also got some clar­i­ty on why some detainees were wear­ing noth­ing but dia­pers: anal elec­tro­cu­tions were con­duct­ed that result­ed in the loss of blad­der con­trol. Yep.

    We also got more clar­i­ty on dura­tion of these deten­tions and who was being sent to the camps. It sounds like vir­tu­al­ly any adult male picked up on Gaza is get­ting sent to these camps, even peo­ple who have a very low prob­a­bil­i­ty of being a mem­ber of Hamas, includ­ing one man who has been breath­ing through a tube in his throat since he was a child. Under Israeli law, they can be held for up to 75 days with­out judi­cial pro­cess­ing and up to 90 days with­out a lawyer. Accord­ing to one law pro­fes­sor, the sys­tem “looks to me like a form of incom­mu­ni­ca­do deten­tion, which itself is a vio­la­tion of inter­na­tion­al law.”

    We’re told that rough­ly 70 per­cent of the 4000 detainees that have been held at the facil­i­ty have even­tu­al­ly been sent to oth­er pris­ons for fur­ther inves­ti­ga­tion and pros­e­cu­tion. The remain­ing 30 per­cent, around 1200, have been deter­mined to be civil­ians and returned to Gaza with­out charge, apol­o­gy, or com­pen­sa­tion. It’s a notable sta­tis­tic since it seems to imply that around 70 per­cent of adult males in Gaza are con­sid­ered to be ‘non-civil­ian’ in this con­flict. So 100 per­cent of cap­tured adult males are appar­ent­ly kept under tor­tur­ous con­di­tions for a weeks or months with­out a lawyer or and abil­i­ty to com­mu­ni­cate with their fam­i­lies, and after that around 70 per­cent are sent off to oth­er facil­i­ties where the con­di­tions are prob­a­bly even worse. And, again, this is the pre­sum­ably watered down ver­sion of sto­ry the Israeli mil­i­tary coop­er­at­ed in help­ing the NY Times share with the world:

    The New York Times

    Inside the Base Where Israel Has Detained Thou­sands of Gazans

    Since Israel invad­ed Gaza, the Sde Teiman mil­i­tary base has filled with blind­fold­ed, hand­cuffed detainees, held with­out charge or legal rep­re­sen­ta­tion.

    By Patrick Kings­ley and Bilal Shbair
    Patrick Kings­ley, from Israel, and Bilal Shbair, from Gaza, spent three months inter­view­ing Israeli sol­diers who worked at Sde Teiman and Pales­tini­ans held there. Patrick Kings­ley vis­it­ed the site.
    June 6, 2024

    The men sat in rows, hand­cuffed and blind­fold­ed, unable to see the Israeli sol­diers who stood watch over them from the oth­er side of a mesh fence.

    They were barred from talk­ing more loud­ly than a mur­mur, and for­bid­den to stand or sleep except when autho­rized.

    A few knelt in prayer. One was being inspect­ed by a para­medic. Anoth­er was briefly allowed to remove his hand­cuffs to wash him­self. The hun­dreds of oth­er Gazan detainees sat in silence. They were all cut off from the out­side world, pre­vent­ed for weeks from con­tact­ing lawyers or rel­a­tives.

    This was the scene one after­noon in late May at a mil­i­tary hangar inside Sde Teiman, an army base in south­ern Israel that has become syn­ony­mous with the deten­tion of Gazan Pales­tini­ans. Most Gazans cap­tured since the start of the war on Oct. 7 have been brought to the site for ini­tial inter­ro­ga­tion, accord­ing to the Israeli mil­i­tary.

    The mil­i­tary, which has not pre­vi­ous­ly grant­ed access to the media, allowed The New York Times to briefly see part of the deten­tion facil­i­ty as well as to inter­view its com­man­ders and oth­er offi­cials, on con­di­tion of pre­serv­ing their anonymi­ty.

    Once an obscure bar­racks, Sde Teiman is now a makeshift inter­ro­ga­tion site and a major focus of accu­sa­tions that the Israeli mil­i­tary has mis­treat­ed detainees, includ­ing peo­ple lat­er deter­mined to have no ties to Hamas or oth­er armed groups. In inter­views, for­mer detainees described beat­ings and oth­er abuse in the facil­i­ty.

    By late May, rough­ly 4,000 Gazan detainees had spent up to three months in lim­bo at Sde Teiman, includ­ing sev­er­al dozen peo­ple cap­tured dur­ing the Hamas-led ter­ror­ist attacks on Israel in Octo­ber, accord­ing to the site com­man­ders who spoke to The Times.

    After inter­ro­ga­tion, around 70 per­cent of detainees had been sent to pur­pose-built pris­ons for fur­ther inves­ti­ga­tion and pros­e­cu­tion, the com­man­ders said. The rest, at least 1,200 peo­ple, had been found to be civil­ians and returned to Gaza, with­out charge, apol­o­gy or com­pen­sa­tion.

    “My col­leagues didn’t know whether I was dead or alive,” said Muham­mad al-Kur­di, 38, an ambu­lance dri­ver whom the mil­i­tary has con­firmed was held at Sde Teiman late last year.

    “I was impris­oned for 32 days,” said Mr. al-Kur­di. He said he had been cap­tured in Novem­ber after his con­voy of ambu­lances attempt­ed to pass through an Israeli mil­i­tary check­point south of Gaza City.

    ...

    A three-month inves­ti­ga­tion by The New York Times — based on inter­views with for­mer detainees and with Israeli mil­i­tary offi­cers, doc­tors and sol­diers who served at the site; the vis­it to the base; and data about released detainees pro­vid­ed by the mil­i­tary — found those 1,200 Pales­tin­ian civil­ians have been held at Sde Teiman in demean­ing con­di­tions with­out the abil­i­ty to plead their cas­es to a judge for up to 75 days. Detainees are also denied access to lawyers for up to 90 days and their loca­tion is with­held from rights groups as well as from the Inter­na­tion­al Com­mit­tee of the Red Cross, in what some legal experts say is a con­tra­ven­tion of inter­na­tion­al law.

    Eight for­mer detainees, all of whom the mil­i­tary has con­firmed were held at the site and who spoke on the record, var­i­ous­ly said they had been punched, kicked and beat­en with batons, rifle butts and a hand-held met­al detec­tor while in cus­tody. One said his ribs were bro­ken after he was kneed in the chest and a sec­ond detainee said his ribs broke after he was kicked and beat­en with a rifle, an assault that a third detainee said he had wit­nessed. Sev­en said they had been forced to wear only a dia­per while being inter­ro­gat­ed. Three said they had received elec­tric shocks dur­ing their inter­ro­ga­tions.

    Most of these alle­ga­tions were echoed in inter­views con­duct­ed by offi­cials from UNRWA, the main U.N. agency for Pales­tini­ans, an insti­tu­tion that Israel says has been infil­trat­ed by Hamas, a charge the agency denies. The agency con­duct­ed inter­views with hun­dreds of return­ing detainees who report­ed wide­spread abuse at Sde Teiman and oth­er Israeli deten­tion facil­i­ties, includ­ing beat­ings and the use of an elec­tric probe.

    An Israeli sol­dier who served at the site said that fel­low sol­diers had reg­u­lar­ly boast­ed of beat­ing detainees and saw signs that sev­er­al peo­ple had been sub­ject­ed to such treat­ment. Speak­ing on con­di­tion of anonymi­ty to avoid pros­e­cu­tion, he said a detainee had been tak­en for treat­ment at the site’s makeshift field hos­pi­tal with a bone that had been bro­ken dur­ing his deten­tion, while anoth­er was briefly tak­en out of sight and returned with bleed­ing around his rib cage. The sol­dier said that one per­son had died at Sde Teiman from trau­ma injuries to his chest, though it was unclear whether his injury was sus­tained before or after reach­ing the base.

    Of the 4,000 detainees housed at Sde Teiman since Octo­ber, 35 have died either at the site or after being brought to near­by civil­ian hos­pi­tals, accord­ing to offi­cers at the base who spoke to The Times dur­ing the May vis­it. The offi­cers said some of them had died because of wounds or ill­ness­es con­tract­ed before their incar­cer­a­tion and denied any of them had died from abuse. Mil­i­tary pros­e­cu­tors are inves­ti­gat­ing the deaths.

    Dur­ing the vis­it, senior mil­i­tary doc­tors said they had nev­er observed any signs of tor­ture and com­man­ders said they tried to treat detainees as humane­ly as pos­si­ble. They con­firmed that at least 12 sol­diers had been dis­missed from their roles at the site, some of them for exces­sive use of force.

    In recent weeks, the base has attract­ed grow­ing scruti­ny from the media, includ­ing a CNN report lat­er cit­ed by the White House, as well as from Israel’s Supreme Court, which on Wednes­day began to hear a peti­tion from rights groups to close the site. In response to the peti­tion, the Israeli gov­ern­ment said that it was reduc­ing the num­ber of detainees at Sde Teiman and improv­ing con­di­tions there; the Israeli mil­i­tary has already set up a pan­el to inves­ti­gate the treat­ment of detainees at the site.

    In a lengthy state­ment for this arti­cle, the Israel Defense Forces denied that “sys­tem­at­ic abuse” had tak­en place at Sde Teiman. Pre­sent­ed with indi­vid­ual alle­ga­tions of abuse, the mil­i­tary said the claims were “evi­dent­ly inac­cu­rate or com­plete­ly unfound­ed,” and might have been invent­ed under pres­sure from Hamas. It did not give fur­ther details.

    ...

    Yoel Donchin, a mil­i­tary doc­tor serv­ing at the site, said it was unclear why Israeli sol­diers had cap­tured many of the peo­ple he treat­ed there, some of whom were high­ly unlike­ly to have been com­bat­ants involved in the war. One was para­plegic, anoth­er weighed rough­ly 300 pounds and a third had breathed since child­hood through a tube insert­ed into his neck, he said.

    “Why they brought him — I don’t know,” Dr. Donchin said.

    “They take every­one,” he added.

    How Detainees Are Cap­tured

    Fadi Bakr, a law stu­dent from Gaza City, said he was cap­tured on Jan. 5 by Israeli sol­diers near his fam­i­ly home. Dis­placed by fight­ing ear­li­er in the war, Mr. Bakr, 25, had returned to his neigh­bor­hood to search for flour, only to get caught in the mid­dle of a fire­fight and wound­ed, he said.

    The Israelis found him bleed­ing after the fight­ing stopped, he said. They stripped him naked, con­fis­cat­ed his phone and sav­ings, beat him repeat­ed­ly and accused him of being a mil­i­tant who had sur­vived the bat­tle, he said.

    ...

    The cir­cum­stances of Mr. Bakr’s arrest mir­ror those of oth­er for­mer detainees inter­viewed by The Times.

    Sev­er­al said they had been sus­pect­ed of mil­i­tant activ­i­ty because sol­diers had encoun­tered them in areas the mil­i­tary thought were har­bor­ing Hamas fight­ers, includ­ing hos­pi­tals, U.N. schools or depop­u­lat­ed neigh­bor­hoods like Mr. Bakr’s.

    You­nis al-Ham­lawi, 39, a senior nurse, said he was arrest­ed in Novem­ber after leav­ing Al-Shi­fa Hos­pi­tal in Gaza City dur­ing an Israeli raid on the site, which Israel con­sid­ered a Hamas com­mand cen­ter. Israeli sol­diers accused him of hav­ing ties to Hamas.

    ...

    All of the eight for­mer detainees described their cap­ture in sim­i­lar ways: They were gen­er­al­ly blind­fold­ed, hand­cuffed with zip ties and stripped naked except for their under­wear, so that Israeli sol­diers could be sure they were unarmed.

    Most said they were inter­ro­gat­ed, punched and kicked while still in Gaza, and some said they were beat­en with rifle butts. Lat­er, they said, they were crammed with oth­er half-naked detainees into mil­i­tary trucks and dri­ven to Sde Teiman.

    Some said they had lat­er spent time in the offi­cial Israeli prison sys­tem, while oth­ers said they were brought straight back to Gaza.

    ...

    How the Site Devel­oped

    Dur­ing pre­vi­ous wars with Hamas, includ­ing the 50-day con­flict in 2014, the Sde Teiman mil­i­tary base inter­mit­tent­ly held small num­bers of cap­tured Gazans. A com­mand cen­ter and ware­house for mil­i­tary vehi­cles, the base was select­ed because it is close to Gaza and hous­es an out­post of the mil­i­tary police, who over­see mil­i­tary deten­tion facil­i­ties.

    In Octo­ber, Israel start­ed using the site to detain peo­ple cap­tured in Israel dur­ing the Hamas-led attack, hous­ing them in an emp­ty tank hangar, accord­ing to the site com­man­ders. Once Israel invad­ed Gaza at the end of that month, Sde Teiman began receiv­ing so many peo­ple that the mil­i­tary refit­ted three oth­er hangars to detain them and con­vert­ed a mil­i­tary police office to cre­ate more space for inter­ro­ga­tions, they said.

    By late May, they said, the base includ­ed three deten­tion sites: the hangars where detainees are guard­ed by mil­i­tary police; near­by tents, where detainees are treat­ed by mil­i­tary doc­tors; and an inter­ro­ga­tion facil­i­ty in a sep­a­rate part of the base that is staffed by intel­li­gence offi­cers from Israel’s mil­i­tary intel­li­gence direc­torate and the Shin Bet.

    Clas­si­fied as “unlaw­ful com­bat­ants” under Israeli leg­is­la­tion, detainees at Sde Teiman can be held for up to 75 days with­out judi­cial per­mis­sion and 90 days with­out access to a lawyer, let alone a tri­al.

    The Israeli mil­i­tary says these arrange­ments are per­mit­ted by the Gene­va Con­ven­tions that gov­ern inter­na­tion­al con­flict, which allow the intern­ment of civil­ians for secu­ri­ty rea­sons. The com­man­ders at the site said that it was essen­tial to delay access to lawyers in order to pre­vent Hamas fight­ers from con­vey­ing mes­sages to their lead­ers in Gaza, hin­der­ing Israel’s war effort.

    After an ini­tial inter­ro­ga­tion at Sde Teiman, detainees still sus­pect­ed of hav­ing mil­i­tant ties are usu­al­ly trans­ferred to anoth­er mil­i­tary site or a civil­ian prison. In the civil­ian sys­tem, they are sup­posed to be for­mal­ly charged; in May, the gov­ern­ment said in a sub­mis­sion to Israel’s Supreme Court that it had start­ed crim­i­nal pro­ceed­ings against “hun­dreds” of peo­ple cap­tured since Oct. 7, with­out giv­ing fur­ther details about the exact num­ber of cas­es or their sta­tus. There have been no known tri­als of Gazans cap­tured since Octo­ber.

    Experts on inter­na­tion­al law say Israel’s sys­tem around ini­tial deten­tion is more restric­tive than many West­ern coun­ter­parts in terms of the time it takes for judges to review each case, as well as in the lack of access for Red Cross staff.

    Ear­ly in its war against the Tal­iban in Afghanistan, the Unit­ed States also delayed inde­pen­dent review of a detainee’s case for 75 days, said Lawrence Hill-Cawthorne, a law pro­fes­sor who wrote an overview of the laws gov­ern­ing deten­tion of non­state com­bat­ants. The U.S. short­ened that delay in 2009 to 60 days, while in Iraq cas­es were reviewed with­in a week, the pro­fes­sor said.

    Israel’s deci­sion to delay judi­cial review of a case for 75 days with­out pro­vid­ing access to lawyers or the Red Cross “looks to me like a form of incom­mu­ni­ca­do deten­tion, which itself is a vio­la­tion of inter­na­tion­al law,” Pro­fes­sor Hill-Cawthorne said.

    ...

    Where the Detainees Live

    Inside Sde Teiman, Mr. Bakr was held in an open-sided hangar where he said he was forced, with hun­dreds of oth­ers, to sit hand­cuffed in silence on a mat for up to 18 hours a day. The hangar had no exter­nal wall, leav­ing it open to the rain and the cold, and guards watched him from the oth­er side of a mesh fence.

    All the detainees wore blind­folds — except for one, known by the Ara­bic word “shaw­ish,” which means sergeant. The shaw­ish act­ed as a go-between the sol­diers and the pris­on­ers, dol­ing out food and escort­ing fel­low pris­on­ers to a block of portable toi­lets in the cor­ner of the hangar.

    Weeks lat­er, Mr. Bakr said, he was appoint­ed as a shaw­ish, allow­ing him to see his sur­round­ings prop­er­ly.

    His account broad­ly match­es that of oth­er detainees and is con­sis­tent with what The Times was shown at the site in late May.

    The com­man­ders at the site said detainees were allowed to stand up every two hours to stretch, sleep between rough­ly 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. and pray at any time. For a brief peri­od in Octo­ber, they said, detainees were allowed to take off their blind­folds and move around freely with­in the hangars. But that arrange­ment end­ed after some detainees became unruly or tried to unlock their hand­cuffs, the com­man­ders said.

    Exhaust­ed after the jour­ney to Sde Teiman, Mr. Bakr fell asleep soon after his arrival — prompt­ing an offi­cer to sum­mon him to a near­by com­mand room, he said.

    The offi­cer began beat­ing him, Mr. Bakr said. “This is the pun­ish­ment for any­one who sleeps,” he recalled the offi­cer say­ing.

    Oth­ers described sim­i­lar respons­es to minor infrac­tions. Rafiq Yassin, 55, a builder detained in Decem­ber, said he was beat­en repeat­ed­ly in his abdomen after try­ing to peek from under­neath his blind­fold. He said he began vom­it­ing blood and was treat­ed at a civil­ian hos­pi­tal in the near­by city of Beer­she­ba. Asked about the claim, the hos­pi­tal referred The Times to the health min­istry, which declined to com­ment.

    The Israeli sol­dier who wit­nessed abus­es at a hangar said one detainee was beat­en so hard that his ribs bled after he was accused of peek­ing beneath his blind­fold, while anoth­er was beat­en after talk­ing too loud­ly too often.

    The Times did not wit­ness any beat­ings dur­ing the vis­it to the hangar, where some detainees were seen pray­ing while oth­ers were assessed by para­medics or brought by the shaw­ish to wash in a sink at the back of the hangar. One man could be seen peek­ing beneath his blind­fold with­out imme­di­ate pun­ish­ment.

    Like the oth­er for­mer detainees, Mr. Bakr recalled receiv­ing three mea­ger snacks on most days — typ­i­cal­ly bread served with small quan­ti­ties of either cheese, jam or tuna, and occa­sion­al­ly cucum­bers and toma­toes. The mil­i­tary said that the food pro­vi­sions had been “approved by an autho­rized nutri­tion­ist in order to main­tain their health.”

    Accord­ing to sev­er­al for­mer detainees, it was not enough. Three said they lost more than 40 pounds dur­ing their deten­tion.

    Some med­ical treat­ment is avail­able on site. The com­man­ders brought The Times to an office where they said medics screened every detainee on arrival, in addi­tion to mon­i­tor­ing them every day in the hangars. Seri­ous cas­es are treat­ed in a near­by clus­ter of tents that form a makeshift field hos­pi­tal.

    ...

    Two Israelis who were at the hos­pi­tal last year said that its staff mem­bers were much less expe­ri­enced and more poor­ly equipped dur­ing ear­li­er phas­es of the war. One of them, who spoke on con­di­tion of anonymi­ty to avoid pros­e­cu­tion, said that at the time patients were not giv­en enough painkillers dur­ing painful pro­ce­dures.

    Physi­cians for Human Rights, a rights group in Israel, said in a report in April that the field hos­pi­tal was “a low point for med­ical ethics and pro­fes­sion­al­ism.”

    The hospital’s cur­rent lead­er­ship acknowl­edged that it had not always been as well-equipped as it has become, but said its staff was always high­ly expe­ri­enced.

    Dr. Donchin said in some respects the treat­ment at the field clin­ic was now “a lit­tle bet­ter” than in Israeli civil­ian hos­pi­tals, main­ly because it was staffed by some of the best doc­tors in Israel. Dr. Donchin, a lieu­tenant colonel in the mil­i­tary reserve, was a long-serv­ing anes­the­si­ol­o­gist at a major hos­pi­tal in Jerusalem and now teach­es at a lead­ing med­ical school.

    The facil­i­ties and equip­ment seen by The Times includ­ed an anes­the­sia machine, an ultra­sound mon­i­tor, X‑ray equip­ment, a device for ana­lyz­ing blood sam­ples, a small oper­at­ing the­ater and a store­room con­tain­ing hun­dreds of med­i­cines.

    Doc­tors serv­ing at Sde Teiman who spoke to The Times said they were also told not to write their names on any offi­cial doc­u­men­ta­tion and not to address each oth­er by name in front of the patients.

    Dr. Donchin said that offi­cials feared they could be iden­ti­fied and charged with war crimes at the Inter­na­tion­al Crim­i­nal Court.

    Dur­ing The Times’s vis­it, three doc­tors said they did not fear pros­e­cu­tion but sought anonymi­ty to pre­vent Hamas and their allies from attack­ing them or their fam­i­lies.

    How the Inter­ro­ga­tions Work

    Rough­ly four days after his arrival, Mr. Bakr said he was called in for inter­ro­ga­tion.

    Like oth­ers who spoke to The Times, he remem­bered being brought to a sep­a­rate enclo­sure that the detainees called the “dis­co room” — because, they said, they were forced to lis­ten to extreme­ly loud music that pre­vent­ed them from sleep­ing. Mr. Bakr con­sid­ered it a form of tor­ture, say­ing it was so painful that blood began to trick­le from inside his ear.

    The Israeli mil­i­tary said that the music was “not high and not harm­ful,” played with­in earshot of Israelis and Pales­tini­ans alike, and was meant to pre­vent the detainees from eas­i­ly con­fer­ring with each oth­er before inter­ro­ga­tion. The Times was not shown any part of the inter­ro­ga­tion com­plex, includ­ing the area where music was played.

    ...

    The inter­roga­tors accused him of Hamas mem­ber­ship and showed him pho­tographs of mil­i­tants to see if he could iden­ti­fy them. They also asked him about the where­abouts of hostages, as well as a senior Hamas leader who lived near Mr. Bakr’s fam­i­ly home. When Mr. Bakr denied any con­nec­tion to the group or knowl­edge of the pic­tured men, he was beat­en repeat­ed­ly, he said.

    Mr. al-Ham­lawi, the senior nurse, said a female offi­cer had ordered two sol­diers to lift him up and press his rec­tum against a met­al stick that was fixed to the ground. Mr. al-Ham­lawi said the stick pen­e­trat­ed his rec­tum for rough­ly five sec­onds, caus­ing it to bleed and leav­ing him with “unbear­able pain.”

    A leaked draft of the UNRWA report detailed an inter­view that gave a sim­i­lar account. It cit­ed a 41-year-old detainee who said that inter­roga­tors “made me sit on some­thing like a hot met­al stick and it felt like fire,” and also said that anoth­er detainee “died after they put the elec­tric stick up” his anus.

    Mr. al-Ham­lawi recalled being forced to sit in a chair wired with elec­tric­i­ty. He said he was shocked so often that, after ini­tial­ly uri­nat­ing uncon­trol­lably, he then stopped uri­nat­ing for sev­er­al days. Mr. al-Ham­lawi said he, too, had been forced to wear noth­ing but a dia­per, to stop him from soil­ing the floor.

    Ibrahim Sha­heen, 38, a truck dri­ver detained in ear­ly Decem­ber for near­ly three months, said he was shocked rough­ly half a dozen times while sit­ting in a chair. Offi­cers accused him of con­ceal­ing infor­ma­tion about the loca­tion of dead hostages, Mr. Sha­heen said.

    Mr. Bakr also said he was forced to sit in chair wired with elec­tric­i­ty, send­ing a cur­rent puls­ing through his body that made him pass out.

    Released With­out Charge

    After more than a month in deten­tion, Mr. Bakr said, the offi­cers seemed to accept his inno­cence.

    Ear­ly one morn­ing in Feb­ru­ary, Mr. Bakr was put on a bus head­ing to Israel’s bor­der with south­ern Gaza: After a month of deten­tion, he was about to be released.

    He said he asked for his phone and the 7,200 shekels (rough­ly $2,000) that had been con­fis­cat­ed from him dur­ing his arrest in Gaza, before he reached Sde Teiman.

    In response, a sol­dier hit and shout­ed at him, Mr. Bakr said. “No one should ask about his phone or his mon­ey,” the sol­dier said, accord­ing to Mr. Bakr.

    The mil­i­tary said all per­son­al belong­ings were doc­u­ment­ed and placed in sealed bags after detainees arrived at Sde Teiman, and returned on their release.

    Around dawn, the bus arrived at the Kerem Shalom cross­ing point, near the south­ern tip of Gaza.

    Like oth­er returned detainees, Mr. Bakr walked for rough­ly a mile before being greet­ed by aid work­ers from the Red Cross. They fed him and briefly checked his med­ical con­di­tion. Then they brought him to a near­by ter­mi­nal where, he said, he was briefly inter­ro­gat­ed by Hamas secu­ri­ty offi­cials about his time in Israel.

    Bor­row­ing a phone, he called his fam­i­ly, who were still 20 miles away in Gaza City.

    ...

    ———-

    “Inside the Base Where Israel Has Detained Thou­sands of Gazans” By Patrick Kings­ley and Bilal Shbair; The New York Times; 06/06/2024

    “Once an obscure bar­racks, Sde Teiman is now a makeshift inter­ro­ga­tion site and a major focus of accu­sa­tions that the Israeli mil­i­tary has mis­treat­ed detainees, includ­ing peo­ple lat­er deter­mined to have no ties to Hamas or oth­er armed groups. In inter­views, for­mer detainees described beat­ings and oth­er abuse in the facil­i­ty.”

    This isn’t the first report we’ve got­ten about abus­es as Sde Teiman. But it’s the most com­pre­hen­sive so far, with the New York Times giv­en access to the facil­i­ty and even detainees. And it appears to not only back up those pre­vi­ous reports of abus­es but includes a few new ones we had­n’t pre­vi­ous­ly heard about. And based on what we’re hear­ing, it appears vir­tu­al­ly all Pales­tin­ian adult civil­ians detained by Israeli forces are forced to endure this treat­ment. Even peo­ple who were high­ly unlike­ly to be mem­bers of Hamas.

    We’re also hear­ing more about Israeli courts and even the Israeli mil­i­tary inves­ti­gat­ing the abuse claims, which is also part of the con­text of this high pro­file New York Times report. This is a major human rights scan­dal still tak­ing place:

    ...
    By late May, rough­ly 4,000 Gazan detainees had spent up to three months in lim­bo at Sde Teiman, includ­ing sev­er­al dozen peo­ple cap­tured dur­ing the Hamas-led ter­ror­ist attacks on Israel in Octo­ber, accord­ing to the site com­man­ders who spoke to The Times.

    After inter­ro­ga­tion, around 70 per­cent of detainees had been sent to pur­pose-built pris­ons for fur­ther inves­ti­ga­tion and pros­e­cu­tion, the com­man­ders said. The rest, at least 1,200 peo­ple, had been found to be civil­ians and returned to Gaza, with­out charge, apol­o­gy or com­pen­sa­tion.

