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Cartels Uber Alles

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COMMENT: One of the con­cepts cen­tral to the analy­sis pre­sent­ed by Mr. Emory on his pro­grams and on this web­site over the decades is the pre­em­i­nence of car­tels in inter­na­tion­al pow­er pol­i­tics–the man­i­fes­ta­tions of fas­cism in par­tic­u­lar. In recent posts and pro­grams, we have not­ed:

  1. The abil­i­ty of Mit­subishi and oth­er Japan­ese zaibat­su to bend inter­na­tion­al pow­er pol­i­tics, jurispru­dence and the his­tor­i­cal record itself to the inter­ests of those pow­er­ful cor­po­ra­tions.
  2. The cir­cum­vent­ing of Amer­i­can and inter­na­tion­al reg­u­la­tions by the pow­er­ful Wal­len­berg inter­ests in Sweden–actions includ­ing the trea­so­nous ship­ments of ball bear­ings to Ger­many dur­ing World War II, off­set­ting the bloody sac­ri­fices of Amer­i­can fliers incurred dur­ing the raids on Schwe­in­furt.
  3. The can­dor of Sul­li­van & Cromwell’s John Fos­ter Dulles in explic­it­ly express­ing the polit­i­cal will and oper­a­tional eth­ic of car­tels.

Our dis­cus­sion and analy­sis of the remark­able and dead­ly Bor­mann orga­ni­za­tion must be under­stood in the con­text of the car­tels, which we feel are dom­i­nat­ed by Ger­many at this point.

Fos­ter Dulles–Secretary of State under Eisen­how­er at the same time as his broth­er and fel­low Sul­li­van & Cromwell attor­ney Allen Dulles was the head of the CIA–delineated his world view and those of his fel­low “car­tel enablers” in a let­ter to a con­tem­po­rary: “The word ‘car­tel’ has here assumed the stig­ma of a bogey­man which the politi­cians are con­stant­ly attack­ing. The fact of the mat­ter is that most of these politi­cians are high­ly insu­lar and nation­al­is­tic and because the polit­i­cal orga­ni­za­tion of the world has under such influ­ence been so back­ward, busi­ness peo­ple who have had to cope with inter­na­tion­al prob­lems have had to find ways for get­ting through and around stu­pid polit­i­cal bar­ri­ers.”

1. “Har­vard Pro­fes­sor Claims WWII Sex Slaves Vol­un­teered” by Lind­say Wang; ASAM­News; 2/22/2021.

A paper from a Har­vard pro­fes­sor received wide­spread crit­i­cism for con­clud­ing that those recruit­ed as com­fort women did so vol­un­tar­i­ly rather than being forced into sex­u­al slav­ery, The Har­vard Crim­son reports.

Many Kore­an media out­lets have point­ed out the paper’s author, J. Mark Ram­sey­er, received the Order of the Ris­ing Sun from the Japan­ese gov­ern­ment in 2018, spec­u­lat­ing that there was undue influ­ence on his paper. Ram­sey­er has denied such alle­ga­tions.

Sankei Shim­bun, a con­ser­v­a­tive, nation­al­ist Japan­ese news­pa­per, fea­tured the paper pri­or to its pub­li­ca­tion in the Inter­na­tion­al Review of Law and Eco­nom­ics aca­d­e­m­ic jour­nal. . . .

Var­i­ous legal schol­ars and his­to­ri­ans from both South Korea and the Unit­ed States have spo­ken up about the his­tor­i­cal and log­i­cal inac­cu­ra­cies in Ramseyer’s paper. . . .

2. “John_Mark_Ramseyer”Wikipedia.com

John Mark Ram­sey­er (born c. 1954) is Mit­subishi Pro­fes­sor of Japan­ese Legal Stud­ies at Har­vard Law School . . . .

. . . . Also in 2021, Ram­sey­er emerged at the cen­ter of con­tro­ver­sy over a forth­com­ing chap­ter in The Cam­bridge Hand­book of Pri­va­ti­za­tion, from Cam­bridge Uni­ver­si­ty Press. Writ­ing on the Kan­tō Mas­sacre in which thou­sands of res­i­dent Kore­ans in Japan were mur­dered, Ram­sey­er depict­ed the Kore­ans as “gangs” that “torched build­ings, plant­ed bombs, [and] poi­soned water sup­plies. . . .

