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Did Trump Indeed Go “Coup Coup”?

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Trump kept a copy of this by his bed­side for late-night read­ing.

COMMENT: In a pre­vi­ous post, we chron­i­cled the abrupt changes Trump made in the Defense Depart­ment fol­low­ing his defeat.

Unnamed offi­cials in NATO coun­tries have opined that the events of 1/6/2021 were a coup attempt by Trump’s forces.

In addi­tion, there is an ongo­ing inves­ti­ga­tion of an active duty PSYOP offi­cer who oper­at­ed under the Spe­cial Forces com­mand struc­ture for lead­ing a con­tin­gent of 100 strong to the “ral­ly” on 1/6/2021.

As vet­er­an listeners/readers will no doubt real­ize, these events are to be seen against the back­ground of numer­ous pro­grams and posts high­light­ing Spe­cial­ized Knowl­edge and Abil­i­ties and Ser­pen­t’s Walk

1. “Some among America’s mil­i­tary allies believe Trump delib­er­ate­ly attempt­ed a coup and may have had help from fed­er­al law-enforce­ment offi­cials” by Mitch Prothero; Busi­ness Insid­er; 01/07/2021

* Mul­ti­ple Euro­pean secu­ri­ty offi­cials told Insid­er that Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump appeared to have tac­it sup­port among US fed­er­al agen­cies respon­si­ble for secur­ing the Capi­tol com­plex in Wednesday’s coup attempt.
* Insid­er is report­ing this infor­ma­tion because it illus­trates the seri­ous reper­cus­sions of Wednesday’s events: Even if they are mis­tak­en, some among America’s inter­na­tion­al mil­i­tary allies are now will­ing to give cre­dence to the idea that Trump delib­er­ate­ly tried to vio­lent­ly over­turn an elec­tion and had help from some fed­er­al law-enforce­ment agents.
* “We train along­side the US fed­er­al law enforce­ment to han­dle these very mat­ters, and it’s obvi­ous that large parts of any suc­cess­ful plan were just ignored,” one source told us.

The sup­port­ers of Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump who stormed the Capi­tol on Wednes­day to stop the rat­i­fi­ca­tion of Pres­i­dent-elect Joe Biden’s elec­tion vic­to­ry were attempt­ing a vio­lent coup that mul­ti­ple Euro­pean secu­ri­ty offi­cials said appeared to have at least tac­it sup­port from aspects of the US fed­er­al agen­cies respon­si­ble for secur­ing the Capi­tol com­plex.

Insid­er spoke with three offi­cials on Thurs­day morn­ing: a French police offi­cial respon­si­ble for pub­lic secu­ri­ty in a key sec­tion of cen­tral Paris, and two intel­li­gence offi­cials from NATO coun­tries who direct­ly work in coun­tert­er­ror­ism and coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence oper­a­tions involv­ing the US, ter­ror­ism, and Rus­sia.

They said the cir­cum­stan­tial evi­dence avail­able point­ed to what would be open­ly called a coup attempt in any oth­er nation. None were will­ing to speak on the record because of the dire nature of the sub­ject.

While they did not fur­nish evi­dence that fed­er­al agency offi­cials facil­i­tat­ed the chaos, Insid­er is report­ing this infor­ma­tion because it illus­trates the scale and seri­ous­ness of Wednesday’s events: America’s inter­na­tion­al mil­i­tary and secu­ri­ty allies are now will­ing to give seri­ous cre­dence to the idea that Trump delib­er­ate­ly tried to vio­lent­ly over­turn an elec­tion and that some fed­er­al law-enforce­ment agents — by omis­sion or oth­er­wise — facil­i­tat­ed the attempt.

‘Today I am brief­ing my gov­ern­ment that we believe with a rea­son­able lev­el of cer­tain­ty that Don­ald Trump attempt­ed a coup’

One NATO source set the stage, using terms more com­mon­ly used to describe unrest in devel­op­ing coun­tries.

“The defeat­ed pres­i­dent gives a speech to a group of sup­port­ers where he tells them he was robbed of the elec­tion, denounces his own administration’s mem­bers and par­ty as trai­tors, and tells his sup­port­ers to storm the build­ing where the vot­ing is being held,” the NATO intel­li­gence offi­cial said.