    ...

    Of the 4,000 detainees housed at Sde Teiman since Octo­ber, 35 have died either at the site or after being brought to near­by civil­ian hos­pi­tals, accord­ing to offi­cers at the base who spoke to The Times dur­ing the May vis­it. The offi­cers said some of them had died because of wounds or ill­ness­es con­tract­ed before their incar­cer­a­tion and denied any of them had died from abuse. Mil­i­tary pros­e­cu­tors are inves­ti­gat­ing the deaths.

    Dur­ing the vis­it, senior mil­i­tary doc­tors said they had nev­er observed any signs of tor­ture and com­man­ders said they tried to treat detainees as humane­ly as pos­si­ble. They con­firmed that at least 12 sol­diers had been dis­missed from their roles at the site, some of them for exces­sive use of force.

    In recent weeks, the base has attract­ed grow­ing scruti­ny from the media, includ­ing a CNN report lat­er cit­ed by the White House, as well as from Israel’s Supreme Court, which on Wednes­day began to hear a peti­tion from rights groups to close the site. In response to the peti­tion, the Israeli gov­ern­ment said that it was reduc­ing the num­ber of detainees at Sde Teiman and improv­ing con­di­tions there; the Israeli mil­i­tary has already set up a pan­el to inves­ti­gate the treat­ment of detainees at the site.

    ...

    Yoel Donchin, a mil­i­tary doc­tor serv­ing at the site, said it was unclear why Israeli sol­diers had cap­tured many of the peo­ple he treat­ed there, some of whom were high­ly unlike­ly to have been com­bat­ants involved in the war. One was para­plegic, anoth­er weighed rough­ly 300 pounds and a third had breathed since child­hood through a tube insert­ed into his neck, he said.

    “Why they brought him — I don’t know,” Dr. Donchin said.

    “They take every­one,” he added.
    ...

    Also recall how we were pre­vi­ous­ly told about how the doc­tors work­ing at the facil­i­ty avoid­ed sign­ing their names to medi­al doc­u­ments and also that many inex­pe­ri­enced staff were car­ry­ing out were car­ry­ing out med­ical pro­ce­dures. Both of those claims were backed up in this report:

    ...
    Two Israelis who were at the hos­pi­tal last year said that its staff mem­bers were much less expe­ri­enced and more poor­ly equipped dur­ing ear­li­er phas­es of the war. One of them, who spoke on con­di­tion of anonymi­ty to avoid pros­e­cu­tion, said that at the time patients were not giv­en enough painkillers dur­ing painful pro­ce­dures.

    Physi­cians for Human Rights, a rights group in Israel, said in a report in April that the field hos­pi­tal was “a low point for med­ical ethics and pro­fes­sion­al­ism.”

    The hospital’s cur­rent lead­er­ship acknowl­edged that it had not always been as well-equipped as it has become, but said its staff was always high­ly expe­ri­enced.

    Dr. Donchin said in some respects the treat­ment at the field clin­ic was now “a lit­tle bet­ter” than in Israeli civil­ian hos­pi­tals, main­ly because it was staffed by some of the best doc­tors in Israel. Dr. Donchin, a lieu­tenant colonel in the mil­i­tary reserve, was a long-serv­ing anes­the­si­ol­o­gist at a major hos­pi­tal in Jerusalem and now teach­es at a lead­ing med­ical school.

    The facil­i­ties and equip­ment seen by The Times includ­ed an anes­the­sia machine, an ultra­sound mon­i­tor, X‑ray equip­ment, a device for ana­lyz­ing blood sam­ples, a small oper­at­ing the­ater and a store­room con­tain­ing hun­dreds of med­i­cines.

    Doc­tors serv­ing at Sde Teiman who spoke to The Times said they were also told not to write their names on any offi­cial doc­u­men­ta­tion and not to address each oth­er by name in front of the patients.

    Dr. Donchin said that offi­cials feared they could be iden­ti­fied and charged with war crimes at the Inter­na­tion­al Crim­i­nal Court.

    Dur­ing The Times’s vis­it, three doc­tors said they did not fear pros­e­cu­tion but sought anonymi­ty to pre­vent Hamas and their allies from attack­ing them or their fam­i­lies.
    ...

    We’re told detainees are clas­si­fied as “unlaw­ful com­bat­ants”, which is inter­est­ing giv­en that the facil­i­ty is osten­si­bly for deter­min­ing whether or not peo­ple are mem­bers of Hamas. They can then be held for up to 75 days with­out judi­cial per­mis­sion and up to 90 days with­out access to a lawyer or tri­al. We’re told this in in keep­ing with the Gene­va Con­ven­tions but as one law pro­fes­sor put it, arrange­ment “looks to me like a form of incom­mu­ni­ca­do deten­tion, which itself is a vio­la­tion of inter­na­tion­al law.”

    Also note how reporters weren’t actu­al­ly able to to inspect the part of the base where the inter­ro­ga­tions take place, which is pre­sum­ably where many of the abus­es take place. Abus­es like play­ing music so loud their ears bleed:

    ...
    In Octo­ber, Israel start­ed using the site to detain peo­ple cap­tured in Israel dur­ing the Hamas-led attack, hous­ing them in an emp­ty tank hangar, accord­ing to the site com­man­ders. Once Israel invad­ed Gaza at the end of that month, Sde Teiman began receiv­ing so many peo­ple that the mil­i­tary refit­ted three oth­er hangars to detain them and con­vert­ed a mil­i­tary police office to cre­ate more space for inter­ro­ga­tions, they said.

    By late May, they said, the base includ­ed three deten­tion sites: the hangars where detainees are guard­ed by mil­i­tary police; near­by tents, where detainees are treat­ed by mil­i­tary doc­tors; and an inter­ro­ga­tion facil­i­ty in a sep­a­rate part of the base that is staffed by intel­li­gence offi­cers from Israel’s mil­i­tary intel­li­gence direc­torate and the Shin Bet.

    Clas­si­fied as “unlaw­ful com­bat­ants” under Israeli leg­is­la­tion, detainees at Sde Teiman can be held for up to 75 days with­out judi­cial per­mis­sion and 90 days with­out access to a lawyer, let alone a tri­al.

    The Israeli mil­i­tary says these arrange­ments are per­mit­ted by the Gene­va Con­ven­tions that gov­ern inter­na­tion­al con­flict, which allow the intern­ment of civil­ians for secu­ri­ty rea­sons. The com­man­ders at the site said that it was essen­tial to delay access to lawyers in order to pre­vent Hamas fight­ers from con­vey­ing mes­sages to their lead­ers in Gaza, hin­der­ing Israel’s war effort.

    ...

    Experts on inter­na­tion­al law say Israel’s sys­tem around ini­tial deten­tion is more restric­tive than many West­ern coun­ter­parts in terms of the time it takes for judges to review each case, as well as in the lack of access for Red Cross staff.

    Ear­ly in its war against the Tal­iban in Afghanistan, the Unit­ed States also delayed inde­pen­dent review of a detainee’s case for 75 days, said Lawrence Hill-Cawthorne, a law pro­fes­sor who wrote an overview of the laws gov­ern­ing deten­tion of non­state com­bat­ants. The U.S. short­ened that delay in 2009 to 60 days, while in Iraq cas­es were reviewed with­in a week, the pro­fes­sor said.

    Israel’s deci­sion to delay judi­cial review of a case for 75 days with­out pro­vid­ing access to lawyers or the Red Cross “looks to me like a form of incom­mu­ni­ca­do deten­tion, which itself is a vio­la­tion of inter­na­tion­al law,” Pro­fes­sor Hill-Cawthorne said.

    ...

    Rough­ly four days after his arrival, Mr. Bakr said he was called in for inter­ro­ga­tion.

    Like oth­ers who spoke to The Times, he remem­bered being brought to a sep­a­rate enclo­sure that the detainees called the “dis­co room” — because, they said, they were forced to lis­ten to extreme­ly loud music that pre­vent­ed them from sleep­ing. Mr. Bakr con­sid­ered it a form of tor­ture, say­ing it was so painful that blood began to trick­le from inside his ear.

    The Israeli mil­i­tary said that the music was “not high and not harm­ful,” played with­in earshot of Israelis and Pales­tini­ans alike, and was meant to pre­vent the detainees from eas­i­ly con­fer­ring with each oth­er before inter­ro­ga­tion. The Times was not shown any part of the inter­ro­ga­tion com­plex, includ­ing the area where music was played.
    ...

    But bleed­ing ears was­n’t the worst of the abus­es we’re learn­ing about. Rec­tal elec­tro­cu­tions are being used. So often that pris­on­ers are los­ing the abil­i­ty to con­trol their blad­der and forced to wear dia­pers. Recall how we got pre­vi­ous reports about pris­on­ers wear­ing dia­pers but we did­n’t get an expla­na­tion for why. Now we know. Anal elec­tro­cu­tions:

    ...
    The inter­roga­tors accused him of Hamas mem­ber­ship and showed him pho­tographs of mil­i­tants to see if he could iden­ti­fy them. They also asked him about the where­abouts of hostages, as well as a senior Hamas leader who lived near Mr. Bakr’s fam­i­ly home. When Mr. Bakr denied any con­nec­tion to the group or knowl­edge of the pic­tured men, he was beat­en repeat­ed­ly, he said.

    Mr. al-Ham­lawi, the senior nurse, said a female offi­cer had ordered two sol­diers to lift him up and press his rec­tum against a met­al stick that was fixed to the ground. Mr. al-Ham­lawi said the stick pen­e­trat­ed his rec­tum for rough­ly five sec­onds, caus­ing it to bleed and leav­ing him with “unbear­able pain.”

    A leaked draft of the UNRWA report detailed an inter­view that gave a sim­i­lar account. It cit­ed a 41-year-old detainee who said that inter­roga­tors “made me sit on some­thing like a hot met­al stick and it felt like fire,” and also said that anoth­er detainee “died after they put the elec­tric stick up” his anus.

    Mr. al-Ham­lawi recalled being forced to sit in a chair wired with elec­tric­i­ty. He said he was shocked so often that, after ini­tial­ly uri­nat­ing uncon­trol­lably, he then stopped uri­nat­ing for sev­er­al days. Mr. al-Ham­lawi said he, too, had been forced to wear noth­ing but a dia­per, to stop him from soil­ing the floor.

    Ibrahim Sha­heen, 38, a truck dri­ver detained in ear­ly Decem­ber for near­ly three months, said he was shocked rough­ly half a dozen times while sit­ting in a chair. Offi­cers accused him of con­ceal­ing infor­ma­tion about the loca­tion of dead hostages, Mr. Sha­heen said.

    Mr. Bakr also said he was forced to sit in chair wired with elec­tric­i­ty, send­ing a cur­rent puls­ing through his body that made him pass out.
    ...

    And then we get to what is per­haps the most remark­able part of this sto­ry: this report is based on a three month inves­ti­ga­tion by the New York Times that includ­ed access to the site and inter­views with Israeli mil­i­tary offi­cers. What kind of pub­lic rela­tions man­age­ment scheme are we look­ing at here? Because the sto­ry we’re get­ting is pret­ty hor­rif­ic, but it’s also a sto­ry the Israeli mil­i­tary is obvi­ous­ly will­ing to allow jour­nal­ists access to report on. It’s the kind of sit­u­a­tion that sug­gest the real­i­ty is even worse than this report:

    ...
    The mil­i­tary, which has not pre­vi­ous­ly grant­ed access to the media, allowed The New York Times to briefly see part of the deten­tion facil­i­ty as well as to inter­view its com­man­ders and oth­er offi­cials, on con­di­tion of pre­serv­ing their anonymi­ty.

    ...

    A three-month inves­ti­ga­tion by The New York Times — based on inter­views with for­mer detainees and with Israeli mil­i­tary offi­cers, doc­tors and sol­diers who served at the site; the vis­it to the base; and data about released detainees pro­vid­ed by the mil­i­tary — found those 1,200 Pales­tin­ian civil­ians have been held at Sde Teiman in demean­ing con­di­tions with­out the abil­i­ty to plead their cas­es to a judge for up to 75 days. Detainees are also denied access to lawyers for up to 90 days and their loca­tion is with­held from rights groups as well as from the Inter­na­tion­al Com­mit­tee of the Red Cross, in what some legal experts say is a con­tra­ven­tion of inter­na­tion­al law.

    Eight for­mer detainees, all of whom the mil­i­tary has con­firmed were held at the site and who spoke on the record, var­i­ous­ly said they had been punched, kicked and beat­en with batons, rifle butts and a hand-held met­al detec­tor while in cus­tody. One said his ribs were bro­ken after he was kneed in the chest and a sec­ond detainee said his ribs broke after he was kicked and beat­en with a rifle, an assault that a third detainee said he had wit­nessed. Sev­en said they had been forced to wear only a dia­per while being inter­ro­gat­ed. Three said they had received elec­tric shocks dur­ing their inter­ro­ga­tions.

    Most of these alle­ga­tions were echoed in inter­views con­duct­ed by offi­cials from UNRWA, the main U.N. agency for Pales­tini­ans, an insti­tu­tion that Israel says has been infil­trat­ed by Hamas, a charge the agency denies. The agency con­duct­ed inter­views with hun­dreds of return­ing detainees who report­ed wide­spread abuse at Sde Teiman and oth­er Israeli deten­tion facil­i­ties, includ­ing beat­ings and the use of an elec­tric probe.

    An Israeli sol­dier who served at the site said that fel­low sol­diers had reg­u­lar­ly boast­ed of beat­ing detainees and saw signs that sev­er­al peo­ple had been sub­ject­ed to such treat­ment. Speak­ing on con­di­tion of anonymi­ty to avoid pros­e­cu­tion, he said a detainee had been tak­en for treat­ment at the site’s makeshift field hos­pi­tal with a bone that had been bro­ken dur­ing his deten­tion, while anoth­er was briefly tak­en out of sight and returned with bleed­ing around his rib cage. The sol­dier said that one per­son had died at Sde Teiman from trau­ma injuries to his chest, though it was unclear whether his injury was sus­tained before or after reach­ing the base.
    ...

    It’s a chill­ing depic­tion on the con­di­tions inside this facil­i­ty, made all the more chill­ing by the fact that we have to assume this is a lim­it­ed hang­out to some extent. And, again, this is just the first of the facil­i­ties where appre­hend­ed, with 70 per­cent of detainees get­ting sent off for fur­ther inter­ro­ga­tions and pros­e­cu­tions. What are the con­di­tions in those facil­i­ties? We have no idea, but it’s hard to imag­ine it’s any bet­ter. It’s also hard to imag­ine a more effec­tive means of per­ma­nent­ly rad­i­cal­iz­ing the Gazan pop­u­la­tion. Mis­sion accom­plished?

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | June 9, 2024, 3:44 pm
  11. We got anoth­er griz­zly update on the treat­ment of civil­ians trapped in Gaza. The kind of update that almost seems like a com­pan­ion piece those hor­rif­ic reports from back in June about civil­ians not sus­pect­ed of ter­ror ties spend­ing weeks, some­times months, in deten­tion camps under inhu­man con­di­tions that includ­ed anal elec­tro­cu­tions:

    Accord­ing to a new report in Haaretz, the IDF has start­ed wide­ly employ­ing a new prac­tice for deal­ing with boo­by-traps. Pales­tin­ian civil­ians are being ‘recruit­ed’ to enter build­ings sus­pect­ed of con­tain­ing boo­by-traps and map out the inte­ri­ors. The idea appears to be that if some­one is to be a vic­tim of the boo­by-traps, it should be as Pales­tin­ian. The ‘recruits’ are told they will be grant­ed their free­dom if they com­plete one of these ‘mis­sions’. The ‘recruits’ are report­ed­ly not even giv­en pro­tec­tive vests dur­ing these ‘mis­sions’.

    It also sounds like the IDF lead­er­ship is not only well aware of this prac­tice but that some com­man­ders have been rais­ing eth­i­cal objec­tions. Accord­ing to one source, “In every meet­ing at which the issue was raised, there were com­man­ders who warned about the eth­i­cal and legal impli­ca­tions.” Some offi­cers had asked to leave the meet­ings when the mat­ter was raised rather than be par­ty to the con­ver­sa­tion, accord­ing to the source. The use of human shields is, of course, con­sid­ered a war crime under inter­na­tion­al law.

    So where are these ‘recruits’ com­ing from? That’s unclear, but it sounds like civil­ians not sus­pect­ed of being ter­ror­ists are being used in these roles. So the fact that they aren’t ter­ror sus­pects, but are still appar­ent­ly being promised their free­dom in exchange for con­duct­ing these ‘mis­sions’, sug­gests these are detained civil­ians. And that’s why this almost sounds like the oth­er side of those ear­li­er reports about civil­ians being sent to inhu­mane deten­tion camps for weeks or even months. Is that what we’re see­ing here? ‘Recruits’ from these camps being offered free­dom in exchange for being used as like human bomb-detec­tion device?:

    The Times of Israel

    Report: IDF using Gazans to check areas that may be boo­by-trapped before troops enter

    Sol­diers tell Israeli news­pa­per that com­man­ders send Pales­tin­ian civil­ians into tun­nels and build­ings they fear are rigged, claim chief of staff and top brass aware of prac­tice

    By ToI Staff 13 August 2024, 10:21 pm

    Israel Defense Force troops oper­at­ing in Gaza have been using Pales­tin­ian civil­ians as human shields, forc­ing them to enter tun­nels and homes ahead of sol­diers due to fears that the struc­tures may be rigged with traps, the Haaretz dai­ly report­ed on Tues­day.

    The IDF said it was review­ing the alle­ga­tions.

    Accord­ing to the report, which cit­ed tes­ti­monies obtained from return­ing IDF sol­diers who have reg­u­lar­ly wit­nessed use of the tac­tic, troops have on mul­ti­ple occa­sions scout­ed out Gazan civil­ians who they believe will be an asset to them while oper­at­ing against Hamas in dense urban areas.

    In most, the “recruit­ed” Pales­tini­ans are adult men, the report stat­ed, although sol­diers also recount­ed instances in which elder­ly men or teenagers were select­ed. The men are not ter­ror sus­pects, but are detained specif­i­cal­ly to be sent into build­ings and tun­nels that troops believe may be boo­by-trapped.

    “It is bet­ter that they explode and not the sol­diers,” a sol­dier quot­ed in the report recalled being told by his com­man­der, who he said had jus­ti­fied the prac­tice.

    The Pales­tin­ian men are told that they’ll be released after com­plet­ing one “mis­sion,” anoth­er sol­dier recount­ed. He said that the Pales­tini­ans were kept with the troops for vary­ing lengths of time, rang­ing from one or two days to a week.

    The news­pa­per alleged this prac­tice has been wide­ly employed across the Gaza Strip in recent months, and that senior IDF staff — includ­ing Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Herzi Hale­vi — were aware.

    The IDF knows “that it’s not a one-time inci­dent of a young and stu­pid com­man­der who decides to take some­one of his own accord,” one of the sol­diers said.

    ...

    One of the sol­diers recalled an inci­dent in which a man he didn’t know joined their team, wear­ing an IDF uni­form but with sneak­ers instead of com­bat boots, and with­out a pro­tec­tive vest.

    The sol­diers were instruct­ed to guard him at all times, the sol­dier said, and the rea­son for his pres­ence wasn’t made clear to them until a day lat­er, when they were required to enter a tun­nel inside a com­bat zone. The Pales­tin­ian man was sent in ahead of them while the com­man­der tracked his move­ments via the body­cam feed, accord­ing to the sol­dier.

    “We could hear deep breath­ing, it sound­ed like he was a bit scared,” a sol­dier who watched the footage said. “They sim­ply sent him in and he mapped it out for the com­man­ders, with the brigade com­man­der watch­ing on the out­side.”

    One sol­dier said he was charged with guard­ing a 16-year-old Pales­tin­ian teenag­er ahead of the mis­sion he’d been select­ed for.

    “You keep qui­et and try to con­vince your­self, ‘ok, let’s go, let’s use them,’” the sol­dier said. “They tried to explain it in a ratio­nal way, but at the end of the day, you have a 16-year-old boy sit­ting inside the house hand­cuffed, with his eyes cov­ered.”

    The sol­dier added that it wasn’t until the teen was released a few days lat­er that he real­ized he hadn’t been a ter­ror sus­pect at all.

    An unnamed source from with­in the IDF South­ern Com­mand attest­ed to Haaretz that South­ern Com­mand chief Maj. Gen. Yaron Finkel­man was aware of the prac­tice.

    “In every meet­ing at which the issue was raised, there were com­man­ders who warned about the eth­i­cal and legal impli­ca­tions,” the source said, adding that some offi­cers had asked to leave the meet­ings when the mat­ter was raised rather than be par­ty to the con­ver­sa­tion.

    In its response to the alle­ga­tions, the IDF did not appear to deny employ­ing the prac­tice amid fight­ing in Gaza, where Israeli forces have been engaged in a 10-month-long war with Hamas fol­low­ing the Octo­ber 7 ter­ror onslaught in south­ern Israel.

    “IDF instruc­tions and orders pro­hib­it the use of Gazan civil­ians caught in the field for mil­i­tary mis­sions that pose a delib­er­ate risk to their lives,” the mil­i­tary said in its response, adding the alle­ga­tions laid out in the report “were for­ward­ed to the rel­e­vant author­i­ties for review.”

    The use of human shields is con­sid­ered a war crime under inter­na­tion­al law. It is char­ac­ter­ized by the Inter­na­tion­al Crim­i­nal Court as “uti­liz­ing the pres­ence of a civil­ian or oth­er pro­tect­ed per­son to ren­der cer­tain points, areas or mil­i­tary forces immune from mil­i­tary oper­a­tions.”

    The IDF has repeat­ed­ly accused Hamas oper­a­tives in Gaza of hid­ing among the Pales­tin­ian civil­ian pop­u­la­tion and using them as human shields.

    ...

    The Hamas-run Gaza health min­istry says more than 39,000 peo­ple in the Strip have been killed or are pre­sumed dead in the fight­ing so far, though the toll can­not be ver­i­fied and does not dif­fer­en­ti­ate between civil­ians and fight­ers. Israel says it has killed some 15,000 com­bat­ants in bat­tle and some 1,000 ter­ror­ists inside Israel dur­ing the Octo­ber 7 attack.

    Israel’s toll in the ground offen­sive against Hamas in Gaza and in mil­i­tary oper­a­tions along the bor­der with the Strip stands at 332.

    ———-

    “Report: IDF using Gazans to check areas that may be boo­by-trapped before troops enter” By ToI Staff; The Times of Israel; 08/13/2024

    “The use of human shields is con­sid­ered a war crime under inter­na­tion­al law. It is char­ac­ter­ized by the Inter­na­tion­al Crim­i­nal Court as “uti­liz­ing the pres­ence of a civil­ian or oth­er pro­tect­ed per­son to ren­der cer­tain points, areas or mil­i­tary forces immune from mil­i­tary oper­a­tions.””

    It’s a war crime. An appar­ent­ly wide­ly employed war crime in recent months that the senior IDF staff is well aware is tak­ing place:

    ...
    “It is bet­ter that they explode and not the sol­diers,” a sol­dier quot­ed in the report recalled being told by his com­man­der, who he said had jus­ti­fied the prac­tice.

    ...

    The news­pa­per alleged this prac­tice has been wide­ly employed across the Gaza Strip in recent months, and that senior IDF staff — includ­ing Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Herzi Hale­vi — were aware.

    The IDF knows “that it’s not a one-time inci­dent of a young and stu­pid com­man­der who decides to take some­one of his own accord,” one of the sol­diers said.

    ...

    An unnamed source from with­in the IDF South­ern Com­mand attest­ed to Haaretz that South­ern Com­mand chief Maj. Gen. Yaron Finkel­man was aware of the prac­tice.

    “In every meet­ing at which the issue was raised, there were com­man­ders who warned about the eth­i­cal and legal impli­ca­tions,” the source said, adding that some offi­cers had asked to leave the meet­ings when the mat­ter was raised rather than be par­ty to the con­ver­sa­tion.

    In its response to the alle­ga­tions, the IDF did not appear to deny employ­ing the prac­tice amid fight­ing in Gaza, where Israeli forces have been engaged in a 10-month-long war with Hamas fol­low­ing the Octo­ber 7 ter­ror onslaught in south­ern Israel.

    “IDF instruc­tions and orders pro­hib­it the use of Gazan civil­ians caught in the field for mil­i­tary mis­sions that pose a delib­er­ate risk to their lives,” the mil­i­tary said in its response, adding the alle­ga­tions laid out in the report “were for­ward­ed to the rel­e­vant author­i­ties for review.”
    ...

    And it’s not just sus­pect­ed Hamas mil­i­tants get­ting used in this man­ner. Teenagers and elder­ly men who aren’t ter­ror sus­pects at all are being ‘recruit­ed’ for these roles. Which rais­es the ques­tion of how this ‘recruit­ment’ process is tak­ing place. Recall the hor­rif­ic reports of civil­ians not sus­pect­ed of ter­ror ties spend­ing weeks, some­times months, in deten­tion camps under inhu­man con­di­tions that includ­ed anal elec­tro­cu­tions. Is that where this ‘recruit­ment’ is tak­ing place? A promise of release from the anal elec­tro­cu­tion camps if they com­plete a ‘mis­sion’ for the IDF?

    ...
    In most, the “recruit­ed” Pales­tini­ans are adult men, the report stat­ed, although sol­diers also recount­ed instances in which elder­ly men or teenagers were select­ed. The men are not ter­ror sus­pects, but are detained specif­i­cal­ly to be sent into build­ings and tun­nels that troops believe may be boo­by-trapped.

    ...

    The Pales­tin­ian men are told that they’ll be released after com­plet­ing one “mis­sion,” anoth­er sol­dier recount­ed. He said that the Pales­tini­ans were kept with the troops for vary­ing lengths of time, rang­ing from one or two days to a week.

    ...

    One sol­dier said he was charged with guard­ing a 16-year-old Pales­tin­ian teenag­er ahead of the mis­sion he’d been select­ed for.

    “You keep qui­et and try to con­vince your­self, ‘ok, let’s go, let’s use them,’” the sol­dier said. “They tried to explain it in a ratio­nal way, but at the end of the day, you have a 16-year-old boy sit­ting inside the house hand­cuffed, with his eyes cov­ered.”

    The sol­dier added that it wasn’t until the teen was released a few days lat­er that he real­ized he hadn’t been a ter­ror sus­pect at all.
    ...

    So that was the lat­est update about ongo­ing war crimes that don’t appear to have an end in sight. Or at least an end that does­n’t result in the end of the peo­ple of Gaza.