3.   Gold War­riors by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; Ver­so [SC]; Copy­right 2003, 2005 by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; ISBN 1–84467-531–9; pp. 245–246.

The real issue is con­flict of inter­est. Dur­ing the Clin­ton Admin­is­tra­tion, U.S. Ambas­sador to Japan Thomas Foley was adamant in reject­ing com­pen­sa­tion for POW’s and oth­er slave labor­ers, insist­ing that ‘The peace treaty put aside all claims against Japan.’ His Deputy Chief of Mis­sion, Christo­pher J. LaFleur, echoed this dog­ma at every oppor­tu­ni­ty.

It was a mat­ter of some inter­est to vic­tims that Foley’s wife was a well-paid con­sul­tant to Sum­it­o­mo, one of Japan’s biggest zaibat­su con­glom­er­ates, heav­i­ly involved in wartime slave labor and a tar­get of the law­suits. The moment Foley end­ed his tenure as ambas­sador and returned to Amer­i­ca, he signed on as a paid advi­sor and lob­by­ist to anoth­er huge con­glom­er­ate-Mit­subishi-one of the biggest wartime users of slave labor.

Of greater sig­nif­i­cance, per­haps, is that Lafleur is mar­ried to the daugh­ter of for­mer prime min­is­ter and finance min­is­ter Miyaza­wa, one of the three Japan­ese who secret­ly nego­ti­at­ed the 1951 treaty with John Fos­ter Dulles. (Miyaza­wa also is con­sid­ered by pro­fes­sor Lausi­er and oth­ers to be the finan­cial over­seer of the M‑Fund.) Con­flict of inter­est does not seem to be an obsta­cle in diplo­mat­ic appoint­ments to Tokyo.)

4.  Gold War­riors by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; Ver­so [SC]; Copy­right 2003, 2005 by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; ISBN 1–84467-531–9; p. 242.

. . . . After retir­ing as ambas­sador and return­ing to Wash­ing­ton, Foley open­ly became a paid lob­by­ist for Mit­subishi Cor­po­ra­tion as a mem­ber of its advi­so­ry pan­el on strat­e­gy. Mit­subishi was among the biggest employ­ers of Amer­i­can slave labor dur­ing the war. . . .

5.  Gold War­riors by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; Ver­so [SC]; Copy­right 2003, 2005 by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; ISBN 1–84467-531–9; p. 55.

 . . . . Mit­subishi’s mar­ket posi­tion at the war’s end in 1945 was described by a West­ern econ­o­mist as being equiv­a­lent to the merg­er of U.S. Steel, Gen­er­al Motors, Stan­dard Oil, Alcoa, Dou­glas Air­craft, Dupont, West­ing­house, AT & T Nation­al City Bank, Wool­worth Stores and Hilton Hotels. . . .

6. All Hon­or­able Men by James Stew­art Mar­tin; Lit­tle Brown [HC]; Copy­right 1950 by James Stew­art Mar­tin; pp. 249–254.

. . . . In Novem­ber 1940, a vot­ing trust agree­ment was set up in the Unit­ed States under which George Mur­nane was des­ig­nat­ed by the Wal­len­bergs’ Enskil­da Bank as the sole vot­ing trustee with com­plete pow­er to vote the Amer­i­can Bosch stock at stock­hold­ers’ meet­ings in the Unit­ed States. The vot­ing trust arrange­ment pro­vid­ed that if George Mur­nane should die, his suc­ces­sor should be named by John Fos­ter Dulles, senior part­ner of Sul­li­van & Cromwell, the law firm which rep­re­sents the Wal­len­bergs and the Enskil­da Bank in the Unit­ed States. . . .

. . . . It hap­pened that two thirds of Ger­many’s entire bear­ing indus­try was con­cen­trat­ed in a sin­gle group of four fac­to­ries at Schwe­in­furt. Three of them, account­ing for 36 per cent of Ger­many’s pro­duc­tive capac­i­ty, were owned by VKF; and one, account­ing for 30 per cent of Ger­man capac­i­ty, was owned by the only remain­ing large inde­pen­dent, Fis­ch­er A.G.