“The sup­port­ers, many dressed in mil­i­tary attire and wav­ing rev­o­lu­tion­ary-style flags, then storm the build­ing where the fed­er­al law-enforce­ment agen­cies con­trolled by the cur­rent pres­i­dent do not estab­lish a secu­ri­ty cor­don, and the pro­test­ers quick­ly over­whelm the last line of police.

“The pres­i­dent then makes a pub­lic state­ment to the sup­port­ers attack­ing the Capi­tol that he loves them but doesn’t real­ly tell them to stop,” the offi­cial said. “Today I am brief­ing my gov­ern­ment that we believe with a rea­son­able lev­el of cer­tain­ty that Don­ald Trump attempt­ed a coup that failed when the sys­tem did not buck­le.

“I can’t believe this hap­pened.”

A law-enforce­ment offi­cial who trains with US forces believes some­one inter­fered with the prop­er deploy­ment of offi­cers around Con­gress

The French police offi­cial said they believed that an inves­ti­ga­tion would find that some­one inter­fered with the deploy­ment of addi­tion­al fed­er­al law-enforce­ment offi­cials on the perime­ter of the Capi­tol com­plex; the offi­cial has direct knowl­edge of the prop­er pro­ce­dures for secu­ri­ty of the facil­i­ty.

The secu­ri­ty of Con­gress is entrust­ed to the US Capi­tol Police, a fed­er­al agency that answers to Con­gress.

It is rou­tine for the Capi­tol Police to coor­di­nate with the fed­er­al Secret Ser­vice and the Park Police and local police in Wash­ing­ton, DC, before large demon­stra­tions. The Nation­al Guard, com­mand­ed by the Depart­ment of Defense, is often on stand­by too.

On Wednes­day, how­ev­er, that coor­di­na­tion was late or absent.

‘It’s obvi­ous that large parts of any suc­cess­ful plan were just ignored’

“You can­not tell me I don’t know what they should have done. I can fly to Wash­ing­ton tomor­row and do that job, just as any police offi­cial in Wash­ing­ton can fly to Paris and do mine,” the offi­cial said. The offi­cial directs pub­lic secu­ri­ty in a cen­tral Paris police dis­trict filled with gov­ern­ment build­ings and tourist sites.

“These are not sub­tle prin­ci­ples” for man­ag­ing demon­stra­tions, “and they trans­fer to every sit­u­a­tion,” the offi­cial said. “This is why we train along­side the US fed­er­al law enforce­ment to han­dle these very mat­ters, and it’s obvi­ous that large parts of any suc­cess­ful plan were just ignored.”

The Nation­al Guard, which was deployed heav­i­ly to quell the Black Lives Mat­ter protests in 2020, did not show up to assist the police until two hours after the action start­ed on Wednes­day, accord­ing to The Asso­ci­at­ed Press.

Video shows police doing noth­ing as riot­ers access the build­ing

One video appeared to show some police offi­cers open­ing a bar­ri­er to allow a group of pro­test­ers to get clos­er to the Capi­tol dome. Anoth­er video showed a police offi­cer allow­ing a riot­er to take a self­ie with him inside the Capi­tol while pro­test­ers milled around the build­ing unchecked.

Kim Dine, who was the chief of the Capi­tol Police from 2012 to 2016, told The Wash­ing­ton Post that he was sur­prised that the Capi­tol Police allowed demon­stra­tors on the steps of the Capi­tol. He said he was also mys­ti­fied that few riot­ers were arrest­ed on the spot.

Lar­ry Schae­fer, who worked for the Capi­tol Police for more than 30 years, told ProP­ub­li­ca some­thing sim­i­lar: “We have a planned, known demon­stra­tion that has a propen­si­ty for vio­lence in the past and threats to car­ry weapons — why would you not pre­pare your­self as we have done in the past?”