    And an relat­ed news, Israel’s finance min­is­ter, Beza­lel Smotrich, declared last week that “No one in the world will allow us to starve 2 mil­lion peo­ple, even though it might be jus­ti­fied and moral in order to free the hostages. This is a good time to call how Smotrich declared back in Decem­ber that the only long-term hope for Gaza is to per­ma­nent­ly reduce the pop­u­la­tion of 2 mil­lion peo­ple to about 100,000–200,000. Smotrich sug­gest­ed at the time that this depop­u­la­tion plan could come about through ‘vol­un­tary relo­ca­tions’. But invol­un­tary relo­ca­tions in the form of mass deten­tion, death, and the indis­crim­i­nate lev­el­ing of Gaza was clear­ly an option too. Also war crimes. But appar­ent­ly option­al war crimes.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | August 15, 2024, 4:50 pm
  12. Here’s just a quick reminder that war is a busi­ness. One of the most prof­itable busi­ness­es on the plan­et. Prof­its not just from the direct sales of arms and equip­ment. There’s also the prof­its that come with sell­ing increas­ing­ly inflat­ed defense con­trac­tor shares. And that brings us to the fol­low­ing report on the surg­ing share val­u­a­tions for a range of US and Euro­pean large defense con­trac­tors from 2021 to today. A surge in share val­u­a­tions that has sig­nif­i­cant­ly eclipse the actu­al rise in prof­its and appears to be root­ed in mar­ket expec­ta­tion of much high­er defense spend­ing for years to come. It’s a high­ly dis­turb­ing basis for a stock surge. Lit­er­al­ly a bet on more war.

    Inter­est­ing­ly, it sounds like the biggest surge came fol­low­ing the out­break of war in Gaza. So while the wars in Ukraine and Gaza both pose the risk of mor­ph­ing into a much larg­er con­flict, it appears mar­kets were more con­fi­dent that kind of sce­nario with Gaza. We don’t know if a full blown war in the Mid­dle East between the US and Iran is going to hap­pen, but it appears investors are bet­ting on it. Or at least that’s one way to inter­pret this mar­ket behav­ior.

    And while this might be a high­ly dis­turb­ing mar­ket trend, you can’t real­ly argue with the under­ly­ing log­ic from a prof­it-max­i­miza­tion stand­point. After all, as we are rou­tine­ly remind­ed these days, Israeli Prime Min­is­ter Ben­jamin Netanyahu is pin­ing for an end­less war. War, after all, is what keeps him in office and out of prison. And it was just last month Israeli assas­si­nat­ed Hamas’s chief nego­tia­tor in Tehran, one of the most provoca­tive actions Israel could have pos­si­bly cho­sen, simul­ta­ne­ous­ly killing peace talks while invit­ing a mas­sive Iran­ian retal­i­a­tion. Flash for­ward to today, and we have a mas­sive new wave of mil­i­tary oper­a­tions in the West Bank at the same time new waves of anti-Netanyahu protests sweep Israel in response to the dis­cov­ery of new dead hostages.

    So as the Netanyahu gov­ern­ment con­tin­ues to take steps seem­ing­ly designed to keep Bibi out of prison by prolongi8ng and expand­ing the cri­sis, it’s worth keep­ing in mind that the defense investor com­mu­ni­ty seemed to more or less pre­dict a much large con­flict from the start. And con­tin­ues to stand by that pre­dic­tion:

    El Pais

    Ukraine and Gaza wars boost the val­ue of major arms man­u­fac­tur­ers

    The sev­en largest Euro­pean com­pa­nies have risen the most on the stock mar­ket since the Russ­ian inva­sion began, but their Amer­i­can coun­ter­parts are worth over twice as much, accord­ing to a new report

    Miguel González
    Madrid — AUG 27, 2024 — 06:47
    UPDATED Aug 27, 2024 — 08:10 EDT

    The mar­ket val­ue of the main mil­i­tary equip­ment man­u­fac­tur­ers in the Unit­ed States and Europe has sky­rock­et­ed over the past two and a half years, in the wake of the wars in Ukraine and Gaza. This is con­firmed in a study by the finan­cial and strate­gic con­sul­tan­cy Accu­ra­cy, which ana­lyzed the per­for­mance of the sev­en main U.S. com­pa­nies in the indus­try and their Euro­pean coun­ter­parts, whose stock mar­ket cap­i­tal­iza­tion has increased by 59.7% since 24 Feb­ru­ary 2022, when the inva­sion of Ukraine began. The rise is much high­er than that of the bench­mark stock mar­ket index­es on both sides of the Atlantic (S&P 500 and Eurostoxx 50), which in the same peri­od record­ed increas­es of just over 13% and 7%, respec­tive­ly.

    The U.S. com­pa­nies are Hon­ey­well Inter­na­tion­al, RTX Cor­po­ra­tion, Lock­heed Mar­tin, Northrop Grum­man, Gen­er­al Dynam­ics, L3Harris and Hunt­ing­ton Ingalls. On the Euro­pean side, the com­pa­nies includ­ed in the study are France’s Safran, Das­sault Avi­a­tion and Thales; the U.K.’s BAE Sys­tems; Germany’s Rhein­metall; Italy’s Leonar­do, and Norway’s Kongs­berg Grup­pen. Igna­cio Lliso, a part­ner at Accu­ra­cy, explains that the com­pa­nies they select­ed were those whose activ­i­ty is heav­i­ly influ­enced by the defense sec­tor.

    Although the study cov­ers the peri­od from Jan­u­ary 2021 to March 2024, the largest increase in share prices occurred between the third quar­ter of 2023 (when Israel’s offen­sive on Gaza began) and the first quar­ter of 2024. Dur­ing these six months, the glob­al cap­i­tal­iza­tion of the 14 mil­i­tary indus­try giants grew by 20%. “In the week fol­low­ing the Hamas ter­ror­ist attack on 7 Octo­ber, the aver­age val­ue of the shares of the com­pa­nies in the sam­ple increased by around 9%, while the [stock] mar­ket remained sta­ble,” says the report, whose find­ings are based on the Cap­i­tal IQ data­base.

    The increase in the stock mar­ket val­ue of com­pa­nies meant that share val­ue went from rep­re­sent­ing 11.1 times their EBITDA (earn­ings before inter­est, tax­es, depre­ci­a­tion and amor­ti­za­tion) to 18.8 times.

    But it was not just their share val­ue that soared: the vol­ume of trad­ed shares also did. In the first quar­ter of 2022, coin­cid­ing with the inva­sion of Ukraine, investors trad­ed shares in Euro­pean com­pa­nies worth €1.4 bil­lion, the high­est fig­ure in the last eight quar­ters; while the shares trad­ed in Amer­i­can com­pa­nies reached a record €1.03 bil­lion in the fourth quar­ter of 2023, coin­cid­ing with the esca­la­tion of vio­lence in the Mid­dle East.

    ...

    The prof­itabil­i­ty of the arms indus­try has not grown in step with its stock mar­ket val­ue, since the lat­ter is derived from the expec­ta­tion of future prof­its and the mate­ri­al­iza­tion of con­tracts can be pro­longed over a long peri­od of time. “When the war in Ukraine began, we saw that the gap between the rel­a­tive val­u­a­tion of com­pa­nies and their results widened: shares rose while turnover remained the same. Investors are not only look­ing for imme­di­ate prof­its, but also for medi­um-term prof­its,” explains the Accu­ra­cy part­ner.

    The aver­age EBITDA mar­gin of the two groups (U.S. and Euro­pean arms man­u­fac­tur­ers) remained sta­ble over this peri­od, rang­ing from 14.3% at the end of 2021 to 12.7% at the begin­ning of 2024, although in Europe it increased by 2.1 points (from 11.7 to 13.8%), while in Amer­i­ca it fell by 4.3 (from 16.5 to 12.2%), nar­row­ing the gap between the two.

    The most prof­itable busi­ness

    The high­est return was obtained by the Amer­i­can firm Hon­ey­well, spe­cial­ized in elec­tron­ics and com­mu­ni­ca­tions, with an aver­age of 24.2% over the peri­od. On the oth­er hand, the Ger­man Rhein­metall, a man­u­fac­tur­er of weapons and ammu­ni­tion, appre­ci­at­ed the most: its shares rose from €96.7 in Feb­ru­ary 2022 to €334 in Jan­u­ary 2024. That is, they are worth 245% more. “They all ben­e­fit from the [war] envi­ron­ment, although some, due to the type of prod­uct they invoice, do so more direct­ly,” explains Lliso.

    ...

    In terms of sales, at Amer­i­can firms they grew by 27.47% (€14.1 bil­lion) between the first quar­ter of 2021 and the first quar­ter of 2024, while Euro­pean sales grew by 28.82% (€6.8 bil­lion) between the last quar­ter of 2023 and the last of 2021. Last year the sales of the sev­en Amer­i­can com­pa­nies totaled €246.2 bil­lion, while Euro­pean com­pa­nies reg­is­tered €102.3 bil­lion in sales.

    Even when the wars in Ukraine and Gaza are over, the mar­kets are bet­ting on a long peri­od of growth in mil­i­tary spend­ing, with most NATO coun­tries already spend­ing more than 2% of GDP on defense and the rest of the world embark­ing on a new arms race. “There are very strong cap­i­tal flows towards the defense sec­tor,” notes Lliso.

    ———–

    “Ukraine and Gaza wars boost the val­ue of major arms man­u­fac­tur­ers” by Miguel González; El Pais; 08/27/2024

    Even when the wars in Ukraine and Gaza are over, the mar­kets are bet­ting on a long peri­od of growth in mil­i­tary spend­ing, with most NATO coun­tries already spend­ing more than 2% of GDP on defense and the rest of the world embark­ing on a new arms race. “There are very strong cap­i­tal flows towards the defense sec­tor,” notes Lliso.”

    A long-term big bet on ele­vat­ed defense spend­ing. That’s what we appear to be wit­ness­ing. While the prof­itabil­i­ty of defense con­trac­tors has been rel­a­tive­ly sta­ble over the past few years, val­u­a­tions have nonethe­less surged thanks to investor expec­ta­tion of high defense spend­ing for years to come. It’s a great sign for share­hold­ers. Not so great for peace:

    ...
    The increase in the stock mar­ket val­ue of com­pa­nies meant that share val­ue went from rep­re­sent­ing 11.1 times their EBITDA (earn­ings before inter­est, tax­es, depre­ci­a­tion and amor­ti­za­tion) to 18.8 times.

    ...

    The prof­itabil­i­ty of the arms indus­try has not grown in step with its stock mar­ket val­ue, since the lat­ter is derived from the expec­ta­tion of future prof­its and the mate­ri­al­iza­tion of con­tracts can be pro­longed over a long peri­od of time. “When the war in Ukraine began, we saw that the gap between the rel­a­tive val­u­a­tion of com­pa­nies and their results widened: shares rose while turnover remained the same. Investors are not only look­ing for imme­di­ate prof­its, but also for medi­um-term prof­its,” explains the Accu­ra­cy part­ner.

    The aver­age EBITDA mar­gin of the two groups (U.S. and Euro­pean arms man­u­fac­tur­ers) remained sta­ble over this peri­od, rang­ing from 14.3% at the end of 2021 to 12.7% at the begin­ning of 2024, although in Europe it increased by 2.1 points (from 11.7 to 13.8%), while in Amer­i­ca it fell by 4.3 (from 16.5 to 12.2%), nar­row­ing the gap between the two.
    ...

    And note how, while the peri­od includes both the out­break of war in Ukraine and Gaza, it was the war in Gaza that trig­gered the biggest rel­a­tive surge in val­u­a­tions. In oth­er words, while the war in Ukraine has long ran the risk of devolv­ing into a much larg­er direct con­flict between Rus­sia and NATO, it looks like investors were more will­ing to bet on a much big­ger, and more expen­sive, con­flict emerg­ing from Gaza:

    ...
    Although the study cov­ers the peri­od from Jan­u­ary 2021 to March 2024, the largest increase in share prices occurred between the third quar­ter of 2023 (when Israel’s offen­sive on Gaza began) and the first quar­ter of 2024. Dur­ing these six months, the glob­al cap­i­tal­iza­tion of the 14 mil­i­tary indus­try giants grew by 20%. “In the week fol­low­ing the Hamas ter­ror­ist attack on 7 Octo­ber, the aver­age val­ue of the shares of the com­pa­nies in the sam­ple increased by around 9%, while the [stock] mar­ket remained sta­ble,” says the report, whose find­ings are based on the Cap­i­tal IQ data­base.
    ...

    So giv­en that the defense sec­tor investor com­mu­ni­ty appears to be bet­ting on a much larg­er, and longer, war in the Mid­dle East, here’s a reminder that trig­ger­ing a much larg­er, and longer, war in the Mid­dle East is clear­ly the over­ar­ch­ing objec­tive of Israeli Prime Min­is­ter Ben­jamin Netanyahu. He isn’t try­ing to ‘end Hamas’ or ‘free the hostages’. He’s try­ing to spark a much large war with no end in sight:

    The Amer­i­can Prospect

    Bibi’s Mideast Solu­tion: Unend­ing War

    It puts Israel in greater per­il, but it may just keep him in power—and out of the clink.

    by Harold Mey­er­son
    August 5, 2024

    Israeli Prime Min­is­ter Ben­jamin Netanyahu is pic­tured before a meet­ing with Vice Pres­i­dent Kamala Har­ris on July 25, 2024.

    The remote-con­trol bomb that Israeli agents det­o­nat­ed in Tehran last week killed a lot more than Hamas polit­i­cal leader Ismail Haniyeh. It also killed any prospect for a cease-fire in the Gaza war for the fore­see­able future, absent the ces­sa­tion of U.S.-provided offen­sive weapons. At the same time, it also made the prospects of a wider war, direct­ly involv­ing Iran and pos­si­bly even the Unit­ed States, more like­ly.

    With Israel’s war on Gaza now extend­ing into its 11th month, this is not some­thing for which the Israeli pub­lic is clamoring—least of all a rain of mis­siles from Iran. But by choos­ing to kill Haniyeh in the Iran­ian cap­i­tal where he was a guest at the inau­gu­ra­tion of Iran’s new pres­i­dent, Israel all but invit­ed Iran­ian retal­i­a­tion and short-cir­cuit­ed the abil­i­ty of Iran­ian Pres­i­dent Masoud Pezeshkian, on his first day in office, to pur­sue his promised course of at least some rec­on­cil­i­a­tion with West­ern gov­ern­ments. By assas­si­nat­ing Haniyeh, Israel was also elim­i­nat­ing Hamas’s chief nego­tia­tor of a Gaza war cease-fire and hostage release.

    In short, what Israel did in killing Haniyeh was to roll the war on, make its expan­sion more like­ly, fur­ther endan­ger the remain­ing Israeli hostages, and increase the odds that all of Israel will come under attack.

    ...

    But Israel’s inter­est does not appear to be the chief con­cern of the nation’s prime min­is­ter, nor has it been for some time now. The only way to explain the pol­i­cy laid out by Bibi Netanyahu is that he thinks an end­less and even expand­ed war is in the best inter­est of Bibi Netanyahu.

    Keep­ing Israel at war accom­plish­es sev­er­al of Bibi’s goals. It fore­stalls the kind of thor­ough inves­ti­ga­tion of how Hamas’s Octo­ber 7 mur­der raid was allowed to happen—a mind-bog­gling secu­ri­ty fail­ure for which Netanyahu has nev­er tak­en respon­si­bil­i­ty. Togeth­er with his allow­ing his ultra­na­tion­al­ist coali­tion part­ners to run amok, vio­lent­ly dis­plac­ing West Bank Pales­tini­ans, it ensures his government’s con­tin­u­ing con­trol of a par­lia­men­tary major­i­ty. By all but invit­ing Hezbol­lah, the Houthis, and now Iran to attack, it enables Israel to ask the Unit­ed States for more weapons that it can say won’t be used against Gaza. And should Iran wage a sus­tained attack on Israel, Bibi could ask Pres­i­dent Biden for direct U.S. mil­i­tary involve­ment. (The U.S. and oth­er West­ern and Arab nations pro­vid­ed anti-mis­sile defens­es that helped Israel shoot down the rough­ly 300 mis­siles Iran fired at Israel in April, but that was a one-day oper­a­tion and pure­ly defen­sive.)

    And final­ly, Netanyahu has nev­er even come up with a plan for how post­war Gaza is to be gov­erned. Instead, he has said Israel will con­tin­ue the whole­sale destruc­tion of Gaza until Hamas is com­plete­ly wiped out, which will entail Israel’s indef­i­nite armed occu­pa­tion of por­tions of Gaza, and as to the rest—well, no plan has been forth­com­ing. Arab nations say they won’t pro­vide any help unless Israel gets seri­ous about a two-state solu­tion, but Bibi’s con­tin­ued hold on pow­er requires his main­tain­ing the sup­port of ultra­na­tion­al­ists whose pol­i­cy is a Jew­ish state that runs “from the riv­er to the sea.” Despite the fact that Sau­di Ara­bia and a host of Arab states would nor­mal­ize rela­tions with Israel if it actu­al­ly did move to a two-state solu­tion, or even just gave Pales­tini­ans some con­trol over some patch of land, Netanyahu is dead set against doing that.

    ...

    As my col­league David Dayen point­ed out dur­ing the Prospect’s Week­ly Roundup last Fri­day, it’s hard to find a prece­dent for a leader keep­ing his nation at war for rea­sons as per­son­al as Bibi’s. Lyn­don John­son clear­ly feared a huge right-wing back­lash if he abrupt­ly with­drew all U.S. troops from Viet­nam, but he wasn’t fac­ing the prospect of prison if he did. Hitler kept Ger­many at war long past the point when it was clear it had been absolute­ly defeat­ed, but he knew he would per­son­al­ly not long sur­vive a sur­ren­der. But keep­ing a war going, and even invit­ing its expan­sion, as a way to stay out of the clink is Bibi Netanyahu’s dis­tinct and sole con­tri­bu­tion to mod­ern state­craft. And the way—probably, the only way—that his war can be shut down requires the Biden admin­is­tra­tion to stop the pro­vi­sion of all offen­sive arms to Israel.

    On Fri­day, Biden—fearing, I’m sure, being dragged into a larg­er war between Israel and Iran—told reporters he’d spo­ken with Netanyahu and urged him to accept an imme­di­ate cease-fire in Gaza. I can’t imag­ine any­thing short of an end to the Amer­i­can pro­vi­sion of offen­sive weapons to Israel, how­ev­er, that could com­pel Bibi to agree to that. It might also save Israel from the prospect of a wider and far dead­lier war, not that Bibi is in the least bit inter­est­ed in that.

    ...

    ———–

    “Bibi’s Mideast Solu­tion: Unend­ing War” by Harold Mey­er­son; The Amer­i­can Prospect; 08/05/2024

    “But Israel’s inter­est does not appear to be the chief con­cern of the nation’s prime min­is­ter, nor has it been for some time now. The only way to explain the pol­i­cy laid out by Bibi Netanyahu is that he thinks an end­less and even expand­ed war is in the best inter­est of Bibi Netanyahu.”

    It’s not exact­ly a secret. Ben­jamin Netanyahu may not be open­ly stat­ing he’s try­ing to spark an end­less war with Iran but actions speak loud­er than words. And assas­si­nat­ing Hamas’s chief nego­tia­tor with a bomb­ing in Tehran is about as clear a form of com­mu­ni­ca­tion as we could get:

    ...
    With Israel’s war on Gaza now extend­ing into its 11th month, this is not some­thing for which the Israeli pub­lic is clamoring—least of all a rain of mis­siles from Iran. But by choos­ing to kill Haniyeh in the Iran­ian cap­i­tal where he was a guest at the inau­gu­ra­tion of Iran’s new pres­i­dent, Israel all but invit­ed Iran­ian retal­i­a­tion and short-cir­cuit­ed the abil­i­ty of Iran­ian Pres­i­dent Masoud Pezeshkian, on his first day in office, to pur­sue his promised course of at least some rec­on­cil­i­a­tion with West­ern gov­ern­ments. By assas­si­nat­ing Haniyeh, Israel was also elim­i­nat­ing Hamas’s chief nego­tia­tor of a Gaza war cease-fire and hostage release.

    In short, what Israel did in killing Haniyeh was to roll the war on, make its expan­sion more like­ly, fur­ther endan­ger the remain­ing Israeli hostages, and increase the odds that all of Israel will come under attack.

    ...

    As my col­league David Dayen point­ed out dur­ing the Prospect’s Week­ly Roundup last Fri­day, it’s hard to find a prece­dent for a leader keep­ing his nation at war for rea­sons as per­son­al as Bibi’s. Lyn­don John­son clear­ly feared a huge right-wing back­lash if he abrupt­ly with­drew all U.S. troops from Viet­nam, but he wasn’t fac­ing the prospect of prison if he did. Hitler kept Ger­many at war long past the point when it was clear it had been absolute­ly defeat­ed, but he knew he would per­son­al­ly not long sur­vive a sur­ren­der. But keep­ing a war going, and even invit­ing its expan­sion, as a way to stay out of the clink is Bibi Netanyahu’s dis­tinct and sole con­tri­bu­tion to mod­ern state­craft. And the way—probably, the only way—that his war can be shut down requires the Biden admin­is­tra­tion to stop the pro­vi­sion of all offen­sive arms to Israel.
    ...

    As we can see, Ben­jamin Netanyahu wants a war with­out end. And sure, we’ve long seen how Netanyahu’s extrem­ist polit­i­cal allies share those desires for more war and worse. But it’s going to be worth keep­ing in mind that the defense sec­tor invest­ment com­mu­ni­ty appears to have tak­en a side in this con­flict too. They aren’t risk­ing their lives, of course. That’s for the pro­les. But they’ve placed their bets.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | September 1, 2024, 5:34 pm
  13. It was an unprece­dent­ed intel­li­gence coup. There’s wide­spread agree­ment on that point regard­ing Israel’s remark­able ‘explod­ing pagers/walkie talkies’ oper­a­tion tar­get­ing hun­dreds of Hezbol­lah oper­a­tives, killing dozens and injur­ing thou­sands more. Noth­ing like this has been seen before.

    And while plen­ty of ques­tions remain about how the attack was car­ried out, per­haps the biggest ques­tions involve the long-term con­se­quences of exe­cut­ing an attack of this nature. As for­mer CIA direc­tor Leon Panet­ta recent­ly put it, the attack unam­bigu­ous­ly falls under the def­i­n­i­tion of ter­ror­ism. “The abil­i­ty to be able to place an explo­sive in tech­nol­o­gy that is very preva­lent these days and turn it into a war of ter­ror, real­ly, a war of ter­ror — this is some­thing new,” Panet­ta said in an inter­view. “I don’t think there’s any ques­tion that it’s a form of ter­ror­ism. This is going right into the sup­ply chain, right into the sup­ply chain. And when you have ter­ror going into the sup­ply chain, it makes peo­ple ask the ques­tion, what the hell is next?”

    It’s quite an obser­va­tion by Panet­ta: not only are the civil­ians of Lebanon going to be ter­ri­fied of every­day civil­ian tech­nol­o­gy boo­by traps as a result of this, but the entire glob­al sup­ply chain is now in ques­tion. After all, it’s not like Israel is the only gov­ern­ment with the capa­bil­i­ty to pull some­thing like this off. Major ques­tions about the abil­i­ty to trust civil­ian tech­nol­o­gy rou­tine­ly trad­ed around the globe now exist. Is that pager real­ly safe or is it a per­son­al­ized death-device just wait­ing to hap­pen? Sure, these were all ques­tions that hypo­thet­i­cal­ly could have been asked before these attacks. But they aren’t hypo­thet­i­cal any­more.

    Adding to the ques­tions about the sup­ply-chain is the fact that it appears this oper­a­tion used Euro­pean front com­pa­nies to obscure the sourc­ing of these pagers, and yet it’s unclear if the peo­ple run­ning these front com­pa­nies even knew they were part of the oper­a­tion. For exam­ple, while we are told the pagers — seem­ing­ly made by Tai­wanese man­u­fac­tur­er Apol­lo Gold — were all built by Israel from scratch and designed to look exact­ly like the nor­mal ver­sion — as opposed to mod­i­fy­ing Apol­lo Gold’s own devices — there was a Hun­gar­i­an com­pa­ny appar­ent­ly used as a front, BAC Con­sult­ing. The founder of that com­pa­ny now liv­ing under the pro­tec­tive cus­tody of the Hun­gar­i­an gov­ern­ment. It’s unknown if she was even aware the com­pa­ny was involved or just a pat­sy.

    But then we get to a recent Israeli media report from Chan­nel 12 that makes all sorts of remark­able claims that only ampli­fy all these ques­tions. Accord­ing to the report, each pager could be indi­vid­u­al­ly trig­gered and only the devices of Hezbol­lah mem­bers were trig­gered. The report also claims that the devices were designed to ensure only the intend­ed tar­get was injured, with peo­ple stand­ing near­by remain­ing unharmed. It’s a claim that seems to fly in the fact of the avail­able data — hun­dreds of devices explode with thou­sands injured and even some chil­dren killed — but that’s what we’re being told. The report also con­firms the devices were built by scratch and insert­ed into the sup­ply chain feed­ing Hezbol­lah through the use of those front com­pa­nies. And accord­ing to sources, while many are claim­ing the tim­ing of the attack was deter­mined by fears that the devices were about to be dis­cov­ered, the real­i­ty is that Israel sim­ply want­ed to increase the pres­sure on Hezbol­lah. Sources also hint that this was a “rel­a­tive­ly low-lev­el” attack com­pared to Israel’s full capa­bil­i­ties and that we should expect much larg­er attacks going for­ward.

    So at the same time we have Leon Panet­ta declar­ing the attacks an unam­bigu­ous act of ter­ror, we’re get­ting hints that Israel has already invest­ed in the capa­bil­i­ties for much big­ger attacks of this nature. And as Panet­ta warns, “I think it’s going to be very impor­tant for the nations of the world to have a seri­ous dis­cus­sion about whether or not this is an area that every­body has to focus on...Because if they don’t try to deal with it now, mark my word: It is the bat­tle­field of the future.” Yes, explod­ing con­sumer devices is the bat­tle­field of the future if these kinds of attacks con­tin­ue, accord­ing to the for­mer direc­tor of the CIA:

    Salon

    For­mer CIA chief Leon Panet­ta accus­es Israel of “ter­ror­ism” over Hezbol­lah pager attack

    Israel is believed to have sab­o­taged Hezbol­lah’s com­mu­ni­ca­tion devices, rig­ging them with explo­sives

    By Nicholas Liu
    News Fel­low
    Pub­lished Sep­tem­ber 23, 2024 3:14PM (EDT)

    For­mer CIA direc­tor and U.S. Sec­re­tary of Defense Leon Panet­ta has accused Israel of engag­ing in “ter­ror­ism,” lev­el­ing a charge against the gov­ern­ment of Prime Min­is­ter Ben­jamin Netanyahu that’s typ­i­cal­ly reserved for ene­mies of the Israeli state.

    The Oba­ma admin­is­tra­tion fix­ture, not exact­ly a favorite among anti­war activists, used the “ter­ror­ism” label to describe a sus­pect­ed Israeli oper­a­tion to rig pagers and walkie-talkies used by the mil­i­tant group Hezbol­lah with explo­sives. The act of sab­o­tage killed at least 37 peo­ple and injured thou­sands more across Lebanon, includ­ing oper­a­tives and civil­ians alike. The coor­di­nat­ed attacks, which pre­ced­ed a wave of dev­as­tat­ing Israeli airstrikes in Lebanon, have been wide­ly attrib­uted to Israel.