When Amer­i­can air forces bombed Schwe­in­furt dur­ing the war, in an effort to knock out this strate­gic point in Ger­man indus­tri­al pro­duc­tion, Schwe­in­furt was dis­cov­ered to be one of the most heav­i­ly defend­ed spots in Ger­many. Ger­man defens­es inflict­ed a loss of fifty Amer­i­can heavy bombers in one raid alone. When these raids tem­porar­i­ly knocked out Schwe­in­furt, the effect was large­ly nul­li­fied by ship­ments of bear­ings from SKF in Swe­den. . . .

7. The Wal­len­bergs played a major role in the Swedish com­po­nent of the Bor­mann orga­ni­za­tion.

Mar­tin Bor­mann: Nazi in Exile; Paul Man­ning; Copy­right 1981 [HC]; Lyle Stu­art Inc.; ISBN 0–8184-0309–8; pp. 133–134.

. . . . An inter­est­ing side­light to this strug­gle between the Allies and Ger­many for influ­ence on Swe­den is the pecu­liar role played by Mar­cus and Jacob Wal­len­berg, mem­bers of Swe­den’s most impor­tant bank­ing fam­i­ly. Mar­cus head­ed a gov­ern­ment com­mis­sion which nego­ti­at­ed with Britain and the Unit­ed States through­out the war. At the same time, his broth­er Jacob was the chief nego­tia­tor for the Swedish gov­ern­ment with Nazi Ger­many. Thus were both sides cov­ered for Swedish busi­ness, includ­ing the fam­i­ly’s very own sub­stan­tial eco­nom­ic inter­ests. Fol­low­ing World War II, this fam­i­ly empire was to achieve its most spec­tac­u­lar pros­per­i­ty, as Ger­man invest­ments under the Bor­mann pro­gram matured in their Swedish safe-havens.

In this way, impres­sive wealth accrued to the Wal­len­bergs, as well as to the oth­er Swedish and Ger­man invest­ment groups con­trol­ling large hold­ings in the many Swedish com­pa­nies under Ger­man dom­i­nance in 1944. . . .

8. The Amer­i­can Deep State: Wall Street, Big Oil and the Attack on Amer­i­can Democ­ra­cy by Peter Dale     Scott; Row­man & Lit­tle­field [HC]; Copy­right 2015 by Pete Dale Scott; ISBN 978–1‑4422–1424‑8; p.18.

. . . . The inter­na­tion­al lawyers of Wall Street did not hide from each oth­er their shared belief that they under­stood bet­ter than Wash­ing­ton the require­ments for run­ning the world. As John Fos­ter Dulles wrote in the 1930’s to a British col­league: “The word ‘car­tel’ has here assumed the stig­ma of a bogey­man which the politi­cians are con­stant­ly attack­ing. The fact of the mat­ter is that most of these politi­cians are high­ly insu­lar and nation­al­is­tic and because the polit­i­cal orga­ni­za­tion of the world has under such influ­ence been so back­ward, busi­ness peo­ple who have had to cope with inter­na­tion­al prob­lems have had to find ways for get­ting through and around stu­pid polit­i­cal bar­ri­ers.”

This same men­tal­i­ty also explains why Allen Dulles as an Office of Strate­gic Ser­vices (OSS) offi­cer sim­ply evad­ed orders from Wash­ing­ton for­bid­ding him to nego­ti­ate with SS Gen­er­al Karl Wolff about a con­di­tion­al sur­ren­der of Ger­man forces in Italy—an impor­tant breach of Roosevelt’s agree­ment with Stal­in at Yal­ta, a breach that is regard­ed by many as help­ing lead to the Cold War. And it explains why Allen Dulles, as CIA direc­tor in 1957, dealt sum­mar­i­ly with Eisenhower’s reluc­tance to autho­rize more than occa­sion­al U‑2 over­flights of the USSR, by secret­ly approv­ing a plan with Britain’s MI6 where­by U‑2 flights could be autho­rized instead by the U.K. Prime Min­is­ter Macmil­lan. . . .

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