Sys­tem­at­ic fail­ures

The French police offi­cial detailed mul­ti­ple laps­es they believe were sys­tem­at­ic:

1. Large crowds of pro­test­ers need­ed to be man­aged far ear­li­er by the police, who instead con­trolled a scene at the first demon­stra­tion Trump addressed, then ignored the crowd as it streamed toward the Capi­tol.
2. “It should have been sur­round­ed, man­aged, and direct­ed imme­di­ate­ly, and that pres­sure nev­er released.”
3. Because the crowd was not man­aged and direct­ed, the offi­cial said, the pro­test­ers were able to con­gre­gate unim­ped­ed around the Capi­tol, where the next major fail­ure took place.
4. “It is unthink­able there was not a strong police cor­don on the out­skirts of the com­plex. Fences and bar­ri­cades are use­less with­out strong police enforce­ment. This is when you start mak­ing arrests, tar­get­ing key peo­ple that appear vio­lent, any­one who attacks an offi­cer, any­one who breach­es the bar­ri­cade. You have to show that cross­ing the line will fail and end in arrest.”
5. “I can­not believe the fail­ure to estab­lish a prop­er cor­don was a mis­take. These are very skilled police offi­cials, but they are fed­er­al, and that means they ulti­mate­ly report to the pres­i­dent. This needs to be inves­ti­gat­ed.”
6. “When the crowd reached the steps of the build­ing, the sit­u­a­tion was over. The police are there to pro­tect the build­ing from ter­ror­ist attacks and crime, not a bat­tal­ion of infantry. That had to be man­aged from hun­dreds of meters away unless the police were will­ing to com­plete­ly open fire, and I can respect why they were not.”

‘Thank God it didn’t work, because I can’t imag­ine how hard it would be to sanc­tion the US finan­cial sys­tem’

The third offi­cial, who works in coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence for a NATO mem­ber, agreed that the sit­u­a­tion could only be seen as a coup attempt, no mat­ter how poor­ly con­sid­ered and like­ly to fail, and said its impli­ca­tions might be too huge to imme­di­ate­ly fath­om.

“Thank God it didn’t work, because I can’t imag­ine how hard it would be to sanc­tion the US finan­cial sys­tem,” the offi­cial said. By sanc­tions, he means the impo­si­tion of the diplo­mat­ic, mil­i­tary, and trade block­ages that demo­c­ra­t­ic nations usu­al­ly reserve for dic­ta­tor­ships. . . .

2. “Army PSYOP Offi­cer Resigned Com­mis­sion Pri­or to Lead­ing Group to DC Protests” by Kyle Rempfer; Army Times; 1/11/2021.

An Army psy­cho­log­i­cal oper­a­tions offi­cer who led a group dur­ing the Jan. 6 ral­ly in Wash­ing­ton, D.C., that cul­mi­nat­ed in a dead­ly mob breach­ing the U.S. Capi­tol had resigned her com­mis­sion sev­er­al months pri­or to the event, accord­ing to a defense offi­cial famil­iar with the sit­u­a­tion.

Capt. Emi­ly Rainey, 30, was still on active duty dur­ing last week’s protests. How­ev­er, she had already been hand­ed down an adverse admin­is­tra­tive action for a sep­a­rate inci­dent and resigned her com­mis­sion, the offi­cial told Army Times.

Rainey’s involve­ment in the ral­ly is cur­rent­ly under inves­ti­ga­tion by 1st Spe­cial Forces Com­mand, which over­sees her PSYOP unit . . . .

. . . . Dur­ing last week’s events in D.C., Rainey led rough­ly 100 mem­bers of a group called Moore Coun­ty Cit­i­zens for Free­dom to the region. Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump spoke at the ral­ly there and repeat­ed false claims that the 2020 elec­tion had been rigged against him.

Moore Coun­ty Cit­i­zens for Free­dom describes itself on its Face­book page as a non­par­ti­san net­work pro­mot­ing con­ser­v­a­tive val­ues through edu­ca­tion and activism.

Rainey told the Asso­ci­at­ed Press that her group and most peo­ple who trav­eled to Wash­ing­ton “are peace-lov­ing, law-abid­ing peo­ple who were doing noth­ing but demon­strat­ing our First Amend­ment rights.” . . . .

Discussion

12 comments for “Did Trump Indeed Go “Coup Coup”?”

  1. https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/law-enforcement-military-probing-whether-members-took-part-capitol-riot-n1253801

    Law enforce­ment and the mil­i­tary prob­ing whether mem­bers took part in Capi­tol riot
    Some active-duty and retired mil­i­tary ser­vice mem­bers and law enforce­ment offi­cers are sus­pect­ed of hav­ing par­tic­i­pat­ed in the protest and the ensu­ing riot.