    ...

    “The abil­i­ty to be able to place an explo­sive in tech­nol­o­gy that is very preva­lent these days and turn it into a war of ter­ror, real­ly, a war of ter­ror — this is some­thing new,” Panet­ta said on CBS News Sun­day Morn­ing. “I don’t think there’s any ques­tion that it’s a form of ter­ror­ism. This is going right into the sup­ply chain, right into the sup­ply chain. And when you have ter­ror going into the sup­ply chain, it makes peo­ple ask the ques­tion, what the hell is next?”

    Cur­rent and for­mer intel­li­gence offi­cials have described the oper­a­tion as part of Israel’s efforts to gain “red-but­ton” capa­bil­i­ty, or the pen­e­tra­tion of an ene­my that can be held in reserve long before acti­va­tion, sow­ing chaos and paving the way for a broad­er offen­sive. The recent attacks on Lebanon threat­en to fur­ther esca­late an already dan­ger­ous sit­u­a­tion into a region­al war, and the U.S. is prepar­ing for the worst by send­ing an unspec­i­fied num­ber of rein­force­ments to sup­port the 40,000 troops already sta­tioned in the Mid­dle East, the Pen­ta­gon announced Mon­day.

    Israel and Hezbol­lah con­tin­ue to trade blows by con­ven­tion­al means as well. Israeli mis­siles slammed into south­ern Lebanon on Mon­day morn­ing, killing 356 peo­ple and injur­ing 1,200 oth­ers, accord­ing to Lebanon’s Min­istry of Health, in what Israel said was an effort to take out weapons hid­den in res­i­den­tial build­ings. Hezbol­lah fired its own rock­ets and drones into Israel, with most of them falling into open areas or get­ting inter­cept­ed by Israeli defens­es. At least one Israeli per­son was report­ed injured. Pre­vi­ous attacks attrib­uted to Hezbol­lah, includ­ing a July strike that left a dozen chil­dren dead, have led to the dis­place­ment of tens of thou­sands of peo­ple in north­ern Israel.

    Israel did not tell the U.S. about its pager oper­a­tion in advance of the attacks that began last week, per­haps fear­ing a “freak-out” by Pen­ta­gon offi­cials who would “pull every lever they think they had to get them to not do it,” Ralph Goff, a for­mer CIA offi­cial, told The Wash­ing­ton Post. Only after the first wave of attacks last Tues­day did Israel noti­fy Wash­ing­ton that it was behind it all, accord­ing to U.S. offi­cials.

    In car­ry­ing out the oper­a­tion, experts say that Israel, already under heavy crit­i­cism for its war in Gaza and dead­ly incur­sions in the West Bank, may have vio­lat­ed inter­na­tion­al treaties and pro­to­cols to which it is a sig­na­to­ry. Arti­cle 7(2) of the Amend­ed Pro­to­col II of the Con­ven­tion on Cer­tain Con­ven­tion­al Weapons pro­hibits the use of boo­by traps, which Lama Fak­ih, Mid­dle East and North Africa direc­tor at Human Rights Watch, defines as “objects that civil­ians are like­ly to be attract­ed to or are asso­ci­at­ed with nor­mal civil­ian dai­ly use.”

    “The use of an explo­sive device whose exact loca­tion could not be reli­ably known would be unlaw­ful­ly indis­crim­i­nate, using a means of attack that could not be direct­ed at a spe­cif­ic mil­i­tary tar­get and as a result would strike mil­i­tary tar­gets and civil­ians with­out dis­tinc­tion,” Fakh said in a state­ment.

    ...

    “I think it’s going to be very impor­tant for the nations of the world to have a seri­ous dis­cus­sion about whether or not this is an area that every­body has to focus on,” Panet­ta said. “Because if they don’t try to deal with it now, mark my word: It is the bat­tle­field of the future.”

    ————-

    “For­mer CIA chief Leon Panet­ta accus­es Israel of “ter­ror­ism” over Hezbol­lah pager attack” By Nicholas Liu; Salon; 09/23/2024

    ““The abil­i­ty to be able to place an explo­sive in tech­nol­o­gy that is very preva­lent these days and turn it into a war of ter­ror, real­ly, a war of ter­ror — this is some­thing new,” Panet­ta said on CBS News Sun­day Morn­ing. “I don’t think there’s any ques­tion that it’s a form of ter­ror­ism. This is going right into the sup­ply chain, right into the sup­ply chain. And when you have ter­ror going into the sup­ply chain, it makes peo­ple ask the ques­tion, what the hell is next?”

    It was ter­ror­ism. No ques­tion about it. That was the sur­pris­ing­ly explic­it take by for­mer CIA chief Leon Panet­ta. No minc­ing of words. Just at plain dec­la­ra­tion of ter­ror­ism. And a vio­la­tion of inter­na­tion­al treaties against civil­ian boo­by traps, as Human Rights Watch also notes:

    ...
    In car­ry­ing out the oper­a­tion, experts say that Israel, already under heavy crit­i­cism for its war in Gaza and dead­ly incur­sions in the West Bank, may have vio­lat­ed inter­na­tion­al treaties and pro­to­cols to which it is a sig­na­to­ry. Arti­cle 7(2) of the Amend­ed Pro­to­col II of the Con­ven­tion on Cer­tain Con­ven­tion­al Weapons pro­hibits the use of boo­by traps, which Lama Fak­ih, Mid­dle East and North Africa direc­tor at Human Rights Watch, defines as “objects that civil­ians are like­ly to be attract­ed to or are asso­ci­at­ed with nor­mal civil­ian dai­ly use.”

    ...

    “I think it’s going to be very impor­tant for the nations of the world to have a seri­ous dis­cus­sion about whether or not this is an area that every­body has to focus on,” Panet­ta said. “Because if they don’t try to deal with it now, mark my word: It is the bat­tle­field of the future.”
    ...

    And as we might expect, the US gov­ern­ment is insist­ing it had no idea this attack was com­ing. Or at least that’s accord­ing to for­mer CIA offi­cial Ralph Goff. Which sounds plau­si­ble giv­en how incred­i­bly provoca­tive, yet strate­gi­cal­ly ques­tion­able, the whole oper­a­tion ulti­mate­ly was:

    ...
    Israel did not tell the U.S. about its pager oper­a­tion in advance of the attacks that began last week, per­haps fear­ing a “freak-out” by Pen­ta­gon offi­cials who would “pull every lever they think they had to get them to not do it,” Ralph Goff, a for­mer CIA offi­cial, told The Wash­ing­ton Post. Only after the first wave of attacks last Tues­day did Israel noti­fy Wash­ing­ton that it was behind it all, accord­ing to U.S. offi­cials.
    ...

    And as the fol­low­ing WaPo arti­cle notes, there’s anoth­er poten­tial set of vic­tims in this sto­ry: the peo­ple involved with the front com­pa­nies used in this oper­a­tion. Because at this point, it appears front com­pa­nies in both Hun­gary and Bul­gar­ia were some­how used, but it’s unclear if the com­pa­nies them­selves even knew they were being used in this man­ner. Either way, it sounds like the founder of BAC Con­sult­ing, the Hun­gar­i­an firm used in the scheme, is now under the pro­tec­tive cus­tody of the Hun­gar­i­an gov­ern­ment. It’s all part of the fall­out from a unprece­dent­ed intel­li­gence oper­a­tion that will inevitably have peo­ple around the world won­der­ing if their elec­tron­ic devices are per­son­al bombs wait­ing to go off:

    The Wash­ing­ton Post

    Explod­ing pagers leave clues to Israeli ‘red but­ton’ plot, offi­cials say

    Cur­rent and for­mer secu­ri­ty offi­cials say the attack capped a mul­ti­year effort, involv­ing rigged elec­tron­ics and Euro­pean front com­pa­nies, to pen­e­trate Hezbol­lah.

    By Greg Miller, Cate Brown, Love­day Mor­ris, Shi­ra Rubin and Jon Swaine
    Sep­tem­ber 21, 2024 at 3:02 p.m. EDT

    The black­ened husks of pagers and hand­held radios that explod­ed in a colos­sal attack on Hezbol­lah this week have become frag­men­tary clues to how Israel orches­trat­ed what cur­rent and for­mer Israeli and West­ern secu­ri­ty offi­cials said was part of an elab­o­rate, decade-long effort to pen­e­trate the mil­i­tant group.

    Mark­ings on the man­gled elec­tron­ic com­po­nents have left a trail lead­ing back through a man­u­fac­tur­er in Tai­wan to a Hun­gar­i­an shell com­pa­ny sus­pect­ed of being set up or exploit­ed by Israeli intel­li­gence to dis­guise its alleged role in deliv­er­ing the lethal­ly rigged devices to Hezbol­lah. Secu­ri­ty offi­cials in anoth­er Euro­pean cap­i­tal have probed whether a sec­ond shell com­pa­ny there was the real sell­er behind the pagers deal.

    Cur­rent and for­mer offi­cials have described it as part of a mul­ti­pronged effort by Israel over the past decade to devel­op what Israeli offi­cials referred to as a “red but­ton” capa­bil­i­ty — mean­ing a poten­tial­ly dev­as­tat­ing pen­e­tra­tion of an adver­sary that can remain dor­mant for months if not years before being acti­vat­ed.

    Israel’s rea­son for press­ing one such “red but­ton” this week remains murky, though experts have spec­u­lat­ed that Israeli offi­cials were wor­ried that the con­ver­sion of thou­sands of pagers to minia­ture IEDs was at risk of being detect­ed. Such attacks are gen­er­al­ly designed to be unleashed as a pre­lude to a broad­er offen­sive, offi­cials said, sow­ing chaos in prepa­ra­tion for fol­low-on mil­i­tary oper­a­tions.

    The explo­sions on Tues­day killed at least 12 peo­ple and wound­ed as many as 2,800, accord­ing to Lebanon’s Health Min­istry, includ­ing Hezbol­lah oper­a­tives but also civil­ians and chil­dren. A sec­ond wave involv­ing radios on Wednes­day killed at least 25 peo­ple and injured 450, the min­istry said. An Israeli airstrike Fri­day on a Beirut sub­urb killed more than 30 peo­ple, includ­ing two Hezbol­lah com­man­ders and oth­er mem­bers of the group as well as chil­dren, but the pager and radio explo­sions have not been fol­lowed by major Israeli mil­i­tary incur­sions into Lebanon.

    A “red but­ton” is “a con­cept for some­thing you can use when you want or need it,” said a for­mer Israeli offi­cial with knowl­edge of the pager oper­a­tion. The det­o­na­tion of the devices this week “wasn’t part of the com­pre­hen­sive plan” envi­sioned when the oper­a­tion was set in motion, the offi­cial said, though he stressed that Israeli offi­cials believe that it had sub­stan­tial impact.

    “Look at the out­come,” the for­mer offi­cial said, refer­ring to explo­sions that wound­ed or killed lead­ers, filled hos­pi­tals and ren­dered oper­a­tives unable to use or trust basic com­mu­ni­ca­tions gear.

    ...

    A sec­ond for­mer Israeli intel­li­gence offi­cial said that the explo­sions marked the cul­mi­na­tion of a mul­ti­year invest­ment in pen­e­trat­ing Hezbollah’s com­mu­ni­ca­tions, logis­tics and pro­cure­ment struc­tures. Long before the pagers were packed with explo­sives, the offi­cial said, Israel’s exter­nal intel­li­gence agency, Mossad, and oth­er ser­vices had devel­oped a detailed under­stand­ing of “what Hezbol­lah needs, what are its gaps, which shell com­pa­nies it works with, where they are, who are the con­tacts.”

    After map­ping those net­works, the for­mer offi­cial said, “you need to cre­ate an infra­struc­ture of com­pa­nies, in which one sells to anoth­er who sells to anoth­er” — all to maneu­ver clos­er to Hezbollah’s pur­chas­ing agents, who rely on shell com­pa­nies of their own, while hid­ing any link to Israel.

    Scant cor­po­rate records for the Euro­pean com­pa­nies linked to the pagers men­tion founders with no dis­cernible back­ground as sup­pli­ers of com­mu­ni­ca­tions gear or clear con­nec­tion to the Israeli gov­ern­ment, leav­ing uncer­tain whether they were aware of the roles their firms may have played in the attack on Hezbol­lah.

    With many Hezbol­lah oper­a­tives hos­pi­tal­ized and oth­ers scram­bling to assess dam­age to the orga­ni­za­tion, indi­vid­u­als tied to the group described the pager attack as a stun­ning secu­ri­ty fail­ure.

    “How could Hezbol­lah not check this ship­ment when it arrived?” asked a Lebanese indi­vid­ual close to the orga­ni­za­tion. “They have the tech­ni­cal capac­i­ty; they have man­u­fac­tured drones and mis­siles. How can they not detect this com­pro­mise?”

    Key details about the oper­a­tion remain unclear, includ­ing whether Israel inter­cept­ed and sab­o­taged an exist­ing pager ship­ment or exe­cut­ed a scheme in which Israeli intel­li­gence enti­ties actu­al­ly man­u­fac­tured or assem­bled devices packed with explo­sives. The New York Times report­ed this week that Israeli intel­li­gence both built the devices and cre­at­ed front com­pa­nies to deceive Hezbol­lah. The Israeli gov­ern­ment has not pub­licly acknowl­edged respon­si­bil­i­ty.

    U.S. and West­ern secu­ri­ty offi­cials said they are still piec­ing togeth­er details. Sev­er­al offi­cials said that they assume, but have not con­firmed, that the work installing explo­sives inside the pagers took place in Israel, to avoid the risks of expo­sure or acci­dent in for­eign ter­ri­to­ry.

    In inter­views, cur­rent and for­mer intel­li­gence offi­cials mar­veled at the com­plex­i­ty of the plot, though some ques­tioned its strate­gic sig­nif­i­cance. One for­mer U.S. intel­li­gence offi­cial said that Israel’s deci­sion to rig the devices with explo­sives rather than with sophis­ti­cat­ed espi­onage equip­ment reflect­ed a “cult of the offen­sive mind­set” in Prime Min­is­ter Ben­jamin Netanyahu’s gov­ern­ment, pri­or­i­tiz­ing dis­plays of kinet­ic pow­er that may not achieve Israel’s broad­er aims in an esca­lat­ing region­al con­flict.

    Oth­ers defend­ed the oper­a­tion. “It’s a severe hit on the com­mand and con­trol struc­ture” of Hezbol­lah, said Eyal Pinko, a for­mer Israeli naval com­man­der and intel­li­gence offi­cer. “This will take Hezbol­lah off-bal­ance; it will take [Hezbol­lah leader Hasan Nas­ral­lah] quite a long time to set back his forces.”

    The com­plex­i­ty and audac­i­ty of the plot have drawn com­par­isons to oth­er notable oper­a­tions in the annals of espi­onage. Thomas Rid, found­ing direc­tor of the Alper­ovitch Insti­tute for Cyber­se­cu­ri­ty Stud­ies at Johns Hop­kins Uni­ver­si­ty, likened Israel’s appar­ent pen­e­tra­tion of the pager sup­ply chain to a post-World War II oper­a­tion in which U.S. and Ger­man intel­li­gence agen­cies secret­ly gained con­trol of a Swiss-based com­pa­ny, Cryp­to AG, that sold rigged com­mu­ni­ca­tions equip­ment to dozens of for­eign gov­ern­ments.

    Both oper­a­tions involved the peren­ni­al intel­li­gence objec­tive of pen­e­trat­ing an adversary’s sup­ply chain. Experts also cit­ed the so-called “Stuxnet” attack in which Israel and the Unit­ed States col­lab­o­rat­ed to infect nuclear enrich­ment equip­ment in Iran with dam­ag­ing mal­ware.

    ...

    If the emerg­ing out­lines of the plot are con­firmed, Israel could also face ques­tions about its deci­sions to base ele­ments of the oper­a­tion in West­ern coun­tries and pos­si­bly to have exploit­ed indi­vid­u­als — includ­ing alleged front com­pa­ny founders — who may not have under­stood the con­se­quences of their alleged roles in the pager trans­ac­tions.

    “There’s a lot of front com­pa­nies and cutouts and fake per­sonas,” said Gavin Wilde, a for­mer White House offi­cial who is a cyber­se­cu­ri­ty expert at the Carnegie Endow­ment for Inter­na­tion­al Peace. “If there real­ly are folks who were tru­ly pat­sies, they’re going to have to live in fear the rest of their lives because [even if they were unaware of the plot] Hezbol­lah isn’t going to believe that.”

    By trac­ing clues in the bomb debris, a net­work of sup­pli­ers and shell enti­ties starts to come into sight. Back pan­els of the pagers were marked with brand and mod­el infor­ma­tion asso­ci­at­ed with a Tai­wanese man­u­fac­tur­er, Apol­lo Gold, that remains a major sup­pli­er of devices that were wide­spread in the 1990s but have since been large­ly dis­placed by cell­phones.

    ...

    Fac­ing a del­uge of media inquiries, Apol­lo Gold exec­u­tives said the com­pa­ny had nei­ther designed nor man­u­fac­tured the devices cir­cu­lat­ed by Hezbol­lah, and that they were pro­duced under a licens­ing arrange­ment with a com­pa­ny based in Hun­gary called BAC Con­sult­ing KFT.

    The true nature of BAC’s work remains opaque. Accord­ing to Hun­gar­i­an com­pa­ny records, the com­pa­ny was reg­is­tered in May 2022, and it lists 118 busi­ness activ­i­ties in its cor­po­rate fil­ing, includ­ing book pub­lish­ing, motion pic­ture dis­tri­b­u­tion and the man­u­fac­tur­ing of “oils and fats” and “imi­ta­tion jew­el­ry.” The company’s web­site — dis­abled since Tuesday’s attack — touts an equal­ly wide-rang­ing set of ser­vices, offer­ing con­sult­ing advice on every­thing from social impact invest­ing to waste man­age­ment solu­tions.

    A woman list­ed as the founder of BAC Con­sult­ing, Cris­tiana Bar­sony-Arcidi­a­cono, 49, did not respond to mul­ti­ple requests for com­ment from The Wash­ing­ton Post. Reached briefly by NBC News ear­li­er this week, she said she was “just an inter­me­di­ate” in the pager trans­ac­tions and nev­er had cus­tody of the devices.

    Barsony-Arcidiacono’s moth­er told the Asso­ci­at­ed Press on Fri­day that her daugh­ter is now in the pro­tec­tive cus­tody of the Hun­gar­i­an gov­ern­ment. Hun­gar­i­an author­i­ties did not respond to a request for com­ment on the arrange­ment.

    But a Hun­gar­i­an secu­ri­ty offi­cial said that inves­ti­ga­tors had deter­mined that BAC was a shell com­pa­ny and was involved in the trans­ac­tion that sup­plied pagers to Hezbol­lah. The devices “nev­er came to Hun­gary,” the offi­cial said, but the BAC iden­ti­ty appears to have been used as part of the oper­a­tion to deceive Hezbol­lah, though it is not clear that Bar­sony-Arcidi­a­cono “was involved or has deep knowl­edge.”

    Tai­wanese police vis­it­ed a BAC office in Taipei on Wednes­day and uncov­ered ship­ping records that indi­cate Gold Apol­lo last sent 254 pagers to Hun­gary in 2022, accord­ing to local media. Anoth­er busi­ness con­tract report­ed­ly seized by inves­ti­ga­tors indi­cat­ed that the Taipei-based firm earned $15 for each pager sold by BAC.

    Bul­gar­i­an secu­ri­ty ser­vices this week inves­ti­gat­ed a sec­ond com­pa­ny, Nor­ta Glob­al Ltd. of Sofia, fol­low­ing a media report on Wednes­day that the firm had sold and deliv­ered the explod­ing pagers to Hezbol­lah. Telex, a Hun­gar­i­an news web­site, attrib­uted the infor­ma­tion to uniden­ti­fied sources.

    Bulgaria’s state agency for nation­al secu­ri­ty issued a state­ment Fri­day say­ing that it had “estab­lished beyond doubt” that no com­mu­ni­ca­tions devices det­o­nat­ed in Lebanon or Syr­ia had been “import­ed, export­ed or man­u­fac­tured in Bul­gar­ia.” The state­ment did not rule out a Nor­ta Glob­al con­nec­tion to the pager sale to Hezbol­lah, how­ev­er, say­ing only that the com­pa­ny “did not car­ry out trans­ac­tions in respect of which Bul­gar­ia has juris­dic­tion.”

    Bul­gar­i­an records state that Nor­ta Glob­al is owned by Rin­son Jose, a 39-year-old Nor­we­gian man who was born in India. Jose incor­po­rat­ed the firm in April 2022 to do “tech­no­log­i­cal project man­age­ment,” accord­ing to its for­ma­tion paper­work, which was signed by Jose in Oslo. Jose pre­vi­ous­ly formed a tech­nol­o­gy firm in Nor­way named Nor­talink.

    Dur­ing 2022 and 2023, Nor­ta Glob­al received total rev­enue of more than $1.5 mil­lion at today’s exchange rate, accord­ing to finan­cial reports filed to Bul­gar­i­an author­i­ties. Through­out that peri­od, Jose had a full-time job with an Oslo-based media com­pa­ny, accord­ing to his online résumé.

    In a brief inter­view, Nor­ta Global’s accoun­tant did not respond to ques­tions about whether the firm had con­nec­tions with Israel. The accoun­tant, Dim­i­tar Daskalov, repeat­ed­ly direct­ed The Post to the state­ment from the secu­ri­ty ser­vices.

    Jose has a pro­file on Founders Nation, an Israeli busi­ness net­work­ing web­site, that lists mul­ti­ple orga­ni­za­tions with con­nec­tions, either now or in the past, to the Israel Defense Forces as offi­cial part­ners.

    Guy Franklin, who is iden­ti­fied as a co-founder of the site, said he had nev­er heard of Jose or Nor­ta Glob­al and that he did not believe Israel’s gov­ern­ment pro­vid­ed any fund­ing via Founders Nation. “In the tech world you want to have as many logos on your plat­form to show that you have sup­port (not finance-wise) from many enti­ties,” Franklin said in a text mes­sage.

    ...

    Jose trav­eled to Boston on Tues­day and remained in the Unit­ed States as of Fri­day, accord­ing to U.S. gov­ern­ment records. He was there to attend a tech­nol­o­gy con­fer­ence, accord­ing to a source famil­iar with his plans as well as a report on the Nor­we­gian VG news site.

    Jose did not respond to requests for com­ment. An orga­niz­er at the con­fer­ence, spon­sored by the soft­ware com­pa­ny Hub­Spot, told a Post reporter that Jose had not picked up a cre­den­tial cre­at­ed for him or attend­ed any ses­sions. Efforts to reach him at more than 30 hotels list­ed on the con­fer­ence web­site were unsuc­cess­ful.

    ————


    Explod­ing pagers leave clues to Israeli ‘red but­ton’ plot, offi­cials say” By Greg Miller, Cate Brown, Love­day Mor­ris, Shi­ra Rubin and Jon Swaine; The Wash­ing­ton Post; 09/21/2024

    “A “red but­ton” is “a con­cept for some­thing you can use when you want or need it,” said a for­mer Israeli offi­cial with knowl­edge of the pager oper­a­tion. The det­o­na­tion of the devices this week “wasn’t part of the com­pre­hen­sive plan” envi­sioned when the oper­a­tion was set in motion, the offi­cial said, though he stressed that Israeli offi­cials believe that it had sub­stan­tial impact.”

    Israel built an elab­o­rate ‘red but­ton’ and then pushed it. It’s not clear why exact­ly the ‘but­ton’ was ‘pushed’ now, although we’re hear­ing spec­u­la­tion that Israel was wor­ried the ‘but­ton’ was about to be dis­cov­ered. It’s not the best expla­na­tion, if true:

    ...
    Cur­rent and for­mer offi­cials have described it as part of a mul­ti­pronged effort by Israel over the past decade to devel­op what Israeli offi­cials referred to as a “red but­ton” capa­bil­i­ty — mean­ing a poten­tial­ly dev­as­tat­ing pen­e­tra­tion of an adver­sary that can remain dor­mant for months if not years before being acti­vat­ed.

    Israel’s rea­son for press­ing one such “red but­ton” this week remains murky, though experts have spec­u­lat­ed that Israeli offi­cials were wor­ried that the con­ver­sion of thou­sands of pagers to minia­ture IEDs was at risk of being detect­ed. Such attacks are gen­er­al­ly designed to be unleashed as a pre­lude to a broad­er offen­sive, offi­cials said, sow­ing chaos in prepa­ra­tion for fol­low-on mil­i­tary oper­a­tions.
    ...

    And we get to anoth­er set of poten­tial vic­tims of this attack: pat­sies in the front com­pa­nies who may have had no idea about the plot. Was the founder of BAC Con­sult­ing, Cris­tiana Bar­sony-Arcidi­a­cono, aware of how her com­pa­ny was being used? We have no idea at this point, and nei­ther does Hezbol­lah. And she’s liv­ing under the pro­tec­tive cus­tody of the Hun­gar­i­an gov­ern­ment:

    ...
    If the emerg­ing out­lines of the plot are con­firmed, Israel could also face ques­tions about its deci­sions to base ele­ments of the oper­a­tion in West­ern coun­tries and pos­si­bly to have exploit­ed indi­vid­u­als — includ­ing alleged front com­pa­ny founders — who may not have under­stood the con­se­quences of their alleged roles in the pager trans­ac­tions.

    “There’s a lot of front com­pa­nies and cutouts and fake per­sonas,” said Gavin Wilde, a for­mer White House offi­cial who is a cyber­se­cu­ri­ty expert at the Carnegie Endow­ment for Inter­na­tion­al Peace. “If there real­ly are folks who were tru­ly pat­sies, they’re going to have to live in fear the rest of their lives because [even if they were unaware of the plot] Hezbol­lah isn’t going to believe that.

    By trac­ing clues in the bomb debris, a net­work of sup­pli­ers and shell enti­ties starts to come into sight. Back pan­els of the pagers were marked with brand and mod­el infor­ma­tion asso­ci­at­ed with a Tai­wanese man­u­fac­tur­er, Apol­lo Gold, that remains a major sup­pli­er of devices that were wide­spread in the 1990s but have since been large­ly dis­placed by cell­phones.

    ...

    Fac­ing a del­uge of media inquiries, Apol­lo Gold exec­u­tives said the com­pa­ny had nei­ther designed nor man­u­fac­tured the devices cir­cu­lat­ed by Hezbol­lah, and that they were pro­duced under a licens­ing arrange­ment with a com­pa­ny based in Hun­gary called BAC Con­sult­ing KFT.

    ...

    A woman list­ed as the founder of BAC Con­sult­ing, Cris­tiana Bar­sony-Arcidi­a­cono, 49, did not respond to mul­ti­ple requests for com­ment from The Wash­ing­ton Post. Reached briefly by NBC News ear­li­er this week, she said she was “just an inter­me­di­ate” in the pager trans­ac­tions and nev­er had cus­tody of the devices.

