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Arrow Cross Redux: RIP Hungarian Democracy



Hun­gar­i­an Job­bik Par­ty Mem­bers on Parade

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash dri­ve that can be obtained here. [3] (The flash dri­ve includes the anti-fas­cist books avail­able on this site.)

COMMENT: For some time, we’ve report­ed on the dis­in­te­gra­tion of Hun­gar­i­an demo­c­ra­t­ic insti­tu­tions, as the coun­try slouch­es toward its Arrow Cross fas­cist past. (The Arrow Cross was the Hun­gar­i­an fas­cist par­ty that was allied with the Third Reich dur­ing World War II.)

Now it appears that the obit­u­ary for Hun­gar­i­an democ­ra­cy is ready for pub­li­ca­tion. 

Not­ing the dis­par­i­ty between the troika’s high­ly activist inter­ven­tion in Greece’s eco­nom­ic and polit­i­cal sov­er­eign­ty, the arti­cle express­es puz­zle­ment at the EU’s deser­tion of demo­c­ra­t­ic prin­ci­ple.

Appar­ent­ly, they have not ade­quate­ly con­sid­ered the pos­si­bil­i­ty that this was part of the plan for Europe all along.

For back­ground on the return of fas­cism to Hun­gary, includ­ing the piv­otal pres­ence of Arrow Cross vet­er­ans in the GOP’s eth­nic out­reach appa­ra­tus, access FTR #‘s 709 [4], #465 [5], as well as the posts below:

“Hun­gary Is no Longer a Democ­ra­cy” by Ben­jamin Abtan; The New States­man; 4/2/2013. [11]

EXCERPT: It is now a fact: Hun­gary is no longer a democ­ra­cy.

Pres­i­dent János Áder has just signed the imple­men­ta­tion decrees for new con­sti­tu­tional reforms that wipe out what was left of oppo­si­tion forces against the gov­ern­ment.

More par­tic­u­larly, the Con­sti­tu­tional Court is no longer allowed to give its opin­ion about the con­tent of laws and to refer to its own case-law – which results in the loss of almost all mon­i­tor­ing pow­er on the leg­is­la­ture and the exec­u­tive.

This metic­u­lous destruc­tion of democ­racy and its val­ues – whose start­ing point was the land­slide elec­tion of Fidesz in 2010 – has tak­en place over months and months, under everybody’s eyes.

The attack was clear and con­tin­u­ous: crip­pling restric­tion of the free­dom of the press, polit­i­cal direc­tion of the Cen­tral Bank, inclu­sion in the Con­sti­tu­tion of Chris­t­ian reli­gious ref­er­ences and of the “social util­ity” of indi­vid­u­als as a nec­es­sary con­di­tion for the enforce­ment of social rights, dele­tion of the word “Repub­lic” in the same Con­sti­tu­tion to define the country’s polit­i­cal sys­tem, con­dem­na­tion of homo­sex­u­al­ity, crim­i­nal­i­sa­tion of the home­less, attacks against women’s rights, impuni­ty afford­ed to per­pe­tra­tors of racist mur­ders, the strength­en­ing of a vir­u­lent anti-Semi­tism . . . .

. . . . Only a few days ago, prime min­is­ter Vik­tor Orban offi­cially dec­o­rated three extreme right-wing lead­ing fig­ures: jour­nal­ist Fer­enc Szanis­zlo, known for his dia­tribes against the Jews and the Roma peo­ple, who he com­pares to “mon­keys”; anti-Semit­ic archae­ol­o­gist Kor­nel Bakav, who blames the Jews for hav­ing orga­nized the slave trade in the Mid­dle-Age; final­ly, “artist” Petras Janos, who proud­ly claims his prox­im­ity to the Job­bik and its para­mil­i­tary mili­tia, respon­si­ble for sev­eral racist mur­ders of Romani peo­ple and heiress of the pro-Nazi Arrow Cross Par­ty, that organ­iZed the exter­mi­na­tion of Jews and Gyp­sies dur­ing the Sec­ond World War.

This polit­i­cal degra­da­tion gives us a grue­some his­tor­i­cal and polit­i­cal les­son. Through­out the twen­ti­eth cen­tury, rep­re­sen­ta­tive democ­racy suf­fered the attacks of the two major total­i­tar­ian sys­tems of the cen­tury – Nazism and Com­mu­nism. Nowa­days, in the twen­ty-first cen­tury, it is under the blows of an anti-Euro­pean, nation­al­ist, racist and anti-Semit­ic pop­ulism that democ­racy has fall­en, at the heart of Europe, amidst the indif­fer­ence of the Euro­pean Union and of too many of its cit­i­zens and lead­ers.

Obsessed by eco­nomic and finan­cial issues, too indif­fer­ent to its fun­da­men­tal val­ues ​​of free­dom, equal­ity, peace and jus­tice, the EU has aban­doned the fight to pro­mote or even main­tain democ­racy as the polit­i­cal sys­tem of its mem­ber states.

Unlike Putin’s Rus­sia, for exam­ple, Hun­gary is not a world pow­er, and realpoli­tik can­not be invoked as a rea­son for this deser­tion. Since Hun­gary is strong­ly depen­dent on Euro­pean sub­si­dies and assis­tance, and since the EU has omi­nously shown in Greece how its finan­cial sup­port can be politi­cised to the extreme, its sup­posed lack of room for manoeu­vre can­not be invoked either.

The fun­da­men­tal rea­son is unfor­tu­nately as sim­ple as it is wor­ry­ing: it is a lack of com­mit­ment of the cit­i­zens and Euro­pean lead­ers towards rep­re­sen­ta­tive democ­racy as a polit­i­cal sys­tem.

This is why, since his re-elec­tion in 2010, Orban has received the unfail­ing sup­port of many Euro­pean lead­ers, notably from his own polit­i­cal fam­ily; this is also why the Euro­pean Com­mis­sion does not use any of the instru­ments avail­able – though it does have many – to enforce the EU’s fun­da­men­tal val­ues. . . .