    NBC News
    Jan. 12, 2021, 7:59 PM EST
    By Janelle Grif­fith and Phil McCaus­land
    For­mer and cur­rent mem­bers of law enforce­ment agen­cies and the mil­i­tary appear to have par­tic­i­pat­ed in last week’s chaos in Wash­ing­ton, alarm­ing law­mak­ers on Capi­tol Hill and Amer­i­cans nation­wide as each day brings new video and infor­ma­tion about the riot and the riot­ers.

    Inves­ti­ga­tions by law enforce­ment agen­cies and news orga­ni­za­tions, along with a series of arrests, have exposed a widen­ing issue of domes­tic extrem­ism among the ranks of those who are meant to pro­tect Amer­i­cans.

    On Mon­day, even the U.S. Capi­tol Police announced that the agency had sus­pend­ed “sev­er­al” of its own and will inves­ti­gate at least 10 offi­cers for their actions.

    Police depart­ments in New York City, Seat­tle and Philadel­phia, as well as small­er agen­cies across the coun­try, are inves­ti­gat­ing whether their offi­cers par­tic­i­pat­ed in the pro-Trump riot, which has been tied to the deaths of five peo­ple, includ­ing a Capi­tol Police offi­cer. The inves­ti­ga­tions are based on tips, includ­ing social media posts.

    The Army said it was inves­ti­gat­ing a psy­cho­log­i­cal oper­a­tions offi­cer who led 100 Trump sup­port­ers from North Car­oli­na to Wash­ing­ton. The FBI arrest­ed a retired Air Force lieu­tenant colonel in Texas after he breached the Sen­ate cham­ber wear­ing tac­ti­cal gear and car­ry­ing zip-tie hand­cuffs known as flex cuffs. There are calls for a Penn­syl­va­nia state leg­is­la­tor, who is a retired Army colonel and taught at the Army War Col­lege for five years, to resign after he and his wife attend­ed Wednes­day’s event. Ash­li Bab­bitt, 33, the QAnon sup­port­er who was shot and killed by Capi­tol Police, was a 14-year Air Force vet­er­an.

    The Depart­ment of Jus­tice is report­ed­ly inves­ti­gat­ing 25 mem­bers of the ser­vice, though it is unclear whether they are retired or active in the mil­i­tary ranks.

    Sen. Tam­my Duck­worth, D‑Ill., said in a let­ter to Act­ing Defense Sec­re­tary Christo­pher Miller that the Pen­ta­gon need­ed to open an inves­ti­ga­tion to deter­mine if retired or cur­rent mem­bers of the mil­i­tary “engaged in insur­rec­tion against the author­i­ty of the Unit­ed States, or par­tic­i­pat­ed in a sedi­tious con­spir­a­cy that used force to: oppose the author­i­ty of the Unit­ed States; pre­vent, hin­der and delay the exe­cu­tion of the Elec­toral Count Act; and unlaw­ful­ly seize, take or pos­sess prop­er­ty of the Unit­ed States.”

    That domes­tic extrem­ist groups may have tar­get­ed for recruit­ment mem­bers of law enforce­ment agen­cies and the mil­i­tary as well as vet­er­ans is unsur­pris­ing to Eliz­a­beth Neu­mann, who was the assis­tant sec­re­tary for threat pre­ven­tion and secu­ri­ty pol­i­cy at the Depart­ment of Home­land Secu­ri­ty until she resigned in April.

    Neu­mann said that the mil­i­tary and law enforce­ment agen­cies have long known that active-duty recruit­ment by the far right was an issue but that they have done lit­tle to address it. The prob­lem was fur­ther depri­or­i­tized when Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump entered the White House, she said.

    “It’s a move­ment,” said Neu­mann, who said right-wing extrem­ism has devel­oped around sup­port for Trump and his dog whis­tles. “A lot of them are very decen­tral­ized, but there’s a sophis­ti­ca­tion in who and how they groom peo­ple and how they recruit peo­ple and where they try to encour­age peo­ple to go for their longer-term aims.

    “There’s no doubt in my mind that we have a prob­lem of white suprema­cy and extrem­ism in law enforce­ment and the mil­i­tary,” she said.

    Con­gres­sion­al efforts to inves­ti­gate mem­bers of the mil­i­tary and law enforce­ment agen­cies in the past, how­ev­er, have large­ly been stymied.