    Barsony-Arcidiacono’s moth­er told the Asso­ci­at­ed Press on Fri­day that her daugh­ter is now in the pro­tec­tive cus­tody of the Hun­gar­i­an gov­ern­ment. Hun­gar­i­an author­i­ties did not respond to a request for com­ment on the arrange­ment.

    But a Hun­gar­i­an secu­ri­ty offi­cial said that inves­ti­ga­tors had deter­mined that BAC was a shell com­pa­ny and was involved in the trans­ac­tion that sup­plied pagers to Hezbol­lah. The devices “nev­er came to Hun­gary,” the offi­cial said, but the BAC iden­ti­ty appears to have been used as part of the oper­a­tion to deceive Hezbol­lah, though it is not clear that Bar­sony-Arcidi­a­cono “was involved or has deep knowl­edge.”

    Tai­wanese police vis­it­ed a BAC office in Taipei on Wednes­day and uncov­ered ship­ping records that indi­cate Gold Apol­lo last sent 254 pagers to Hun­gary in 2022, accord­ing to local media. Anoth­er busi­ness con­tract report­ed­ly seized by inves­ti­ga­tors indi­cat­ed that the Taipei-based firm earned $15 for each pager sold by BAC.
    ...

    And the founder of a Bul­gar­i­an firm also sus­pect­ed of being involved in the oper­a­tion, Rin­son Jose, was in the US for a con­fer­ence when this ‘but­ton’ was ‘pushed’ and now he’s seem­ing­ly dis­ap­peared. It’s going to be inter­est­ing to see where he ulti­mate­ly pops up, if that ever hap­pens:

    ...
    Bul­gar­i­an secu­ri­ty ser­vices this week inves­ti­gat­ed a sec­ond com­pa­ny, Nor­ta Glob­al Ltd. of Sofia, fol­low­ing a media report on Wednes­day that the firm had sold and deliv­ered the explod­ing pagers to Hezbol­lah. Telex, a Hun­gar­i­an news web­site, attrib­uted the infor­ma­tion to uniden­ti­fied sources.

    Bulgaria’s state agency for nation­al secu­ri­ty issued a state­ment Fri­day say­ing that it had “estab­lished beyond doubt” that no com­mu­ni­ca­tions devices det­o­nat­ed in Lebanon or Syr­ia had been “import­ed, export­ed or man­u­fac­tured in Bul­gar­ia.” The state­ment did not rule out a Nor­ta Glob­al con­nec­tion to the pager sale to Hezbol­lah, how­ev­er, say­ing only that the com­pa­ny “did not car­ry out trans­ac­tions in respect of which Bul­gar­ia has juris­dic­tion.”

    Bul­gar­i­an records state that Nor­ta Glob­al is owned by Rin­son Jose, a 39-year-old Nor­we­gian man who was born in India. Jose incor­po­rat­ed the firm in April 2022 to do “tech­no­log­i­cal project man­age­ment,” accord­ing to its for­ma­tion paper­work, which was signed by Jose in Oslo. Jose pre­vi­ous­ly formed a tech­nol­o­gy firm in Nor­way named Nor­talink.

    Dur­ing 2022 and 2023, Nor­ta Glob­al received total rev­enue of more than $1.5 mil­lion at today’s exchange rate, accord­ing to finan­cial reports filed to Bul­gar­i­an author­i­ties. Through­out that peri­od, Jose had a full-time job with an Oslo-based media com­pa­ny, accord­ing to his online résumé.

    In a brief inter­view, Nor­ta Global’s accoun­tant did not respond to ques­tions about whether the firm had con­nec­tions with Israel. The accoun­tant, Dim­i­tar Daskalov, repeat­ed­ly direct­ed The Post to the state­ment from the secu­ri­ty ser­vices.

    Jose has a pro­file on Founders Nation, an Israeli busi­ness net­work­ing web­site, that lists mul­ti­ple orga­ni­za­tions with con­nec­tions, either now or in the past, to the Israel Defense Forces as offi­cial part­ners.

    ...

    Jose trav­eled to Boston on Tues­day and remained in the Unit­ed States as of Fri­day, accord­ing to U.S. gov­ern­ment records. He was there to attend a tech­nol­o­gy con­fer­ence, accord­ing to a source famil­iar with his plans as well as a report on the Nor­we­gian VG news site.

    Jose did not respond to requests for com­ment. An orga­niz­er at the con­fer­ence, spon­sored by the soft­ware com­pa­ny Hub­Spot, told a Post reporter that Jose had not picked up a cre­den­tial cre­at­ed for him or attend­ed any ses­sions. Efforts to reach him at more than 30 hotels list­ed on the con­fer­ence web­site were unsuc­cess­ful.
    ...

    But as we’re going to see in the fol­low­ing Times of Israel report, Israeli media has deliv­ered some pret­ty inter­est­ing updates to this sto­ry in recent days. First, we’re assured that each pager would be trig­gered indi­vid­u­al­ly and that only Hezbol­lah mem­bers’ pagers were set off. Remark­able if true, and some­what hard to believe, but it would also sug­gest unex­plod­ed devices are still cir­cu­lat­ing in civil­ian hands.

    We also got con­fir­ma­tion that the devices were built from scratch, and not mod­i­fied ver­sions of devices built by anoth­er com­pa­ny. It’s the kind of rev­e­la­tion that could have pro­found impli­ca­tions for future of glob­al trade. As Panet­ta warned, this could be a future of war­fare. A future that coun­tries my resist by insourc­ing as much tech­nol­o­gy as pos­si­ble.

    And then we get a tru­ly ter­ri­fy­ing warn­ing from unnamed sources: this was just a “rel­a­tive­ly low-lev­el” attack com­pared to the full scope of Israel’s capa­bil­i­ties. In oth­er words, there’s a lot more than just explod­ing pagers and walkie-talkies float­ing around. At least that’s the impli­ca­tion of these warn­ings:

    The Times of Israel

    Report: Hezbol­lah devices were det­o­nat­ed indi­vid­u­al­ly, with pre­cise intel on tar­gets

    Chan­nel 12 says attack designed so only per­son car­ry­ing pager would be hurt by blast, quotes sources as say­ing Israel has far more exten­sive capa­bil­i­ties in Lebanon

    By ToI Staff 22 Sep­tem­ber 2024, 6:01 am

    Each of the pagers that explod­ed in the pos­ses­sion of their Hezbol­lah own­ers across Lebanon on Tues­day, injur­ing thou­sands of the ter­ror group’s oper­a­tives, was indi­vid­u­al­ly det­o­nat­ed, with the attack­ers know­ing who was being tar­get­ed, their loca­tion, and whether oth­ers were in close prox­im­i­ty, accord­ing to a Sat­ur­day evening tele­vi­sion report.

    In a lengthy report quot­ing Israeli and for­eign sources, Chan­nel 12 News said that those behind the attacks were deter­mined to ensure that only the per­son car­ry­ing the device would be hurt by the blast.

    “Each pager had its own arrange­ments. That’s how it was pos­si­ble to con­trol who was hit and who wasn’t,” the report quot­ed an unnamed for­eign secu­ri­ty source say­ing.

    “They knew who he was with and where he was, so that the veg­etable sell­er in the super­mar­ket would not be hurt” when a pager of a man next to him explod­ed, the source said, refer­ring to footage from the explo­sions in which a man was appar­ent­ly blown up by his pager next to a fruit and veg­etable stand.

    At least 30 peo­ple were killed and thou­sands injured when pagers and walkie-talkies used by Hezbol­lah oper­a­tives explod­ed across Lebanon on Tues­day and Wednes­day, in a coor­di­nat­ed attack wide­ly blamed on Israel after months of cross-bor­der fire.

    ...

    A video cir­cu­lat­ing on social media pur­ports to show the moment that a pager used by a Hezbol­lah oper­a­tive explod­ed in Lebanon. Accord­ing to Lebanese media, dozens were injured after Israel alleged­ly hacked the devices and det­o­nat­ed them. https://t.co/1RMiF8wqAA pic.twitter.com/b07wTuRQ0N— Emanuel (Man­nie) Fabi­an (@manniefabian) Sep­tem­ber 17, 2024

    Quot­ing an unnamed for­eign secu­ri­ty source, the report said that “tens of thou­sands of pagers” were pro­duced and man­u­fac­tured with the knowl­edge that they would be checked care­ful­ly by the client, Hezbol­lah.

    Inter­viewed in the report, Ronen Bergman, an inves­tiga­tive reporter for The New York Times and Yedio­th Ahronoth, explained that the pagers there­fore had to work prop­er­ly and betray no indi­ca­tion that they had been primed with explo­sives. Their appear­ance and weight had to be unchanged, and they need­ed to be able to pass detec­tion by snif­fer dogs.

    Bergman said that the whole scheme was dreamed up by a bril­liant female intel­li­gence oper­a­tive, aged less than 30, some­where in the Mid­dle East.

    Who­ev­er was respon­si­ble, the report said, decid­ed to set up a fac­to­ry to build the devices from scratch — so that “it won’t be a device that we will tam­per with; it will be a device that we will pro­duce.” The New York Times came to the same con­clu­sion in a report on Thurs­day.

    The abil­i­ty to sup­ply the device to Hezbol­lah was helped by the fact that the ter­ror group is not able to make pur­chas­es on the open mar­ket, because of sup­pli­ers’ fears of sanc­tions from the Unit­ed States, and there­fore must rou­tine­ly work with inter­me­di­ary sup­pli­ers.

    Bergman said that when, on Octo­ber 10, the Israel Defense Forces and Defense Min­is­ter Yoav Gal­lant had pressed for Israel to attack Hezbol­lah, rather than focus ini­tial­ly sole­ly on Hamas after its Octo­ber 7 inva­sion and mas­sacre, “it is rea­son­able to assume” that but­tons det­o­nat­ing these devices would have been pressed, and very heavy airstrikes on Hezbol­lah would have fol­lowed.

    In the end, the IDF focused first on Gaza, and Hezbol­lah has been attack­ing Israeli com­mu­ni­ties and mil­i­tary posts along the bor­der on a near-dai­ly basis since, with the ter­ror group say­ing it is doing so to sup­port Gaza amid the war there.

    The Chan­nel 12 report, which was approved by the Israeli mil­i­tary cen­sor, said that Hezbol­lah bought more pagers after its mil­i­tary chief Fuad Shukr was killed in a tar­get­ed IDF strike in Beirut in July, and there­after used pagers even more wide­ly because of its grow­ing wari­ness about using cell­phones. Hezbol­lah, the report said, long assumed that Israel would be a threat to its cell­phone com­mu­ni­ca­tions in the event of a major esca­la­tion, and thus wide­ly inte­grat­ed the use of pagers.

    In Feb­ru­ary, the report recalled, Hezbol­lah chief Has­san Nas­ral­lah warned mem­bers not to car­ry cell­phones, which he said could be used to track them and mon­i­tor their com­mu­ni­ca­tions.

    While Chan­nel 12 repeat­ed the wide­ly report­ed assess­ment that the pagers were det­o­nat­ed this week because of a fear that the Tro­jan horse devices were about to be exposed by Hezbol­lah, it also quot­ed a for­eign secu­ri­ty source say­ing this was not the case, and that Israel had sim­ply decid­ed it need­ed to step up its actions against Hezbol­lah.

    Amos Yadlin, a for­mer IDF intel­li­gence chief, said more broad­ly that Israel’s goal is to cause Nas­ral­lah to real­ize that his attacks on the north “are cost­ing him more than he’s gain­ing,” includ­ing in terms of sup­port with­in Lebanon.

    The report said it was regard­ed as “prefer­able” that the large num­ber of Hezbol­lah fight­ers whose devices explod­ed be bad­ly injured rather than killed, in part because of the immense strain this placed on health ser­vices in Lebanon, and by exten­sion the raised domes­tic pres­sure on Hezbol­lah.

    A for­eign secu­ri­ty source not­ed that the det­o­nat­ing pagers oper­a­tion was not con­sid­ered a strate­gic attack and that Israel has much more dra­mat­ic capa­bil­i­ties.


    The source added that Israel has spent years devel­op­ing these far more exten­sive capa­bil­i­ties for use against Hezbol­lah and Iran
    , but not as regards to Hamas — appar­ent­ly because it under­es­ti­mat­ed the dan­ger posed by the Gaza-based Pales­tin­ian ter­ror group — and that this part­ly explains the fail­ure to pre­vent the Octo­ber 7 cat­a­stro­phe. The capa­bil­i­ties used thus far in Lebanon are “rel­a­tive­ly low-lev­el,” the source said.

    After the report aired, Eyal Hula­ta, a for­mer nation­al secu­ri­ty advis­er, told Chan­nel 12 that thou­sands of Israelis had been work­ing for years to cre­ate capa­bil­i­ties to ensure secu­ri­ty for Israel.

    “There are more capa­bil­i­ties like these,” he says, ref­er­enc­ing the recent events in Lebanon. Hula­ta, who is also a for­mer head of the Mossad’s tech­no­log­i­cal branch, said that it was impor­tant that Israelis know this, giv­en the col­lapse of pub­lic faith in the secu­ri­ty estab­lish­ment after the fail­ure to pre­vent Hamas’s bru­tal Octo­ber 7 mas­sacre.

    Hula­ta echoed IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Herzi Hale­vi, who said dur­ing a vis­it to the North­ern Com­mand on Wednes­day that Israel had “many more capa­bil­i­ties” that had not been used yet in the fight against Hezbol­lah.

    “We are very deter­mined to cre­ate the secu­ri­ty con­di­tions that will bring the res­i­dents [of the north] back to their homes, to the towns, with a high lev­el of secu­ri­ty, and we are ready to do what­ev­er is required to enable this,” Hale­vi said in a video released by the IDF.

    “The rule is that every time we reach a cer­tain stage, we have already pre­pared to move ahead force­ful­ly with the next two steps. At each stage, the cost for Hezbol­lah should be high,” he added.

    ...

    ———–

    “Report: Hezbol­lah devices were det­o­nat­ed indi­vid­u­al­ly, with pre­cise intel on tar­gets” By ToI Staff; The Times of Israel; 09/22/2024

    Who­ev­er was respon­si­ble, the report said, decid­ed to set up a fac­to­ry to build the devices from scratch — so that “it won’t be a device that we will tam­per with; it will be a device that we will pro­duce.” The New York Times came to the same con­clu­sion in a report on Thurs­day.”

    This would appear to answer to the ques­tion of whether or not the explod­ing devices were mod­i­fied ver­sions of devices built by anoth­er com­pa­ny. It appears the devices were built from scratch, and then some­how inject­ed into Hezbol­lah’s com­mer­cial sup­ply chain.

    The Chan­nel 12 report also includ­ed sources insist­ing that each indi­vid­ual device was trig­gered only when it was known that a Hezbol­lah mem­ber was in pos­ses­sion of it and built to only harm the tar­get­ed per­son and not peo­ple who might be stand­ing near­by. Which sounds effec­tive­ly impos­si­ble. But that’s the claim that was being made in this Israeli media report. It’s also a claim that, if tak­en at face val­ue, sug­gests unex­plod­ed devices are still cir­cu­lat­ing, wait­ing to be trig­gered some day:

    ...
    In a lengthy report quot­ing Israeli and for­eign sources, Chan­nel 12 News said that those behind the attacks were deter­mined to ensure that only the per­son car­ry­ing the device would be hurt by the blast.

    “Each pager had its own arrange­ments. That’s how it was pos­si­ble to con­trol who was hit and who wasn’t,” the report quot­ed an unnamed for­eign secu­ri­ty source say­ing.

    “They knew who he was with and where he was, so that the veg­etable sell­er in the super­mar­ket would not be hurt” when a pager of a man next to him explod­ed, the source said, refer­ring to footage from the explo­sions in which a man was appar­ent­ly blown up by his pager next to a fruit and veg­etable stand.

    ...

    The Chan­nel 12 report, which was approved by the Israeli mil­i­tary cen­sor, said that Hezbol­lah bought more pagers after its mil­i­tary chief Fuad Shukr was killed in a tar­get­ed IDF strike in Beirut in July, and there­after used pagers even more wide­ly because of its grow­ing wari­ness about using cell­phones. Hezbol­lah, the report said, long assumed that Israel would be a threat to its cell­phone com­mu­ni­ca­tions in the event of a major esca­la­tion, and thus wide­ly inte­grat­ed the use of pagers.
    ...

    And then we get these con­flict­ing expla­na­tions for the tim­ing of the attack. While many of sug­gest­ed Israel was fear­ing the devices were about to be dis­cov­ered, a ““for­eign secu­ri­ty source” sug­gest Israel sim­ply want­ed to step up its attacks on Hezbol­lah. An attack seem­ing­ly designed to fill Lebanon’s hos­pi­tals with maimed, but not killed, Hezbol­lah mem­bers that would put more strains on the nation’s health care sys­tem:

    ...
    While Chan­nel 12 repeat­ed the wide­ly report­ed assess­ment that the pagers were det­o­nat­ed this week because of a fear that the Tro­jan horse devices were about to be exposed by Hezbol­lah, it also quot­ed a for­eign secu­ri­ty source say­ing this was not the case, and that Israel had sim­ply decid­ed it need­ed to step up its actions against Hezbol­lah.

    Amos Yadlin, a for­mer IDF intel­li­gence chief, said more broad­ly that Israel’s goal is to cause Nas­ral­lah to real­ize that his attacks on the north “are cost­ing him more than he’s gain­ing,” includ­ing in terms of sup­port with­in Lebanon.

    The report said it was regard­ed as “prefer­able” that the large num­ber of Hezbol­lah fight­ers whose devices explod­ed be bad­ly injured rather than killed, in part because of the immense strain this placed on health ser­vices in Lebanon, and by exten­sion the raised domes­tic pres­sure on Hezbol­lah.
    ...

    Final­ly, note this omi­nous warn­ing: this was just a “rel­a­tive­ly low-lev­el” attack com­pared to what Israel could do today. Expect big­ger attacks of this nature in the future:

    ...
    A for­eign secu­ri­ty source not­ed that the det­o­nat­ing pagers oper­a­tion was not con­sid­ered a strate­gic attack and that Israel has much more dra­mat­ic capa­bil­i­ties.

    The source added that Israel has spent years devel­op­ing these far more exten­sive capa­bil­i­ties for use against Hezbol­lah and Iran, but not as regards to Hamas — appar­ent­ly because it under­es­ti­mat­ed the dan­ger posed by the Gaza-based Pales­tin­ian ter­ror group — and that this part­ly explains the fail­ure to pre­vent the Octo­ber 7 cat­a­stro­phe. The capa­bil­i­ties used thus far in Lebanon are “rel­a­tive­ly low-lev­el,” the source said.

    ...

    Hula­ta echoed IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Herzi Hale­vi, who said dur­ing a vis­it to the North­ern Com­mand on Wednes­day that Israel had “many more capa­bil­i­ties” that had not been used yet in the fight against Hezbol­lah.
    ...

    And that’s all part of why it’s going to be very inter­est­ing to see whether or not Lebanon expe­ri­ences more waves of explod­ing tech­nol­o­gy. We’re get­ting warn­ings to expect more of this. And yet, as Leon Panet­ta warns, if this con­tin­ues, we’re look­ing at the ‘bat­tle­field of the future’. It real­ly is a new form of war­fare. The kind of war­fare that could made glob­al sup­ply chain secu­ri­ty both a mil­i­tary and eco­nom­ic pri­or­i­ty in a way that’s nev­er exist­ed before. So enjoy all your non-explo­sive elec­tron­ic gad­gets while you still can. Sure, they’re prob­a­bly spy­ing on you. There’s plen­ty to be para­noid about with today’s con­sumer tech. But at least you can be con­fi­dent they can’t be turned into a per­son­al­ized IED. Some­thing you won’t nec­es­sar­i­ly be con­fi­dent of as con­sumer tech­nol­o­gy is increas­ing­ly a bat­tle­field. Explo­sive para­noia could be a big part of the future of con­sumer tech­nol­o­gy. Explo­sive para­noia and a lot less trust and trade.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | September 25, 2024, 5:21 pm
  14. There’s less month left to go. What else does he got? That’s the omi­nous ques­tion increas­ing­ly loom­ing over the final weeks of the 2024 US pres­i­den­tial race. It’s Octo­ber, after all. ‘Tis the sea­son for sur­pris­es.

    But it’s not a sur­prise from Don­ald Trump that observers are increas­ing­ly wor­ried about. Instead, it’s Israeli Prime Min­is­ter Ben­jamin Netanyahu who has emerged as the polit­i­cal fig­ure seem­ing­ly in con­trol of the events that will shape these remain­ing weeks. Will Israel’s aggres­sion against Lebanon and Iran result in a larg­er region­al war that draws in the US direct­ly into a new mas­sive con­flict?

    No one knows, but what is becom­ing increas­ing­ly clear is that it’s Ben­jamin Netanyahu who will be mak­ing the deci­sion to engage in these esca­la­tions, regard­less of what Pres­i­dent Joe Biden tells him. The course of events in a con­flict that requires a steady sup­ply of US muni­tions to con­tin­ue are being deter­mined seem­ing­ly uni­lat­er­al­ly by Netanyahu. And as the fol­low­ing opin­ion piece by Ed Luce in the Finan­cial Times describes, it’s the kind of sit­u­a­tion that has left many observers grasp­ing for an expla­na­tion. How is it that the US has allowed itself to be seem­ing­ly led into a major con­flict it does­n’t seem to want by Ben­jamin Netanyahu? Even more per­plex­ing is the fact that all of this increas­ing­ly threat­ens the elec­tion prospects of Kamala Har­ris and plays right into the hands of Don­ald Trump, Netanyahu’s strong­ly pre­ferred can­di­date. It’s not just awful for­eign pol­i­cy on the part of the US lead­ing to a grow­ing human­i­tar­i­an cat­a­stro­phe. It’s polit­i­cal masochism on the part of the Biden admin­is­tra­tion.

    What’s the expla­na­tion? Luce’s piece does­n’t pro­vide answers. Under­stand­ably. Biden’s remark­able pas­siv­i­ty in the face of Netanyahu’s bad faith actions is a gen­uine mys­tery. Sure, the US’s decades-old secu­ri­ty com­mit­ments with Israel aren’t new. It would have been shock­ing had the US not giv­en Israel a very wide lat­i­tude in deter­min­ing its Octo­ber 7 response. But the lev­el of seem­ing­ly indis­crim­i­nate vio­lence inflict­ed on civil­ians in Gaza has been new, along with the grow­ing far right rad­i­cal­iza­tion of Israeli soci­ety. Why has the US gov­ern­ment been oper­at­ing with an implic­it pol­i­cy of endors­ing an Israeli “esca­late-to-deesca­late” strat­e­gy that looks like it’s designed to esca­late the con­flict into a region­al war with Iran that would inevitably draw the US direct­ly into a new mas­sive war? Is a war with Iran qui­et­ly hoped for inside the US for­eign pol­i­cy estab­lish­ment?

    Those are just some of the grim ques­tions raised by this over­all sit­u­a­tion. But let’s not for­get one of oth­er weird points of lever­age that Ben­jamin Netanyahu has over the entire US for­eign pol­i­cy estab­lish­ment at this point: Netanyahu could sin­gle-hand­ed­ly blow up the ‘Rus­si­a­gate’ nar­ra­tive of 2016. After all, as we saw in March of 2023, evi­dence strong­ly points towards Netanyahu’s office as the source of the DNC hacks and sub­se­quent dis­sem­i­na­tion of those hacked mate­ri­als to Wik­ileaks. And we we’ve also seen since the pub­li­ca­tion of that sto­ry by James Bam­ford in The Nation, the sto­ry was effec­tive­ly ignored and remains col­lec­tive­ly for­got­ten. It’s like it nev­er hap­pened. The Rus­si­a­gate nar­ra­tive remains ful­ly intact in the eyes of the Amer­i­can pub­lic.

    In oth­er words, if some­one was to bring enor­mous atten­tion to that sto­ry, and per­haps even pro­vide fur­ther evi­dence and details, they real­ly could cre­ate an enor­mous embar­rass­ment for the US. The kind of embar­rass­ment that the US for­eign pol­i­cy estab­lish­ment real­ly does­n’t want to see. After all, the ‘Rus­si­a­gate’ nar­ra­tive has been an incred­i­ble boon in get­ting the US pub­lic on board with a pol­i­cy of ‘con­tain­ing’ Rus­sia. What would hap­pen to pub­lic sup­port for the war in Ukraine if it was dis­cov­ered that it was actu­al­ly Netanyahu who secret­ly teamed up with the 2016 Trump cam­paign to defeat Hillary Clin­ton and that this was known for years by US inves­ti­ga­tors?

    Also keep in mind that if Netanyahu did pub­licly reveal this mega-scan­dal, odds are such a rev­e­la­tion would be wild­ly dam­ag­ing for the Demo­c­rat in the race, but not nec­es­sar­i­ly harm Trump. After all, Trump has been insist­ing he did­n’t col­lude with Rus­sia the entire time. It could be spun as a form of vin­di­ca­tion. In oth­er words, Netanyahu has an polit­i­cal­ly poten­tial ‘Octo­ber Sur­prise’ in his pock­et thanks to the US estab­lish­ments years-long com­mit­ment to the ‘Rus­si­a­gate’ nar­ra­tive despite all the prob­lems with this sto­ry. The kind of sur­prise that real­ly could shift the US elec­tion but also under­mine Demo­c­ra­t­ic sup­port for con­tin­u­ing the war in Ukraine.

    Could that be part of the expla­na­tion for why it is the Biden admin­is­tra­tion seems utter­ly inca­pable of exert­ing any sort of influ­ence over Netanyahu despite the US’s enor­mous lever­age in these dis­cus­sions? After all, Israel could­n’t pos­si­bly engage in the kind of ‘esca­late-to-deesca­late’ strat­e­gy with­out con­fi­dence that the US sup­port will be there no mat­ter what hap­pens. The US real­ly could change this sit­u­a­tion. But it’s not hap­pen­ing, for rea­sons no one is able to explain:

    Finan­cial Times

    How Netanyahu is ‘run­ning rings’ around Biden

    The US pres­i­dent had hoped to dis­en­tan­gle from the Mid­dle East. But the tur­bu­lence in the region could influ­ence the elec­tion and define his lega­cy

    Edward Luce in Wash­ing­ton Octo­ber 4 2024

    After Bill Clinton’s first offi­cial meet­ing with Ben­jamin Netanyahu in 1996, he turned to an aide and said: “Who is the fu cking super­pow­er here?”

    Four US pres­i­dents lat­er, nobody would think of pos­ing that ques­tion about Israel’s pugilis­tic prime min­is­ter. Netanyahu long ago estab­lished what mil­i­tary ana­lysts call “esca­la­tion dom­i­nance” over who­ev­er sits in the Oval Office — none more so than Joe Biden.

    *****

    No pres­i­dent more than Biden has want­ed to dis­en­tan­gle from the Mid­dle East. Yet none, in the wake of Israel’s lat­est ground incur­sion into Lebanon and the spec­tre of a full-blown war with Iran, is like­li­er to be defined by the region than him.

    “Netanyahu knows how to play the Wash­ing­ton game bet­ter than most US politi­cians,” says Alon Pinkas, a for­mer Israeli diplo­mat, now colum­nist for the Haaretz news­pa­per. “And he has been run­ning rings around Biden.”

    Even by Netanyahu’s stan­dards, how­ev­er, the cur­rent sit­u­a­tion has a House of Cards qual­i­ty to it. With just a month to go before the US pres­i­den­tial elec­tion, what hap­pens in the Mid­dle East could change the out­come on Novem­ber 5.

    On Tues­day Iran fired 180 bal­lis­tic mis­siles at Israel in retal­i­a­tion for the Israel Defense Forces’ killing of Has­san Nas­ral­lah, head of Lebanese mil­i­tant group Hizbol­lah, Iran’s largest proxy ally in the region.

    *****

    Though no Israeli was killed, a num­ber of Iran­ian rock­ets made it through Israel’s famed Iron Dome mis­sile defence sys­tem. One land­ed close to an F‑35 air base in the Negev desert; anoth­er nar­row­ly missed the head­quar­ters of the Israeli spy agency Mossad in Tel Aviv.

    In con­trast to Israel’s last exchange of salvos with Iran in April, this time Biden offi­cials did not pub­licly urge restraint on Netanyahu. This is in spite of the fact that an esca­la­tion between Iran and Israel could lead to spi­ralling oil prices, which would instant­ly depress US con­sumer sen­ti­ment just as vot­ers are going to the polls.

    On Thurs­day, Biden admit­ted he was in dis­cus­sion with Netanyahu about an Israeli strike on Iran’s oil­fields. Iran has in the past sig­nalled that it would retal­i­ate to any such strike with attacks on oil infra­struc­ture in the Unit­ed Arab Emi­rates and Sau­di Ara­bia. The Brent price of oil has already risen from $70 a bar­rel on Mon­day to $78 by Fri­day. A new round of strikes could send it hurtling towards $100.

    ...

    *****

    Yet it is Netanyahu, not Biden, who will decide what hap­pens next. Recent his­to­ry shows that Israel’s prime min­is­ter is unlike­ly to pay heed to what­ev­er restraint Biden is urg­ing on him in pri­vate.

    “Netanyahu is rid­ing high,” says Mar­wan al-Muash­er, Jordan’s for­mer for­eign min­is­ter, now at the Carnegie Endow­ment for Inter­na­tion­al Peace. “He won’t want to do any­thing to help Harris’s elec­tion prospects.”

    *****

    ...

    In the wake of that mas­sacre, Netanyahu’s polit­i­cal prospects were all but writ­ten off. Israeli intelligence’s fail­ure to pick up the warn­ing signs of a planned Hamas oper­a­tion and Netanyahu’s diver­sion of IDF forces from Gaza to the West Bank amount­ed to Israel’s biggest strate­gic blun­der since Egypt’s Yom Kip­pur attack on Israel in 1973.

    Yet some­how Netanyahu — the Hou­di­ni of Israeli pol­i­tics — has man­aged to sur­vive and even pros­per. The lat­est Israeli polls show that his Likud par­ty would be the largest if a snap elec­tion were held now. A large major­i­ty of Israelis are opposed to a two-state solu­tion with Pales­tini­ans, which Biden has insist­ed must be Israel’s end goal. Netanyahu has con­sis­tent­ly refused to spec­i­fy the “day after” polit­i­cal set­tle­ment for the Gaza war that Biden has been urg­ing on him.

    ...

    Biden is not the only US fig­ure that Netanyahu has out­wit­ted. In March, Chuck Schumer, the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Sen­ate major­i­ty leader, and the most senior elect­ed Jew­ish-Amer­i­can in US his­to­ry, called for fresh Israeli elec­tions and new lead­er­ship. “Prime Min­is­ter Netanyahu has lost his way by allow­ing his polit­i­cal sur­vival to take prece­dence over the best inter­ests of Israel,” Schumer said in a speech on the Sen­ate floor.

    Two weeks lat­er, Israel widened the war by strik­ing an Iran­ian diplo­mat­ic com­plex in Dam­as­cus, killing 16 peo­ple includ­ing sev­er­al senior com­man­ders of the Islam­ic Rev­o­lu­tion­ary Guard Corps. That led to the first round of direct salvos between Iran and Israel. It also marked the start of Netanyahu’s polit­i­cal revival. In July, Netanyahu gave an address to the joint hous­es of Con­gress in Wash­ing­ton. He received 52 stand­ing ova­tions. Schumer was among those applaud­ing.

    But noth­ing has done more to boost Netanyahu’s lat­est res­ur­rec­tion than his piv­ot from Gaza to Lebanon over the past month. Mossad’s suc­cess in det­o­nat­ing thou­sands of Hizbol­lah hand­held pagers and walkie-talkies changed the nar­ra­tive.

    ...

    Yet again, Netanyahu also wrong­foot­ed the Biden admin­is­tra­tion. On count­less occa­sions over the past year, Netanyahu has appeared to agree to one thing with Wash­ing­ton and done the oppo­site in prac­tice. Whether it is wran­glings over the terms of a Gaza cease­fire and hostage release, or the more recent attempt at a 21-day cease­fire with Hizbol­lah, each time Biden is left look­ing impo­tent. “The Biden admin­is­tra­tion seems to be say­ing, ‘We’re suf­fer­ing from a bit of autumn damp,’ ” says Pinkas. “No, this isn’t sea­son­al damp, it’s Netanyahu uri­nat­ing all over you.”

    What hap­pens in the com­ing days could be fate­ful for the future of both the Mid­dle East and US pol­i­tics. At some point Israel will strike back at Iran. The ques­tion is whether the Israeli retal­i­a­tion will qual­i­fy as an “esca­late to de-esca­late” move — as Israel char­ac­terised its assault on Hizbol­lah — or if it will be a full-blown esca­la­tion that could trig­ger a spi­ralling con­flict with Iran.

    The chances of an Israeli attempt to top­ple the Iran­ian regime can­not be ful­ly dis­count­ed. Netanyahu ear­li­er this week sent a mes­sage to what he called the “Per­sian” peo­ple in which he said: “When Iran is final­ly free and — that moment will come a lot soon­er than peo­ple think — every­thing will be dif­fer­ent. Our two ancient peo­ples, the Jew­ish peo­ple and the Per­sian peo­ple, will final­ly be at peace.”

    Last week­end, Jared Kush­n­er, Trump’s son-in-law and his for­mer point per­son on the Mid­dle East, urged the US to back an Israeli attempt at regime change in Iran. “Iran is now ful­ly exposed,” Kush­n­er wrote on social media. “Fail­ing to take full advan­tage of this oppor­tu­ni­ty to neu­tral­ize the threat is irre­spon­si­ble.”

    But even a more mod­est Israeli action would entail risks. Jef­frey Felt­man, a for­mer region­al envoy for Biden, and who led the US State Department’s Bureau of Near East­ern Affairs in Barack Obama’s admin­is­tra­tion, says that every­thing points to fur­ther Netanyahu sur­pris­es in the com­ing weeks. “All the indi­ca­tors are align­ing — Israel’s tac­ti­cal and strate­gic objec­tives, Israeli pub­lic opin­ion and Netanyahu’s polit­i­cal sur­vival,” says Felt­man.

    ...

    Strate­gi­cal­ly, Israel’s oper­a­tions are rebal­anc­ing forces in the wider region by dec­i­mat­ing Hizbollah’s lead­er­ship and putting Iran on the back foot. This new phase in the post-Octo­ber 7 war is wild­ly pop­u­lar with Israeli pub­lic opin­ion. Final­ly, the direc­tion of events is sav­ing Netanyahu’s polit­i­cal skin. While he remains prime min­is­ter, Netanyahu can avoid a series of crim­i­nal charges that are in abeyance. “This is Netanyahu’s get-out-of-jail-free card,” says Felt­man.

    *****

    Among Democ­rats in Wash­ing­ton, there is ris­ing anguish about Biden’s fail­ure to rein in Netanyahu and what this could mean for Harris’s prospects in a tight elec­tion.

    He came to office promis­ing to dis­en­tan­gle Amer­i­ca from quag­mires in Afghanistan and the Mid­dle East. Like Oba­ma, whose sec­ond term end­ed up being con­sumed by the war against Isis, he had hoped that his admin­is­tra­tion would be defined by the piv­ot to the Chi­na chal­lenge in the Indo-Pacif­ic. Biden now risks leav­ing office with the Mid­dle East on fire and US forces beefed up in the region with 40,000 US troops sta­tioned there, as well as two air­craft car­ri­ers. The Mid­dle East could also jeop­ar­dise his entire lega­cy by open­ing the door to a return of Trump. Yet it is hard to find any­one who believes that Biden will change his act now.

    “Nobody can sat­is­fac­to­ri­ly explain to me why Biden has been so pas­sive,” says al-Muash­er.

    In addi­tion to help­ing Israel elim­i­nate Hamas, Biden had two aims after Octo­ber 7. The first was to ensure a day-after plan for the gov­er­nance of Gaza that would pave the way for a two-state solu­tion. The sec­ond was to stop a widen­ing of the war to the region.

    The first is all but dead. It is not just Israeli pub­lic opin­ion but the Pales­tini­ans as well who have lost faith in the idea of an inde­pen­dent state along­side Israel. The sec­ond goal is on the brink of fail­ure, too. And if the tur­bu­lence of the last month extends until the elec­tion, the chances that Biden’s pres­i­den­cy ends in fail­ure will also rise.

    ———–

    “How Netanyahu is ‘run­ning rings’ around Biden” by Edward Luce; Finan­cial Times; 10/04/2024

    “But even a more mod­est Israeli action would entail risks. Jef­frey Felt­man, a for­mer region­al envoy for Biden, and who led the US State Department’s Bureau of Near East­ern Affairs in Barack Obama’s admin­is­tra­tion, says that every­thing points to fur­ther Netanyahu sur­pris­es in the com­ing weeks. “All the indi­ca­tors are align­ing — Israel’s tac­ti­cal and strate­gic objec­tives, Israeli pub­lic opin­ion and Netanyahu’s polit­i­cal sur­vival,” says Felt­man.”

    Signs point towards Netanyahu unleash­ing ‘fur­ther sur­pris­es’ in com­ing weeks. The kind of sur­pris­es that are only going to “esca­late-to-deesca­late” the stakes and, in turn, deep­en the polit­i­cal price Kamala Har­ris pays at the polls over grow­ing vot­er angst over a war that looks increas­ing­ly like­ly to drag the US direct­ly into a region­al con­flict. At the same time, fig­ures like Jared Kush­n­er are open­ly sali­vat­ing for a full blown regime change con­flict led by the US against Iran. And yet, despite the cat­a­stroph­ic tra­jec­to­ry that has result­ed from allow­ing Netanyahu to deter­mine the inten­si­ty of the con­flict with no real US push­back, all expec­ta­tions are that Biden will con­tin­ue to offer Netanyahu an implic­it blank check to con­tin­ue esca­lat­ing. Nobody seems to be able to explain it:

    ...
    In con­trast to Israel’s last exchange of salvos with Iran in April, this time Biden offi­cials did not pub­licly urge restraint on Netanyahu. This is in spite of the fact that an esca­la­tion between Iran and Israel could lead to spi­ralling oil prices, which would instant­ly depress US con­sumer sen­ti­ment just as vot­ers are going to the polls.

    On Thurs­day, Biden admit­ted he was in dis­cus­sion with Netanyahu about an Israeli strike on Iran’s oil­fields. Iran has in the past sig­nalled that it would retal­i­ate to any such strike with attacks on oil infra­struc­ture in the Unit­ed Arab Emi­rates and Sau­di Ara­bia. The Brent price of oil has already risen from $70 a bar­rel on Mon­day to $78 by Fri­day. A new round of strikes could send it hurtling towards $100.

    ...

    But noth­ing has done more to boost Netanyahu’s lat­est res­ur­rec­tion than his piv­ot from Gaza to Lebanon over the past month. Mossad’s suc­cess in det­o­nat­ing thou­sands of Hizbol­lah hand­held pagers and walkie-talkies changed the nar­ra­tive.

    ...

    Yet again, Netanyahu also wrong­foot­ed the Biden admin­is­tra­tion. On count­less occa­sions over the past year, Netanyahu has appeared to agree to one thing with Wash­ing­ton and done the oppo­site in prac­tice. Whether it is wran­glings over the terms of a Gaza cease­fire and hostage release, or the more recent attempt at a 21-day cease­fire with Hizbol­lah, each time Biden is left look­ing impo­tent. “The Biden admin­is­tra­tion seems to be say­ing, ‘We’re suf­fer­ing from a bit of autumn damp,’ ” says Pinkas. “No, this isn’t sea­son­al damp, it’s Netanyahu uri­nat­ing all over you.”

    What hap­pens in the com­ing days could be fate­ful for the future of both the Mid­dle East and US pol­i­tics. At some point Israel will strike back at Iran. The ques­tion is whether the Israeli retal­i­a­tion will qual­i­fy as an “esca­late to de-esca­late” move — as Israel char­ac­terised its assault on Hizbol­lah — or if it will be a full-blown esca­la­tion that could trig­ger a spi­ralling con­flict with Iran.

    The chances of an Israeli attempt to top­ple the Iran­ian regime can­not be ful­ly dis­count­ed. Netanyahu ear­li­er this week sent a mes­sage to what he called the “Per­sian” peo­ple in which he said: “When Iran is final­ly free and — that moment will come a lot soon­er than peo­ple think — every­thing will be dif­fer­ent. Our two ancient peo­ples, the Jew­ish peo­ple and the Per­sian peo­ple, will final­ly be at peace.”

    Last week­end, Jared Kush­n­er, Trump’s son-in-law and his for­mer point per­son on the Mid­dle East, urged the US to back an Israeli attempt at regime change in Iran. “Iran is now ful­ly exposed,” Kush­n­er wrote on social media. “Fail­ing to take full advan­tage of this oppor­tu­ni­ty to neu­tral­ize the threat is irre­spon­si­ble.”

    ...

    Among Democ­rats in Wash­ing­ton, there is ris­ing anguish about Biden’s fail­ure to rein in Netanyahu and what this could mean for Harris’s prospects in a tight elec­tion.

    He came to office promis­ing to dis­en­tan­gle Amer­i­ca from quag­mires in Afghanistan and the Mid­dle East. Like Oba­ma, whose sec­ond term end­ed up being con­sumed by the war against Isis, he had hoped that his admin­is­tra­tion would be defined by the piv­ot to the Chi­na chal­lenge in the Indo-Pacif­ic. Biden now risks leav­ing office with the Mid­dle East on fire and US forces beefed up in the region with 40,000 US troops sta­tioned there, as well as two air­craft car­ri­ers. The Mid­dle East could also jeop­ar­dise his entire lega­cy by open­ing the door to a return of Trump. Yet it is hard to find any­one who believes that Biden will change his act now.

    “Nobody can sat­is­fac­to­ri­ly explain to me why Biden has been so pas­sive,” says al-Muash­er.
    ...

    And that com­plete lack of fea­si­ble expla­na­tions, again, rais­es the ques­tion: is Netanyahu’s abil­i­ty to sin­gle-hand­ed­ly destroy the ‘Rus­si­a­gate’ nar­ra­tive play­ing a role here? We don’t know. But the fact remains that Netanyahu real­ly does appear to have enor­mous lever­age over the US for­eign pol­i­cy estab­lish­ment thanks to the real­i­ty that he could blow up that nar­ra­tive at will. Few things have more pow­er, polit­i­cal­ly speak­ing, than the pow­er of an endur­ing nar­ra­tive. The pow­er to blow one of those endur­ing nar­ra­tives is, how­ev­er, one of those few things.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | October 9, 2024, 4:23 pm
  15. The hor­ror sto­ries com­ing out of Gaza con­tin­ue to build. One report after anoth­er about doc­tors and aid work­ers wit­ness­ing more civil­ian car­nage than they have ever seen before. It’s no longer a mat­ter of if war crimes are being com­mit­ted. The evi­dence is becom­ing over­whelm­ing. The big, dark ques­tion at this point is why this avalanche of hor­ror sto­ries from a grow­ing array of inter­na­tion­al observers has received so lit­tle atten­tion and seem­ing­ly had no impact on how the war is being con­duct­ed?

    Except, as we’re going to see, it does appear the sto­ries com­ing out of Gaza are indeed result­ing in a shift in how Israel is con­duct­ing the war. Not a good shift. Instead, health care work­ers are increas­ing­ly oper­at­ing with a sense that they are mil­i­tary tar­gets. Even health­care work­ers oper­at­ing in the so-called ‘green zones’ report being tar­get­ed by the Israeli mil­i­tary. Health­care work­ers and inter­na­tion­al aid work­ers who are often the only peo­ple in a posi­tion to inde­pen­dent­ly report the civil­ian car­nage to the world. In oth­er words, we appear to be look­ing at a de fac­to media black­out on the report­ing of many of the worst civil­ian casu­al­ties as a con­se­quence of an appar­ent cam­paign of the sys­temic tar­get­ing of aid and health­care work­ers oper­at­ing in Gaza.

    Which brings us to a grim update on this sit­u­a­tion: Accord­ing to the World Health Orga­ni­za­tion (WHO), Israel has sud­den­ly blocked six inter­na­tion­al med­ical NGOs from Gaza. No rea­son has been giv­en. So when try­ing to answer the ques­tion raised in the fol­low­ing piece — the ques­tion of why the chill­ing tes­ti­monies from doc­tors in Gaza are being ignored by so much of the world — keep in mind that the world won’t have to ignore the reports of med­ical vol­un­teers who have been suc­cess­ful­ly intim­i­date into stay­ing out of Gaza entire­ly thanks to their sys­temic tar­get­ing because those reports will nev­er hap­pen in the first place:

    The Guardian

    Why are chill­ing tes­ti­monies from doc­tors who have vis­it­ed Gaza being ignored?

    Peo­ple claim the for­eign doc­tors com­ing back from Gaza are lying. I wish that were the case, because the truth is beyond hor­rif­ic

    Arwa Mah­dawi
    Thu 17 Oct 2024 05.08 EDT

    First come the bombs. A boom, then 2,000lb worth of destruc­tive force flat­ten­ing every­thing in its way. Sev­er­ing limbs, vapor­iz­ing bod­ies, leav­ing craters full of blood and rub­ble where chil­dren used to play.

    Then come the drones. As the dust set­tles, the drones start to swarm, pick­ing off any sur­vivors. Armed quad­copters; inge­nious­ly engi­neered killing machines hunt­ing for human prey. The drones, many of which seem to be autonomous, shoot every­thing that moves. Even if it’s a help­less child, the drone will some­times shoot: fir­ing lethal bul­lets into a soft skull. A scene straight out of a dystopi­an sci-fi movie set on some des­o­late dust-cov­ered plan­et. Except it’s not sci-fi; it’s real­i­ty. It’s hap­pen­ing right now in Gaza.

    Bombs then drones. Bombs then drones. This was the pat­tern described time and time again by patients to Dr Nizam Mamode, a retired British sur­geon who recent­ly came back from work­ing at the rav­aged Nass­er hos­pi­tal in Gaza. Mamode, who went to Gaza with Med­ical Aid for Pales­tini­ans (MAP), has worked in many war zones through­out his career. He’s been in Lebanon, Rwan­da dur­ing the geno­cide, Sudan, Nicaragua. But, dur­ing a recent phone call, he told me what numer­ous oth­er doc­tors have told numer­ous oth­er media out­lets: he’s nev­er seen any­thing like Gaza.

    The scale of civil­ian injuries, Mamode told me, was unprece­dent­ed. “Pret­ty much every day we’d have one or two mass casu­al­ty inci­dents and there would be 10–20 dead, 20–40 seri­ous­ly injured … the major­i­ty of those were women and chil­dren, per­haps 60 to 70%.” These were main­ly peo­ple, I want to stress, who were in areas that Israel had deemed safe. “The so-called human­i­tar­i­an zone – I can’t even bring myself to call it the safe zone,” Mamode says. “So that green zone, you’ve got about a mil­lion, mil­lion and a half peo­ple crammed into that area. Many of them are in so-called tents. The tents are often just bits of plas­tic stuck on poles.”

    What Dr Mamode is say­ing is not new; there have been a lot of har­row­ing accounts from doc­tors who have come back from Gaza. In April, for exam­ple, the Guardian pub­lished a report based on tes­ti­mo­ny from nine doc­tors, all but one of them for­eign vol­un­teers, along with eye­wit­ness accounts which “appear to back up claims that Israeli sol­diers have fired on civil­ians”.

    Still, while there are plen­ty of these accounts out there, I called Mamode because some of the quotes I have read – sto­ries of kids “shot per­fect­ly in the tem­ple” – are so dis­turb­ing that I just need­ed to hear them first-hand. I need­ed to ensure there wasn’t some mys­te­ri­ous nuance I was miss­ing.

    I also need­ed to under­stand why these sto­ries don’t seem to be mak­ing any dif­fer­ence. What these doc­tors are say­ing should stop every nor­mal human being in their tracks. They should keep you up at night; make you want to drop every­thing you are doing in order to stop the mass exter­mi­na­tion that is unfold­ing in Gaza. And yet, tes­ti­mo­ny from scores of inter­na­tion­al doc­tors, some of which has been addressed direct­ly to the Biden admin­is­tra­tion, seems to fall on deaf ears. The uncon­di­tion­al aid to Israel keeps flow­ing. Excus­es for Israel’s geno­ci­dal vio­lence keep com­ing. It’s self-defence, we are told. Israel has a right to self-defence.

    Tell me: is this self-defence? One day, Mamode had to oper­ate on a sev­en-year-old boy who was able to give a descrip­tion of what hap­pened to him. “He was knocked over by the blast from a bomb and was lying on the floor, heard this noise, looked up, there was a drone, and the drone fired at him. It caused severe injury to his chest and abdomen, his liv­er and spleen were dam­aged, his bow­el was dam­aged and part of his stom­ach was hang­ing out of his chest. We heard descrip­tions like this over and over again. So it’s not just one mav­er­ick drone oper­a­tor who may have gone a bit crazy. This was per­sis­tent.”

    Bombs and drones aren’t the only killing machines in Gaza. There’s also dis­ease and star­va­tion: both caused by the cramped and unsan­i­tary con­di­tions along with Israel block­ing med­ical sup­plies and food from enter­ing the strip.

    ...

    Has Mamode ever seen any­thing like this, I ask again? He has worked in mul­ti­ple con­flict areas. Has he ever seen these kinds of restric­tions?

    “Nev­er,” he says. “I have nev­er seen med­ical sup­plies being restrict­ed in this way. I’ve nev­er seen peo­ple not being allowed to leave so that they’re crammed into this tiny space and they can’t get out. I’ve nev­er seen per­sis­tent tar­get­ing of civil­ians, and I’ve nev­er seen such per­sis­tent, delib­er­ate tar­get­ing of aid work­ers, includ­ing health­care work­ers.”

    I want to be very clear here: aid work­ers do not oper­ate hap­haz­ard­ly in Gaza – or any­where else for that mat­ter. They agree on their routes with the IDF. The leader of aid con­voys is in close radio con­tact with the IDF. They get clear­ance to pro­ceed. They share maps. They get the IDF to agree that they will not bomb cer­tain safe hous­es. They take every pos­si­ble pre­cau­tion.

    And yet, they still get shot at. While Mamode was in Gaza one of the ambu­lances from his hos­pi­tal went to the site of a bomb­ing and received four shots in the wind­screen. “The fact that that con­voy was shot at by the IDF is sim­ply, in my view, to say to aid work­ers: ‘Think twice about com­ing here,’” he tells me. “I’ve nev­er seen that. Cer­tain­ly aid work­ers and health­care staff in oth­er con­flicts some­times get injured and or killed inad­ver­tent­ly. But I think in this con­flict, they’ve been delib­er­ate­ly tar­get­ed. And that’s shock­ing.”

    There is this famous quote attrib­uted to the jour­nal­ism pro­fes­sor Jonathan Fos­ter that reg­u­lar­ly does the rounds on social media: “If some­one says it’s rain­ing, and anoth­er per­son says it’s dry, it’s not your job to quote them both. Your job is to look out the fuc king win­dow and find out which is true.”

    The prob­lem with Gaza is that it is not easy to look out of the win­dow because it has been bar­ri­cad­ed shut. For­eign jour­nal­ists are not allowed in Gaza unless they are on IDF pro­pa­gan­da trips. Mean­while Israel has been killing Pales­tini­ans report­ing on the ground.

    “The Israeli army’s elim­i­na­tion of jour­nal­ists in Gaza – over 130 killed in less than a year – threat­ens to cre­ate a com­plete media black­out in the block­ad­ed enclave,” Thibaut Brut­tin the direc­tor gen­er­al of Reporters With­out Bor­ders has said. “These attacks tar­get not only the Pales­tin­ian press, but the inter­na­tion­al public’s right to infor­ma­tion that is reli­able, free, inde­pen­dent, and plu­ral­ist from one of the most close­ly watched con­flict zones on the plan­et.”

    ...

    I spoke to Mamode for 40 min­utes and this col­umn only real­ly scratch­es the sur­face of what he told me. I had night­mares for days after talk­ing to him. And I’m sure he has night­mares too. It is easy for me to quote him, but it is hard­er for me to con­vey just how trau­ma­tized he sound­ed when we spoke.

    Still, I know there will be peo­ple read­ing this who will argue that this is all an elab­o­rate lie; who will sim­ply refuse to believe their tax­pay­er mon­ey is fund­ing this car­nage. The New York Times recent­ly received a mas­sive back­lash for pub­lish­ing an opin­ion essay which, in the Times’s words: “Gath­ered first-hand tes­ti­monies from 65 US-based health pro­fes­sion­als who worked in Gaza over the past year, who shared more than 160 pho­tographs and videos with Times Opin­ion to cor­rob­o­rate their detailed accounts of treat­ing pre­teen chil­dren who were shot in the head or chest.”

    Even with all this evi­dence the Times got com­plaints from peo­ple say­ing that all the for­eign doc­tors com­ing back from Gaza, report­ing the same things, are lying. And those same peo­ple and pres­sure groups will sim­i­lar­ly write to my edi­tor call­ing me a liar. They will accuse me of want­i­ng to make the extrem­ist Israeli gov­ern­ment, full of far-right politi­cians who sali­vate about geno­cide, look bad. They will say Hamas is respon­si­ble for all this. The IDF, they will say, is just act­ing in self-defence.

    ...

    ———–

    “Why are chill­ing tes­ti­monies from doc­tors who have vis­it­ed Gaza being ignored?” by Arwa Mah­dawi; The Guardian; 10/17/2024

    “The scale of civil­ian injuries, Mamode told me, was unprece­dent­ed. “Pret­ty much every day we’d have one or two mass casu­al­ty inci­dents and there would be 10–20 dead, 20–40 seri­ous­ly injured … the major­i­ty of those were women and chil­dren, per­haps 60 to 70%.” These were main­ly peo­ple, I want to stress, who were in areas that Israel had deemed safe. “The so-called human­i­tar­i­an zone – I can’t even bring myself to call it the safe zone,” Mamode says. “So that green zone, you’ve got about a mil­lion, mil­lion and a half peo­ple crammed into that area. Many of them are in so-called tents. The tents are often just bits of plas­tic stuck on poles.”

    It’s been over a year of increas­ing­ly unprece­dent­ed actions by the Israeli mil­i­tary. Includ­ing unprece­dent­ed attacks on civil­ians in the “so-called human­i­tar­i­an zone”. No one there has expe­ri­enced any­thing like this. And that includes doc­tors who have served is war zones and crises around the world:

    ...
    Bombs then drones. Bombs then drones. This was the pat­tern described time and time again by patients to Dr Nizam Mamode, a retired British sur­geon who recent­ly came back from work­ing at the rav­aged Nass­er hos­pi­tal in Gaza. Mamode, who went to Gaza with Med­ical Aid for Pales­tini­ans (MAP), has worked in many war zones through­out his career. He’s been in Lebanon, Rwan­da dur­ing the geno­cide, Sudan, Nicaragua. But, dur­ing a recent phone call, he told me what numer­ous oth­er doc­tors have told numer­ous oth­er media out­lets: he’s nev­er seen any­thing like Gaza.

    ...

    What Dr Mamode is say­ing is not new; there have been a lot of har­row­ing accounts from doc­tors who have come back from Gaza. In April, for exam­ple, the Guardian pub­lished a report based on tes­ti­mo­ny from nine doc­tors, all but one of them for­eign vol­un­teers, along with eye­wit­ness accounts which “appear to back up claims that Israeli sol­diers have fired on civil­ians”.

    Still, while there are plen­ty of these accounts out there, I called Mamode because some of the quotes I have read – sto­ries of kids “shot per­fect­ly in the tem­ple” – are so dis­turb­ing that I just need­ed to hear them first-hand. I need­ed to ensure there wasn’t some mys­te­ri­ous nuance I was miss­ing.

    ...

    Has Mamode ever seen any­thing like this, I ask again? He has worked in mul­ti­ple con­flict areas. Has he ever seen these kinds of restric­tions?

    “Nev­er,” he says. “I have nev­er seen med­ical sup­plies being restrict­ed in this way. I’ve nev­er seen peo­ple not being allowed to leave so that they’re crammed into this tiny space and they can’t get out. I’ve nev­er seen per­sis­tent tar­get­ing of civil­ians, and I’ve nev­er seen such per­sis­tent, delib­er­ate tar­get­ing of aid work­ers, includ­ing health­care work­ers.”

    I want to be very clear here: aid work­ers do not oper­ate hap­haz­ard­ly in Gaza – or any­where else for that mat­ter. They agree on their routes with the IDF. The leader of aid con­voys is in close radio con­tact with the IDF. They get clear­ance to pro­ceed. They share maps. They get the IDF to agree that they will not bomb cer­tain safe hous­es. They take every pos­si­ble pre­cau­tion.

    And yet, they still get shot at. While Mamode was in Gaza one of the ambu­lances from his hos­pi­tal went to the site of a bomb­ing and received four shots in the wind­screen. “The fact that that con­voy was shot at by the IDF is sim­ply, in my view, to say to aid work­ers: ‘Think twice about com­ing here,’” he tells me. “I’ve nev­er seen that. Cer­tain­ly aid work­ers and health­care staff in oth­er con­flicts some­times get injured and or killed inad­ver­tent­ly. But I think in this con­flict, they’ve been delib­er­ate­ly tar­get­ed. And that’s shock­ing.”
    ...

    But as hor­rif­ic as the sto­ries are that are get­ting report­ed, that’s com­pound­ed by the real­i­ty that the appar­ent tar­get­ing of aid work­ers and health­care staff means that many of these war crimes are nev­er record­ed or pub­licly report­ed at all. It’s a de fac­to media black­out of the mass tar­get­ing of civil­ians, unof­fi­cial­ly imposed through the appar­ent sys­tem­at­ic tar­get­ing of jour­nal­ists. Crimes against jour­nal­ists to hide far greater crimes. It’s not a pret­ty pic­ture, and we’re only get­ting a glimpse of it:

    ...
    I also need­ed to under­stand why these sto­ries don’t seem to be mak­ing any dif­fer­ence. What these doc­tors are say­ing should stop every nor­mal human being in their tracks. They should keep you up at night; make you want to drop every­thing you are doing in order to stop the mass exter­mi­na­tion that is unfold­ing in Gaza. And yet, tes­ti­mo­ny from scores of inter­na­tion­al doc­tors, some of which has been addressed direct­ly to the Biden admin­is­tra­tion, seems to fall on deaf ears. The uncon­di­tion­al aid to Israel keeps flow­ing. Excus­es for Israel’s geno­ci­dal vio­lence keep com­ing. It’s self-defence, we are told. Israel has a right to self-defence.

    ...

    There is this famous quote attrib­uted to the jour­nal­ism pro­fes­sor Jonathan Fos­ter that reg­u­lar­ly does the rounds on social media: “If some­one says it’s rain­ing, and anoth­er per­son says it’s dry, it’s not your job to quote them both. Your job is to look out the fuc king win­dow and find out which is true.”

    The prob­lem with Gaza is that it is not easy to look out of the win­dow because it has been bar­ri­cad­ed shut. For­eign jour­nal­ists are not allowed in Gaza unless they are on IDF pro­pa­gan­da trips. Mean­while Israel has been killing Pales­tini­ans report­ing on the ground.

    “The Israeli army’s elim­i­na­tion of jour­nal­ists in Gaza – over 130 killed in less than a year – threat­ens to cre­ate a com­plete media black­out in the block­ad­ed enclave,” Thibaut Brut­tin the direc­tor gen­er­al of Reporters With­out Bor­ders has said. “These attacks tar­get not only the Pales­tin­ian press, but the inter­na­tion­al public’s right to infor­ma­tion that is reli­able, free, inde­pen­dent, and plu­ral­ist from one of the most close­ly watched con­flict zones on the plan­et.”
    ...

    And despite all the evi­dence of war crimes, anoth­er part of this night­mare is that many of the reports that do make it out to the pub­lic at large are going to dis­missed as lies and fab­ri­ca­tions. It’s already hap­pen­ing:

    ...
    Still, I know there will be peo­ple read­ing this who will argue that this is all an elab­o­rate lie; who will sim­ply refuse to believe their tax­pay­er mon­ey is fund­ing this car­nage. The New York Times recent­ly received a mas­sive back­lash for pub­lish­ing an opin­ion essay which, in the Times’s words: “Gath­ered first-hand tes­ti­monies from 65 US-based health pro­fes­sion­als who worked in Gaza over the past year, who shared more than 160 pho­tographs and videos with Times Opin­ion to cor­rob­o­rate their detailed accounts of treat­ing pre­teen chil­dren who were shot in the head or chest.”

    Even with all this evi­dence the Times got com­plaints from peo­ple say­ing that all the for­eign doc­tors com­ing back from Gaza, report­ing the same things, are lying. And those same peo­ple and pres­sure groups will sim­i­lar­ly write to my edi­tor call­ing me a liar. They will accuse me of want­i­ng to make the extrem­ist Israeli gov­ern­ment, full of far-right politi­cians who sali­vate about geno­cide, look bad. They will say Hamas is respon­si­ble for all this. The IDF, they will say, is just act­ing in self-defence.
    ...

    It’s grim pic­ture: part of the rea­son so many sto­ries about the tar­get­ing of chil­dren is just gross denial. But that’s on top of the lethal intim­i­da­tion being inflict­ing upon health care and aid work­ers which is effec­tive­ly serv­ing as ‘if you report on this you’ll die’ form of cen­sor­ship. Which brings us to the fol­low­ing Wash­ing­ton Post report about how the WHO com­plaints over the sud­den bar­ring of six med­ical NGOs with no expla­na­tion pro­vid­ed:

    The Wash­ing­ton Post

    Israel bars six med­ical NGOs from entry to Gaza, WHO says

    The World Health Orga­ni­za­tion said Israel pro­vid­ed no expla­na­tion for bar­ring its part­ner orga­ni­za­tions from the Strip, where the health-care sys­tem has col­lapsed.

    By Niha Masih and Cate Brown
    Updat­ed Octo­ber 18, 2024 at 9:22 a.m. EDT|Published Octo­ber 18, 2024 at 5:08 a.m. EDT

    Israel has barred six med­ical NGOs with oper­a­tions in Gaza from enter­ing the besieged enclave, where the health-care sys­tem has col­lapsed, the World Health Orga­ni­za­tion said Thurs­day. The WHO said there was no expla­na­tion pro­vid­ed for the denials of access, which were com­mu­ni­cat­ed by Israeli author­i­ties in the past two weeks.

    Two of those med­ical NGOs, Glia and the Pales­tin­ian Amer­i­can Med­ical Asso­ci­a­tion (PAMA), con­firmed to The Wash­ing­ton Post that they were noti­fied by the WHO this week about the bans. Both groups have worked in Gaza for years pre­ced­ing the war.

    “WHO is con­cerned about the impact of these denials on Gaza’s strained health­care sys­tem,” the orga­ni­za­tion said Thurs­day in a state­ment. It added that inter­na­tion­al emer­gency med­ical teams (EMTs) deployed to Gaza are essen­tial to keep­ing the sys­tem oper­a­tional, as only 17 of the enclave’s 36 hos­pi­tals remain func­tion­al and “health­care needs far exceed the system’s capac­i­ty.”

    ...

    COGAT, the Israeli mil­i­tary agency respon­si­ble for coor­di­nat­ing relief in Gaza, said Fri­day in response to a request for com­ment that Israel “does not lim­it the num­ber of human­i­tar­i­an teams that can enter Gaza on behalf of the inter­na­tion­al com­mu­ni­ty, sub­ject to tech­ni­cal arrange­ments required for secu­ri­ty rea­sons.”

    In recent months, it said, Israel has facil­i­tat­ed the entry of more than 1,000 doc­tors and human­i­tar­i­an teams.

    The Biden admin­is­tra­tion recent­ly warned that it could sus­pend mil­i­tary assis­tance to Israel if it does not ramp up the flow of human­i­tar­i­an aid into Gaza with­in a month.

    Israel allows in only a small num­ber of inter­na­tion­al aid work­ers through the Kerem Shalom cross­ing and has denied jour­nal­ists inde­pen­dent access to the Strip through­out the year-long war. Since cap­tur­ing the Rafah cross­ing to Egypt in May, Israel has con­trolled all move­ment in and out of Gaza. Pales­tini­ans are barred from leav­ing the enclave, except in what are now rare cas­es of med­ical evac­u­a­tions.

    “Health-care work­ers are some of the only inter­na­tion­al observers that have wit­nessed acts that amount to war crimes in Gaza,” said Dorotea Guc­cia­r­do, direc­tor of devel­op­ment for Glia, an inter­na­tion­al human­i­tar­i­an orga­ni­za­tion spe­cial­iz­ing in high-qual­i­ty med­ical equip­ment and one of the orga­ni­za­tions recent­ly barred from enter­ing the Strip.

    “It is dif­fi­cult for me to not believe that the deci­sion to ban inter­na­tion­al health-care work­ers is a delib­er­ate attempt to lim­it inter­na­tion­al observers in Gaza,” she added.

    Though hos­pi­tals are pro­tect­ed under inter­na­tion­al law, health-care facil­i­ties in Gaza have repeat­ed­ly been tar­get­ed in Israeli attacks. Aid groups say hos­pi­tals have been hit by airstrikes, med­ical con­voys have been fired upon, health-care work­ers have been killed and med­ical shel­ters forced to evac­u­ate. Israel says it is tar­get­ing Hamas mil­i­tants hid­ing in med­ical cen­ters — charges health-care work­ers have denied.

    Israel also denied two of its part­ner orga­ni­za­tions access to Gaza in August and Sep­tem­ber, the WHO said. Before this, only indi­vid­ual mem­bers of teams had been denied entry, with­out blan­ket denials of entire orga­ni­za­tions, the U.N. agency said.

    In July, CNN report­ed that Israel was block­ing physi­cians of Pales­tin­ian her­itage from enter­ing Gaza as part of med­ical mis­sions.

    ...

    Israel has also restrict­ed the import of basic med­i­cines and med­ical sup­plies into Gaza. The Wash­ing­ton Post report­ed in April that med­ical items reject­ed by Israel from enter­ing the enclave at least once include crutch­es, anes­thet­ics and field hos­pi­tal box­es.

    ———-

    “Israel bars six med­ical NGOs from entry to Gaza, WHO says” By Niha Masih and Cate Brown; The Wash­ing­ton Post; 10/18/2024

    “Health-care work­ers are some of the only inter­na­tion­al observers that have wit­nessed acts that amount to war crimes in Gaza,” said Dorotea Guc­cia­r­do, direc­tor of devel­op­ment for Glia, an inter­na­tion­al human­i­tar­i­an orga­ni­za­tion spe­cial­iz­ing in high-qual­i­ty med­ical equip­ment and one of the orga­ni­za­tions recent­ly barred from enter­ing the Strip.”

    It’s increas­ing­ly clear war crimes have been ram­pant in the exe­cu­tion of this war. But anoth­er grim real­i­ty is set­ting in: the health-care work­ers and inter­na­tion­al aid work­ers who are increas­ing­ly unable to safe­ly oper­ate in Gaza are often the only peo­ple in a posi­tion to wit­ness and doc­u­ment these war crimes. The world is only learn­ing about a frac­tion of the hor­rors unfold­ing:

    ...
    The Biden admin­is­tra­tion recent­ly warned that it could sus­pend mil­i­tary assis­tance to Israel if it does not ramp up the flow of human­i­tar­i­an aid into Gaza with­in a month.

    Israel allows in only a small num­ber of inter­na­tion­al aid work­ers through the Kerem Shalom cross­ing and has denied jour­nal­ists inde­pen­dent access to the Strip through­out the year-long war. Since cap­tur­ing the Rafah cross­ing to Egypt in May, Israel has con­trolled all move­ment in and out of Gaza. Pales­tini­ans are barred from leav­ing the enclave, except in what are now rare cas­es of med­ical evac­u­a­tions.

    ...

    “It is dif­fi­cult for me to not believe that the deci­sion to ban inter­na­tion­al health-care work­ers is a delib­er­ate attempt to lim­it inter­na­tion­al observers in Gaza,” she added.
    ...

    A delib­er­ate strat­e­gy to keep the world blind to war crimes by ensur­ing there are no inter­na­tion­al observers left. That appears to be what we’re see­ing play out. Which means, at this point, we should prob­a­bly expect to see a lot more civil­ian war crimes in Gaza. Well, ok, we won’t see them. Or hear about them. With many call­ing it all lies and deny­ing it ever hap­pened.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | October 23, 2024, 3:49 pm
  16. The return of Don­ald Trump to the White House and his clear goals to enable and empow­er the worst aspects of Amer­i­can fas­cism rais­es pos­es an obvi­ous threat to just about every Amer­i­can insti­tu­tion. The whole Project 2025 scheme is a plan for mass insti­tu­tion­al purges that poten­tial extend far beyond gov­ern­ment insti­tu­tions, after all. And, of course, Sched­ule F/Project 2025 has large­ly been orga­nized by the theo­crat­ic Coun­cil for Nation­al Pol­i­cy (CNP). The same group that played a major role in the orga­niz­ing and schem­ing that led up to the Jan­u­ary 6 Capi­tol insur­rec­tion. Con­ser­v­a­tive Chris­tian­i­ty is poised to take on a new role as a kind of whip hand for much of the com­ing author­i­tar­i­an­ism, rais­ing major ques­tions about the future of the Chris­t­ian church in Amer­i­can life and how its gen­er­al­ly viewed by the pub­lic.

    But Chris­tian­i­ty obvi­ous­ly isn’t the only reli­gion that could be pro­found­ly affect­ed by a Chris­t­ian Nation­al­ist purge. Mus­lims are going to be an obvi­ous tar­get. And while Judaism will be a tar­get of many of fas­cist groups and we should­n’t be sur­prised to see more Nazi attacks on US syn­a­gogues, the treat­ment of Judaism by a Chris­t­ian Nation­al­ist-dri­ven Trump admin­is­tra­tion will prob­a­bly be very dif­fer­ent. Don’t for­get how the Chris­t­ian Zion­ism that infus­es much of the Chris­t­ian Nation­al­ism dri­ving these move­ments are based on a the­ol­o­gy that fore­tells an apoc­a­lyp­tic con­flict in the Mid­dle East that results in the Sec­ond Com­ing of Jesus. In oth­er words, mas­sive wars for Israel are on the agen­da. And, sure enough, Trump’s declared pick to be is next ambas­sador to Israel is Mike Huck­abee, some­one who has pre­vi­ous­ly declared that “there’s no such thing as a Pales­tin­ian” and “I think Israel has title deed to Judea and Samaria,...There are cer­tain words I refuse to use. There is no such thing as a West Bank. It’s Judea and Samaria. There’s no such thing as a set­tle­ment. They’re com­mu­ni­ties, they’re neigh­bor­hoods, they’re cities. There’s no such thing as an occu­pa­tion.” And sure enough, as we’re going to see, Israel is already mak­ing prepa­ra­tions for the annex­a­tion of West Bank set­tle­ments that its con­fi­dent it will be allowed to car­ry out under a Trump admin­is­tra­tion. Those were the warn­ings com­ing from Israeli finance min­is­ter Beza­lel Smotrich, the same finance min­is­ter who pre­vi­ous­ly explained how the only viable long-term solu­tion for Gaza is to reduce the pop­u­la­tion of 2 mil­lion peo­ple down to a more man­age­able 100–200 thou­sand Gazans.

    And that’s just a taste of what’s to come. It’s going to be the Israel unleashed for at least the next four years. A crack­down of Mus­lims cou­pled with a full-throat­ed embrace of some sort of mas­sive war on behalf of Israel. Although it will be a war fought on behalf of the apoc­a­lyp­tic Chris­t­ian Nation­al­ist hop­ing for a Sec­ond Com­ing since Israel is sup­posed to be destroyed and the Jews killed or con­vert­ed as part of the Bib­li­cal prophe­cy. A giant con­flict in the Mid­dle East is com­ing, with the Sec­ond Com­ing fol­lows or not.

    And that brings us to the fol­low­ing incred­i­ble dis­turb­ing updates on the sit­u­a­tion in Gaza: First, the UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR) released a report on the nature of civil­ian deaths dur­ing the first six months of the con­flict and found that close to 70 per­cent of the deaths have been women and chil­dren. Most­ly killed in res­i­den­tial build­ings and facil­i­ties like schools that have been used by civil­ians as shel­ter. 95% of schools in Gaza or par­tial­ly or com­plete­ly destroyed. And this is just for the first six months of the con­flict. It’s not hard to imag­ine those rates have been high­er than 70 per­cent in recent months. Espe­cial­ly since famine is set­ting in, as we are also being warned.
    So how did the US respond to this report? Well, a few days after it came out, the US released its state­ment con­clud­ing that Israel has NOT vio­lat­ed US law and, there­fore, the mil­i­tary aide could con­tin­ue. The State Depart­ment went on to sug­gest that the US’s over­sight of Israel has been play­ing a pos­i­tive role in push­ing Israel in the right direc­tion. Yep. Ghast­ly gaslight­ing from the State Depart­ment. That’s the state of affairs today, and it’s only going to get much, much worse over the next four years:

    CNN

    US has not assessed Israel is vio­lat­ing law on Gaza aid, will not change pol­i­cy despite human­i­tar­i­an groups’ find­ings

    By Jen­nifer Hansler, CNN
    Updat­ed 3:30 PM EST, Tue Novem­ber 12, 2024

    Wash­ing­ton CNN — The Biden admin­is­tra­tion has not assessed that Israel is in vio­la­tion of US law and will not change its pol­i­cy at this time, a State Depart­ment spokesper­son said Tues­day on the US-man­dat­ed 30-day dead­line for the Netanyahu gov­ern­ment to take spe­cif­ic steps to improve the human­i­tar­i­an sit­u­a­tion in Gaza.

    The US state­ment comes in sharp con­trast to the find­ings of human­i­tar­i­an aid orga­ni­za­tions, who say that “the human­i­tar­i­an sit­u­a­tion in Gaza has dete­ri­o­rat­ed to its worst point since the war began in Octo­ber 2023.” The sit­u­a­tion in north­ern Gaza in par­tic­u­lar has been described as “apoc­a­lyp­tic,” with areas at “immi­nent” risk of famine.

    Last month, US Sec­re­tary of State Antony Blinken and Sec­re­tary of Defense Lloyd Austin set a 30-day dead­line for the Israeli gov­ern­ment to take action on more than a dozen con­crete mea­sures to improve the “dete­ri­o­rat­ing human­i­tar­i­an sit­u­a­tion in Gaza.”

    On Tues­day, a group of eight human­i­tar­i­an aid orga­ni­za­tions joint­ly said the Israeli gov­ern­ment “not only failed to meet the U.S. cri­te­ria that would indi­cate sup­port to the human­i­tar­i­an response, but con­cur­rent­ly took actions that dra­mat­i­cal­ly wors­ened the sit­u­a­tion on the ground, par­tic­u­lar­ly in north­ern Gaza.”

    Blinken and Austin in their let­ter warned that a “fail­ure to demon­strate a sus­tained com­mit­ment to imple­ment­ing and main­tain­ing these mea­sures may have impli­ca­tions for US pol­i­cy” under a Biden admin­is­tra­tion nation­al secu­ri­ty mem­o­ran­dum as well as US law. Sec­tion 620I of the US For­eign Assis­tance Act requires the US to halt secu­ri­ty assis­tance to gov­ern­ments who restrict US human­i­tar­i­an aid.

    “We, at this time, have not made an assess­ment that the Israelis are in vio­la­tion of US law,” State Depart­ment deputy spokesper­son Vedant Patel said Tues­day.

    Patel said that the Israeli gov­ern­ment has tak­en some of the mea­sures out­lined in the let­ter, and argued that they may not have hap­pened with­out US pres­sure.

    “We’ve seen some progress being made,” he said at a press brief­ing. “We would like to see some more changes hap­pen.”

    “Most impor­tant­ly, we are going to con­tin­ue to watch how these steps that they’ve tak­en, how they are being imple­ment­ed, how they can be con­tin­ued to be expand­ed on, and through that, we’re going to con­tin­ue to assess their com­pli­ance with US law.”

    ...

    ‘Worst point since the war began’

    How­ev­er, accord­ing to the aid orga­ni­za­tions, “the human­i­tar­i­an sit­u­a­tion in Gaza has dete­ri­o­rat­ed to its worst point since the war began in Octo­ber 2023.”

    There was “non-com­pli­ance, sig­nif­i­cant delays, or back­track­ing” on 15 of the mea­sures out­lined in the Blinken and Austin let­ter, accord­ing to the aid organization’s joint score­card released Tues­day. There was only “par­tial or incon­sis­tent imple­men­ta­tion” on four of them. None of the mea­sures saw “full or sig­nif­i­cant progress.”

    The score­card was com­piled by Anera, CARE Inter­na­tion­al, Med­G­lob­al, Mer­cy Corps, Nor­we­gian Refugee Coun­cil, Oxfam, Refugees Inter­na­tion­al, and Save the Chil­dren. It is “based on the obser­va­tions and expe­ri­ence of human­i­tar­i­an orga­ni­za­tions on the ground and on avail­able pub­lic data and sec­ondary sources.”

    The mea­sures that were com­plete­ly unmet, accord­ing to the score­card, includ­ed allow­ing a min­i­mum of 350 trucks of human­i­tar­i­an aid per day to enter Gaza and rein­stat­ing a min­i­mum of 50–100 com­mer­cial trucks per day.

    “It’s the sort of lethal com­bo of no human­i­tar­i­an assis­tance and no com­mer­cial assis­tance get­ting in that is, for the past 30 days, accel­er­at­ing the dete­ri­o­ra­tion, and that’s a real prob­lem,” said Kate Phillips-Bar­ras­so, the vice pres­i­dent of glob­al pol­i­cy and advo­ca­cy at Mer­cy Corps.

    If you’re not hav­ing move­ment on one of those two, then it means that peo­ple are not going to have any­thing to eat. It’s just a very basic equa­tion, right? Noth­ing to buy, noth­ing being giv­en, and there’s obvi­ous­ly noth­ing being real­ly grown or fished or any­thing local­ly, and not to men­tion it wouldn’t ever sus­tain a pop­u­la­tion of 2 mil­lion,” she told CNN.

    They are now receiv­ing reports that “peo­ple are not just skip­ping meals any­more; they’re hav­ing a meal once every cou­ple of days, and it’s most­ly canned stuff,” she said.

    “There’s no fresh food,” Phillips-Bar­ras­so said.

    The Israeli gov­ern­ment also failed to insti­tute “ade­quate human­i­tar­i­an paus­es” to allow for human­i­tar­i­an activ­i­ties, to rescind “evac­u­a­tion orders when there is no oper­a­tional need,” to ensure con­tin­u­ous human­i­tar­i­an access to north­ern Gaza, or enhance secu­ri­ty for human­i­tar­i­an sites and move­ments, accord­ing to the score­card.

    Accord­ing to Israeli author­i­ties and local Pales­tin­ian jour­nal­ists, some human­i­tar­i­an aid has been deliv­ered to north­ern Gaza’s Beit Hanoun area in recent days – but many dis­placed Pales­tini­ans there were forced out of their shel­ters by airstrikes and warn­ings from the Israeli mil­i­tary to head south before they could receive the aid.

    ...

    More­over, despite US warn­ings in the let­ter and else­where, the Israeli par­lia­ment vot­ed to ban UNRWA, the UN agency for Pales­tin­ian refugees. The State Depart­ment spokesper­son warned last month that the role UNRWA plays in Gaza “can­not be filled by any­one else.”

    Calls to halt arms sales

    On Tues­day, a group of US offi­cials who resigned in protest at the Biden administration’s pol­i­cy towards Israel and the war in Gaza called on the US gov­ern­ment to halt weapons sales to Israel for vio­lat­ing laws on human­i­tar­i­an aid.

    “We are call­ing on Pres­i­dent Biden to keep this 30-day promise. To uphold US law. To halt US weapons sales to Israel, to stop the spread of the con­flict and look out for Amer­i­ca,” mem­bers of the group said in a video.

    “There is no pro­vi­sion in US or inter­na­tion­al law that allows extra time to starve peo­ple,” said for­mer top State Depart­ment offi­cial Sta­cy Gilbert.

    ...

    ———–

    “US has not assessed Israel is vio­lat­ing law on Gaza aid, will not change pol­i­cy despite human­i­tar­i­an groups’ find­ings” By Jen­nifer Hansler; CNN; 11/12/2024

    The US state­ment comes in sharp con­trast to the find­ings of human­i­tar­i­an aid orga­ni­za­tions, who say that “the human­i­tar­i­an sit­u­a­tion in Gaza has dete­ri­o­rat­ed to its worst point since the war began in Octo­ber 2023.” The sit­u­a­tion in north­ern Gaza in par­tic­u­lar has been described as “apoc­a­lyp­tic,” with areas at “immi­nent” risk of famine.”

    It’s quite an inter­pre­ta­tion of US law: at the same time human­i­tar­i­an orga­ni­za­tions are warn­ing that “the human­i­tar­i­an sit­u­a­tion in Gaza has dete­ri­o­rat­ed to its worst point since the war began in Octo­ber 2023,” US inves­ti­ga­tors have deter­mined that Israel is not in vio­la­tion of US law and the flow of weapons can con­tin­ue. Adding to the gaslight­ing is the claim that the sit­u­a­tion would be worse with­out all this US over­sight:

    “We, at this time, have not made an assess­ment that the Israelis are in vio­la­tion of US law,” State Depart­ment deputy spokesper­son Vedant Patel said Tues­day.

    Patel said that the Israeli gov­ern­ment has tak­en some of the mea­sures out­lined in the let­ter, and argued that they may not have hap­pened with­out US pres­sure.

    “We’ve seen some progress being made,” he said at a press brief­ing. “We would like to see some more changes hap­pen.”

    “Most impor­tant­ly, we are going to con­tin­ue to watch how these steps that they’ve tak­en, how they are being imple­ment­ed, how they can be con­tin­ued to be expand­ed on, and through that, we’re going to con­tin­ue to assess their com­pli­ance with US law.”
    ...

    And it’s not just that the sit­u­a­tion for civil­ians is worse than a year ago. It’s pro­found­ly worse, with famine set­ting in. As one for­mer State Depart­ment offi­cial who retired in protest not­ed, “There is no pro­vi­sion in US or inter­na­tion­al law that allows extra time to starve peo­ple”. And don’t for­get that famine was already set­ting in back in Jan­u­ary. It was hor­rif­ic already. And then it got much worse:

    ...
    How­ev­er, accord­ing to the aid orga­ni­za­tions, “the human­i­tar­i­an sit­u­a­tion in Gaza has dete­ri­o­rat­ed to its worst point since the war began in Octo­ber 2023.”

    There was “non-com­pli­ance, sig­nif­i­cant delays, or back­track­ing” on 15 of the mea­sures out­lined in the Blinken and Austin let­ter, accord­ing to the aid organization’s joint score­card released Tues­day. There was only “par­tial or incon­sis­tent imple­men­ta­tion” on four of them. None of the mea­sures saw “full or sig­nif­i­cant progress.”

    The score­card was com­piled by Anera, CARE Inter­na­tion­al, Med­G­lob­al, Mer­cy Corps, Nor­we­gian Refugee Coun­cil, Oxfam, Refugees Inter­na­tion­al, and Save the Chil­dren. It is “based on the obser­va­tions and expe­ri­ence of human­i­tar­i­an orga­ni­za­tions on the ground and on avail­able pub­lic data and sec­ondary sources.”

    The mea­sures that were com­plete­ly unmet, accord­ing to the score­card, includ­ed allow­ing a min­i­mum of 350 trucks of human­i­tar­i­an aid per day to enter Gaza and rein­stat­ing a min­i­mum of 50–100 com­mer­cial trucks per day.

    “It’s the sort of lethal com­bo of no human­i­tar­i­an assis­tance and no com­mer­cial assis­tance get­ting in that is, for the past 30 days, accel­er­at­ing the dete­ri­o­ra­tion, and that’s a real prob­lem,” said Kate Phillips-Bar­ras­so, the vice pres­i­dent of glob­al pol­i­cy and advo­ca­cy at Mer­cy Corps.

    If you’re not hav­ing move­ment on one of those two, then it means that peo­ple are not going to have any­thing to eat. It’s just a very basic equa­tion, right? Noth­ing to buy, noth­ing being giv­en, and there’s obvi­ous­ly noth­ing being real­ly grown or fished or any­thing local­ly, and not to men­tion it wouldn’t ever sus­tain a pop­u­la­tion of 2 mil­lion,” she told CNN.

    They are now receiv­ing reports that “peo­ple are not just skip­ping meals any­more; they’re hav­ing a meal once every cou­ple of days, and it’s most­ly canned stuff,” she said.

    “There’s no fresh food,” Phillips-Bar­ras­so said.

    ...

    On Tues­day, a group of US offi­cials who resigned in protest at the Biden administration’s pol­i­cy towards Israel and the war in Gaza called on the US gov­ern­ment to halt weapons sales to Israel for vio­lat­ing laws on human­i­tar­i­an aid.

    “We are call­ing on Pres­i­dent Biden to keep this 30-day promise. To uphold US law. To halt US weapons sales to Israel, to stop the spread of the con­flict and look out for Amer­i­ca,” mem­bers of the group said in a video.

    “There is no pro­vi­sion in US or inter­na­tion­al law that allows extra time to starve peo­ple,” said for­mer top State Depart­ment offi­cial Sta­cy Gilbert.
    ...

    And then there’s the fact that UNRWA was banned by the Israeli par­lia­ment over US warn­ings and civil­ians have repeat­ed­ly been forced to evac­u­ate out of areas before aide arrives:

    ...
    The Israeli gov­ern­ment also failed to insti­tute “ade­quate human­i­tar­i­an paus­es” to allow for human­i­tar­i­an activ­i­ties, to rescind “evac­u­a­tion orders when there is no oper­a­tional need,” to ensure con­tin­u­ous human­i­tar­i­an access to north­ern Gaza, or enhance secu­ri­ty for human­i­tar­i­an sites and move­ments, accord­ing to the score­card.

    Accord­ing to Israeli author­i­ties and local Pales­tin­ian jour­nal­ists, some human­i­tar­i­an aid has been deliv­ered to north­ern Gaza’s Beit Hanoun area in recent days – but many dis­placed Pales­tini­ans there were forced out of their shel­ters by airstrikes and warn­ings from the Israeli mil­i­tary to head south before they could receive the aid.

    ...

    More­over, despite US warn­ings in the let­ter and else­where, the Israeli par­lia­ment vot­ed to ban UNRWA, the UN agency for Pales­tin­ian refugees. The State Depart­ment spokesper­son warned last month that the role UNRWA plays in Gaza “can­not be filled by any­one else.”
    ...

    But this US ‘all clear’ inves­tiga­tive con­clu­sion was just a dis­turb­ing form of gaslight­ing by the US gov­ern­ment. It came just days after the UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR) released a report con­clud­ing that close to 70 per­cent of the deaths have been women and chil­dren. And that was just for the first six months of the con­flict. The rates of women and chil­dren dying are pre­sum­ably only going to go up as famine sets in:

    CNN

    Around 70% of deaths in Gaza are women and chil­dren, says UN

    By Tim Lis­ter, Ibrahim Dah­man and Tamar Michaelis, CNN
    Updat­ed 11:23 AM EST, Sat Novem­ber 9, 2024

    CNN — Sev­er­al Unit­ed Nations agen­cies are again sound­ing the alarm on the rapid dete­ri­o­ra­tion of human­i­tar­i­an con­di­tions in much of Gaza and the civil­ian toll of more than a year of Israeli mil­i­tary oper­a­tions.

    In a detailed report ver­i­fy­ing fatal­i­ties in Gaza in the first six months of the con­flict, the UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR) said it “found close to 70 per cent to be chil­dren and women, indi­cat­ing a sys­tem­at­ic vio­la­tion of the fun­da­men­tal prin­ci­ples of inter­na­tion­al human­i­tar­i­an law” on the part of the Israeli mil­i­tary.

    The con­tin­u­a­tion of these attacks “demon­strates an appar­ent indif­fer­ence to the death of civil­ians and the impact of the means and meth­ods of war­fare select­ed,” the report said.

    It added that of the con­firmed deaths, 80% were killed in res­i­den­tial build­ings or sim­i­lar hous­ing, of which 44% were chil­dren and 26% were women.

    OHCHR said it found a pat­tern show­ing “high num­bers of babies and young chil­dren, women, old­er per­sons, and fam­i­lies killed togeth­er in res­i­den­tial build­ings.”

    UN Human Rights chief Volk­er Türk said the report showed that civil­ian casu­al­ties were “a direct con­se­quence of the fail­ure to com­ply with fun­da­men­tal prin­ci­ples of inter­na­tion­al human­i­tar­i­an law – name­ly the prin­ci­ples of dis­tinc­tion, pro­por­tion­al­i­ty and pre­cau­tions in attack.”

    He said that pat­tern con­tin­ued “unabat­ed, over one year after the start of the war.”

    ...

    The UN children’s agency, UNICEF, said Fri­day that “at least 64 attacks against schools – almost two every day – were reg­is­tered in the Gaza Strip last month.”

    An esti­mat­ed 128 peo­ple were report­ed­ly killed in the strikes, many of them chil­dren, it added.

    UNICEF said that, accord­ing to the lat­est esti­mates, near­ly half of the attacks record­ed in Octo­ber hap­pened in north­ern Gaza, “where renewed intense bom­bard­ments, mass dis­place­ment, and lack of suf­fi­cient aid are push­ing chil­dren to the brink.”

    The Israeli mil­i­tary has per­sis­tent­ly alleged that Hamas uses schools and oth­er facil­i­ties for dis­placed civil­ians as a cov­er for its oper­a­tions.

    UNICEF also said since the onset of hos­til­i­ties more than 95% of schools in Gaza have been par­tial­ly or com­plete­ly destroyed.

    A World Health Orga­ni­za­tion report on the avail­abil­i­ty of food in Gaza con­clud­ed Fri­day that there was “a strong like­li­hood that famine is immi­nent in areas with­in the north­ern Gaza Strip,” where many of the recent Israeli oper­a­tions have focused.

    ...

    The report cit­ed UN data that the num­ber of aid ship­ments into the Gaza Strip was now low­er than at any time over the past year. It said mon­i­tor­ing by the World Food Pro­gramme showed that in the sec­ond half of Octo­ber the aver­age num­ber of trucks enter­ing the Gaza Strip fell to just 58 per day, the low­est lev­el since Novem­ber last year.

    Before the war began, around 500 com­mer­cial and aid trucks were enter­ing Gaza each day.

    The WHO report also said the price of food in Gaza had risen by 312% since the begin­ning of the con­flict.

    WHO Direc­tor-Gen­er­al Tedros Adhanom Ghe­breye­sus said Sat­ur­day that the report was “deeply alarm­ing.” In a post on X, he said: “We call for an imme­di­ate scale-up and safe access for human­i­tar­i­an aid — pri­mar­i­ly food and med­i­cines for severe mal­nu­tri­tion — with­in days not weeks.”

    The Israeli agency that han­dles the trans­fer of aid to Gaza reject­ed the report warn­ing of the prospect of famine in north­ern Gaza, say­ing such reports in the past “have been sys­tem­at­i­cal­ly based on orga­ni­za­tions with vest­ed inter­ests and par­tial, inac­cu­rate knowl­edge.”

    In a state­ment to CNN, COGAT said the Israel Defense Forces “has repeat­ed­ly called on res­i­dents of north­ern Gaza to move away from high-inten­si­ty com­bat zones. Con­cur­rent with the human­i­tar­i­an response for the north, an exten­sive and evolv­ing human­i­tar­i­an effort is under­way for cen­tral and south­ern Gaza.”

    It added: “The IDF, via COGAT, oper­ates in accor­dance with inter­na­tion­al law and con­tin­ues to facil­i­tate and ease the trans­fer of human­i­tar­i­an aid to the Gaza Strip. Over the past two months, 39,000 trucks car­ry­ing over 840,000 tons of food have entered the Gaza Strip.”

    ————

    “Around 70% of deaths in Gaza are women and chil­dren, says UN” By Tim Lis­ter, Ibrahim Dah­man and Tamar Michaelis; CNN; 11/09/2024

    “In a detailed report ver­i­fy­ing fatal­i­ties in Gaza in the first six months of the con­flict, the UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR) said it “found close to 70 per cent to be chil­dren and women, indi­cat­ing a sys­tem­at­ic vio­la­tion of the fun­da­men­tal prin­ci­ples of inter­na­tion­al human­i­tar­i­an law” on the part of the Israeli mil­i­tary.”

    70 per­cent of the deaths in Gaza have been women and chil­dren. Most­ly in res­i­den­tial build­ings or facil­i­ties like schools that have been used as civil­ian cov­er. Over 95% of the schools in Gaza are par­tial­ly or com­plete­ly destroyed. Hamas was effec­tive­ly deemed to be every­where, hid­ing among women and chil­dren:

    ...
    The con­tin­u­a­tion of these attacks “demon­strates an appar­ent indif­fer­ence to the death of civil­ians and the impact of the means and meth­ods of war­fare select­ed,” the report said.

    It added that of the con­firmed deaths, 80% were killed in res­i­den­tial build­ings or sim­i­lar hous­ing, of which 44% were chil­dren and 26% were women.

    OHCHR said it found a pat­tern show­ing “high num­bers of babies and young chil­dren, women, old­er per­sons, and fam­i­lies killed togeth­er in res­i­den­tial build­ings.”

    UN Human Rights chief Volk­er Türk said the report showed that civil­ian casu­al­ties were “a direct con­se­quence of the fail­ure to com­ply with fun­da­men­tal prin­ci­ples of inter­na­tion­al human­i­tar­i­an law – name­ly the prin­ci­ples of dis­tinc­tion, pro­por­tion­al­i­ty and pre­cau­tions in attack.”

    He said that pat­tern con­tin­ued “unabat­ed, over one year after the start of the war.”

    ...

    The Israeli mil­i­tary has per­sis­tent­ly alleged that Hamas uses schools and oth­er facil­i­ties for dis­placed civil­ians as a cov­er for its oper­a­tions.

    UNICEF also said since the onset of hos­til­i­ties more than 95% of schools in Gaza have been par­tial­ly or com­plete­ly destroyed.
    ...

    How much worse can it get for the peo­ple of Gaza? Time will tell, but it’s going to get worse. Amaz­ing­ly. It might seem like it can’t get much worse, espe­cial­ly with the green light from the Biden admin­is­tra­tion to do basi­cal­ly any­thing. And yet, it most def­i­nite­ly can get worse. Can and will get worse. And in the eyes of the Chris­t­ian Zion­ist groups that are going to be run­ning US pol­i­cy, this is all going to be done to bring about the return of the Prince of Peace. Because a fas­cist idioc­ra­cy was nev­er going to just be stu­pid­ly peace­ful.

    And that brings us to the fol­low­ing report on Israel’s expand­ing ambi­tions in the wake of Don­ald Trump’s elec­toral vic­to­ry. Ambi­tions that now include the annex­a­tion of West Bank set­tle­ments. Prepa­ra­tions are already under­way, accord­ing to Israeli far right finance min­is­ter Beza­lel Smotrich. This is, of course, the same finance min­is­ter who pre­vi­ous­ly explained how the only viable long-term solu­tion for Gaza is to reduce the pop­u­la­tion of 2 mil­lion peo­ple down to a more man­age­able 100–200 thou­sand Gazans. So when we hear Smotrich declar­ing the prepa­ra­tions are already under­way for the annex­a­tion of West Bank set­tle­ments, we can be con­fi­dent there are prepa­ra­tions for much more than that:

    CNN

    Eye­ing Trump sup­port, Israeli min­is­ter push­es for West Bank set­tle­ment annex­a­tion

    By Dana Karni, Mick Krev­er, Abeer Salman and Kareem Khad­der, CNN
    Updat­ed 4:21 PM EST, Mon Novem­ber 11, 2024

    CNN — Israel’s far-right finance min­is­ter, Beza­lel Smotrich, has ordered prepa­ra­tions for the annex­a­tion of set­tle­ments in the Israeli-occu­pied West Bank.

    Smotrich, who is in charge of the set­tle­ments, said on Mon­day that he had instruct­ed his depart­ment to “pre­pare the nec­es­sary infra­struc­ture for apply­ing sov­er­eign­ty.”

    It is unclear whether his long-stand­ing desire to apply full Israeli law in West Bank set­tle­ments has any chance of being imple­ment­ed soon.

    The Prime Minister’s Office is yet to com­ment on Smotrich’s order. How­ev­er, ear­li­er Mon­day, Gideon Sa’ar, Israel’s new for­eign min­is­ter, told a press brief­ing that the gov­ern­ment had made no deci­sion on the issue of annex­a­tion as yet, but not­ed it had been dis­cussed dur­ing Don­ald Trump’s first term as US pres­i­dent and added that “if it will be rel­e­vant it will be dis­cussed again with our friends in Wash­ing­ton.”

    Observers said Smotrich’s announce­ment was like­ly moti­vat­ed in large part by stak­ing out polit­i­cal ground in Israel’s frac­tious domes­tic pol­i­tics.

    ...

    Trump vic­to­ry brings ‘oppor­tu­ni­ty’

    Smotrich told the Knes­set, or Israeli par­lia­ment, that US Pres­i­dent-elect Don­ald Trump’s vic­to­ry in the US elec­tion “brings an impor­tant oppor­tu­ni­ty for the state of Israel.”

    The “only way to remove” the “threat” of a Pales­tin­ian state, Smotrich added, “is to apply Israeli sov­er­eign­ty over the entire set­tle­ments in Judea and Samaria,” the bib­li­cal term by which Israelis refer to the West Bank.

    Israel has occu­pied the West Bank since seiz­ing the ter­ri­to­ry from Jor­dan in 1967. In the decades since, it has expand­ed Jew­ish set­tle­ments in the area, which are con­sid­ered ille­gal under inter­na­tion­al law, despite sign­ing a series of peace agree­ments with the Pales­tini­ans in the 1990s.

    Around half a mil­lion Israelis live in West Bank set­tle­ments. Smotrich, him­self a set­tler, has long called for Israeli law to apply in the set­tle­ments, and pre­vi­ous­ly opposed the cre­ation of an inde­pen­dent Pales­tin­ian state.

    The min­is­ter said he intends to “lead a gov­ern­ment deci­sion” that will allow Israel to “work with the new admin­is­tra­tion of Pres­i­dent Trump and the inter­na­tion­al com­mu­ni­ty to apply sov­er­eign­ty and achieve Amer­i­can and inter­na­tion­al recog­ni­tion.”

    Dur­ing his first term, Trump took sev­er­al steps in Israel’s favor. In 2017, he rec­og­nized Jerusalem as the cap­i­tal of Israel, upend­ing decades of US pol­i­cy and inter­na­tion­al con­sen­sus. He also rec­og­nized Israel’s sov­er­eign­ty over the Golan Heightss, which it cap­tured from Syr­ia dur­ing the 1967 war and is also con­sid­ered occu­pied under inter­na­tion­al law.

    “I have instruct­ed the Set­tle­ment Divi­sion in the Min­istry of Defense and the Civ­il Admin­is­tra­tion to begin pro­fes­sion­al and com­pre­hen­sive work to pre­pare the nec­es­sary infra­struc­ture for apply­ing sov­er­eign­ty,” Smotrich said on Mon­day.

    “In his first term, Pres­i­dent Trump led dra­mat­ic steps, includ­ing… affirm­ing the legal­i­ty and legit­i­ma­cy of set­tle­ments in Judea and Samaria,” Smotrich added. “Along­side this, there were the Abra­ham Accords – peace for peace.” Those accords, a set of agree­ments facil­i­tat­ed by Trump’s first admin­is­tra­tion, saw Israel nor­mal­ize rela­tions with four Arab nations.

    “We were on the verge of apply­ing sov­er­eign­ty over the set­tle­ments in Judea and Samaria, and now the time has come to do so,” Smotrich said.

    Ideas of peace ‘delu­sion­al’: Hamas

    Hamas, the Pales­tin­ian mil­i­tant group Israel is fight­ing in the Gaza Strip some 60 miles from the West Bank, seized on Smotrich’s com­ments, say­ing they con­firmed “the colo­nial inten­tions of the occu­pa­tion” and refut­ed “the claims of those who are delu­sion­al about achiev­ing peace and coex­is­tence” with Israel.

    ...

    Israel has been wag­ing its war in Gaza since the Hamas-led ter­ror attack on Octo­ber 7 that killed 1,200 peo­ple and saw 250 tak­en hostage. Since then, more than 42,000 peo­ple have been killed in Gaza, accord­ing to the health min­istry in the strip, with the Unit­ed Nations report­ing that most of the dead are women and chil­dren.

    At the same time, anoth­er major esca­la­tion of vio­lence has been play­ing out in the West Bank, where more than 700 Pales­tini­ans have been killed by Israeli troops since the war began, accord­ing to the Pales­tin­ian Min­istry of Health. The attacks are occur­ring amid a surge in Israeli set­tler vio­lence across the West Bank and occu­pied East Jerusalem, where some set­tlers con­tin­ue a cam­paign tar­get­ing Pales­tin­ian civil­ians and infra­struc­ture.

    In both places, the vio­lence shows lit­tle sign of abat­ing, with Gaza hos­pi­tal author­i­ties on Mon­day report­ing dozens of deaths from new strikes across the enclave.

    ...

    The lat­est vio­lence comes even as Israeli For­eign Min­is­ter Sa’ar sug­gest­ed at his press brief­ing Mon­day that Israel was open to end­ing its mil­i­tary oper­a­tions in Gaza. The for­eign min­is­ter told the brief­ing that Pales­tini­ans would be able to return to their homes in the north when the war ends – though he cau­tioned this would not hap­pen before Israel’s objec­tives were achieved.

    He also appeared to rule out the pos­si­bil­i­ty of cre­at­ing a sep­a­rate Pales­tin­ian state, say­ing this would pose a secu­ri­ty threat to Israel. Asked about the pos­si­bil­i­ty, he respond­ed, “in a word: no.”

    Mean­while, Arab League and Orga­ni­za­tion of Islam­ic Coop­er­a­tion (OIC) lead­ers meet­ing in Riyadh for the Arab-Islam­ic sum­mit con­demned Israel’s mea­sures in the occu­pied West Bank.

    In its clos­ing state­ment, the sum­mit called on the UN Secu­ri­ty Coun­cil and inter­na­tion­al com­mu­ni­ty to take action to “stop the esca­lat­ing ille­gal Israeli mea­sures in the occu­pied West Bank that under­mine the two-state solu­tion” and to “con­demn colo­nial poli­cies pur­sued by the occu­py­ing pow­er to annex any part of the occu­pied Pales­tin­ian ter­ri­to­ry by force with the aim of expand­ing ille­gal set­tler colo­nial­ism.”

    ———–

    “Eye­ing Trump sup­port, Israeli min­is­ter push­es for West Bank set­tle­ment annex­a­tion” By Dana Karni, Mick Krev­er, Abeer Salman and Kareem Khad­der; CNN; 11/11/2024

    “The Prime Minister’s Office is yet to com­ment on Smotrich’s order. How­ev­er, ear­li­er Mon­day, Gideon Sa’ar, Israel’s new for­eign min­is­ter, told a press brief­ing that the gov­ern­ment had made no deci­sion on the issue of annex­a­tion as yet, but not­ed it had been dis­cussed dur­ing Don­ald Trump’s first term as US pres­i­dent and added that “if it will be rel­e­vant it will be dis­cussed again with our friends in Wash­ing­ton.”

    Prepa­ra­tions are under­way, with the annex­a­tion of West Bank set­tle­ments pre­sum­ably just months away after Don­ald Trump returns to office. As Israeli finance min­is­ter Beza­lel Smotrich char­ac­ter­izes the plans, the “only way to remove” the “threat” of a Pales­tin­ian state is to “is to apply Israeli sov­er­eign­ty over the entire set­tle­ments in Judea and Samaria.” In oth­er words, the only way to deal with the threat posed by a Pales­tin­ian state is to annex it out of exis­tence:

    ...
    Smotrich, who is in charge of the set­tle­ments, said on Mon­day that he had instruct­ed his depart­ment to “pre­pare the nec­es­sary infra­struc­ture for apply­ing sov­er­eign­ty.”

    It is unclear whether his long-stand­ing desire to apply full Israeli law in West Bank set­tle­ments has any chance of being imple­ment­ed soon.

    ...

    Observers said Smotrich’s announce­ment was like­ly moti­vat­ed in large part by stak­ing out polit­i­cal ground in Israel’s frac­tious domes­tic pol­i­tics.

    ...

    Smotrich told the Knes­set, or Israeli par­lia­ment, that US Pres­i­dent-elect Don­ald Trump’s vic­to­ry in the US elec­tion “brings an impor­tant oppor­tu­ni­ty for the state of Israel.”

    The “only way to remove” the “threat” of a Pales­tin­ian state, Smotrich added, “is to apply Israeli sov­er­eign­ty over the entire set­tle­ments in Judea and Samaria,” the bib­li­cal term by which Israelis refer to the West Bank.

    Israel has occu­pied the West Bank since seiz­ing the ter­ri­to­ry from Jor­dan in 1967. In the decades since, it has expand­ed Jew­ish set­tle­ments in the area, which are con­sid­ered ille­gal under inter­na­tion­al law, despite sign­ing a series of peace agree­ments with the Pales­tini­ans in the 1990s.

    Around half a mil­lion Israelis live in West Bank set­tle­ments. Smotrich, him­self a set­tler, has long called for Israeli law to apply in the set­tle­ments, and pre­vi­ous­ly opposed the cre­ation of an inde­pen­dent Pales­tin­ian state.

    The min­is­ter said he intends to “lead a gov­ern­ment deci­sion” that will allow Israel to “work with the new admin­is­tra­tion of Pres­i­dent Trump and the inter­na­tion­al com­mu­ni­ty to apply sov­er­eign­ty and achieve Amer­i­can and inter­na­tion­al recog­ni­tion.”
    ...

    How long will it be before the full scale lev­el­ing and depop­u­la­tion of the West Bank is under­way? It’s hard to imag­ine it’s going to take very long. After all, we can only expect resis­tance and more fight­ing in the West Bank as a result of these plans. It’s going to get worse, which will pre­sum­ably part of the excuse used to wage a much larg­er con­flict.

    At the same time the US appears poised to dis­cred­it what’s left of the US’s role as sane world leader, Israel is poised to car­ry out mass eth­nic cleans­ing oper­a­tion that start­ed in Gaza and will almost cer­tain­ly extend to the West Bank. Israel’s far right gov­ern­ment isn’t wast­ing this oppor­tu­ni­ty.

    This is per­haps a good time to note a Bible Prophe­cy fun fact as relayed back in April by Joel C. Rosen­berg, an Amer­i­can-Israeli Jew who con­vert to Evan­gel­i­cal Chris­tian­i­ty who has writ­ten a num­ber of books on Bible prophe­cies and has a his­to­ry of view­ing mod­ern events through that the­o­log­i­cal frame­work. As Rosen­berg warns, part of that prophe­cy involves the world turn­ing against Israel. Which is a reminder that allow­ing Israel to engage in such hor­rif­ic crimes against human­i­ty that it becomes a pari­ah state is actu­al­ly very much in line with the Chris­t­ian Zion­ist agen­da. Which is now set to be US’s agen­da for at least the next four years.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | November 13, 2024, 6:03 pm

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