    Most recent­ly, a bill titled the Domes­tic Ter­ror Pre­ven­tion Act made its way through the House, although it nev­er came to a vote. Among oth­er pro­vi­sions, it would have required the sec­re­tary of home­land secu­ri­ty, the attor­ney gen­er­al and the direc­tor of the FBI to file an annu­al report that assessed “the domes­tic ter­ror­ism threat posed by White suprema­cists and neo-Nazis, includ­ing White suprema­cist and neo-Nazi infil­tra­tion of Fed­er­al, State, and local law enforce­ment agen­cies and the uni­formed ser­vices.”

    The Sen­ate nev­er con­sid­ered the leg­is­la­tion after it was intro­duced by Sen. Dick Durbin, D‑Ill., with 13 Demo­c­ra­t­ic co-spon­sors. Durbin’s office did­n’t respond to a request for com­ment.

    A for­mer House staffer who worked on the leg­is­la­tion said Democ­rats and Repub­li­cans strug­gled to sup­port the bil­l’s pro­vi­sion to require a domes­tic ter­ror­ism assess­ment of extrem­ist groups’ poten­tial infil­tra­tion of law enforce­ment agen­cies and uni­formed ser­vices.

    The mil­i­tary and law enforce­ment agen­cies were con­sid­ered a dan­ger­ous third rail.

    “Before Wednes­day, a politi­cian could­n’t even pub­licly acknowl­edge that this could be a prob­lem. Two years ago, we were just try­ing to get a report to see if these were just one-offs, because we kept see­ing grow­ing domes­tic ter­ror plots,” the staffer said about the work on the bill. “But every­body was like, ‘Dear God, whose boss is going to lose their seat over this?’ ”

    Law enforce­ment at issue
    Police depart­ments across the coun­try are inves­ti­gat­ing their own mem­bers’ involve­ment in the Capi­tol riot.

    The mob showed up at Trump’s behest to march on Wash­ing­ton in sup­port of his false claim that the Novem­ber elec­tion was stolen and to stop law­mak­ers from con­firm­ing Pres­i­dent-elect Joe Biden’s vic­to­ry.

    New York City’s may­or and police com­mis­sion­er have said they intend to fire any­one who stormed the Capi­tol.

    “This is a group of peo­ple who attacked our Con­gress, attacked it to dis­rupt the pres­i­den­tial vote count,” May­or Bill de Bla­sio said. “Any­one who par­tic­i­pat­ed in that, any­one who stormed that build­ing try­ing to dis­rupt the work­ings of gov­ern­ment, should not be allowed to serve in gov­ern­ment.”

    Police Com­mis­sion­er Der­mot Shea said Mon­day on the NY1 news chan­nel that so far, one New York police offi­cer is alleged to have par­tic­i­pat­ed in the attack and that “any­one com­mit­ting crimes cer­tain­ly would have a very short shelf life with the NYPD.”

    Shea said the offi­cer’s name was­n’t being released “because we don’t know if it’s true or not.”

    Over the week­end, the Philadel­phia Police Depart­ment said it was made aware of social media posts that alleged that one of its detec­tives “may have been in atten­dance at the events.”

    A police spokesman, Sgt. Eric Gripp, said an inter­nal affairs inves­ti­ga­tion had been launched to deter­mine whether any of the depart­men­t’s poli­cies “were vio­lat­ed by the detec­tive, and if they par­tic­i­pat­ed in any ille­gal activ­i­ties while in atten­dance.”

    Philadel­phia police declined Mon­day to iden­ti­fy the detec­tive, cit­ing the inter­nal inves­ti­ga­tion. Gripp said the detec­tive’s assign­ment has been changed pend­ing the out­come.

    The Philadel­phia Inquir­er, cit­ing sources with­in the police depart­ment, iden­ti­fied the offi­cer as Detec­tive Jen­nifer Gug­ger, a mem­ber of the Recruit Back­ground Inves­ti­ga­tions Unit. Gug­ger could­n’t be reached for com­ment at num­bers list­ed for her.

    The police depart­ment in the town of Rocky Mount, Vir­ginia, said in a state­ment Sun­day that it was aware that “two off-duty offi­cers were present at an event in Wash­ing­ton, D.C. on Wednes­day.”

    Rocky Mount police said that they had noti­fied fed­er­al author­i­ties and that the offi­cers are on admin­is­tra­tive leave pend­ing review.

    “The Town of Rocky Mount ful­ly sup­ports all law­ful expres­sions of free­dom of speech and assem­bly by its employ­ees but does not con­done the unlaw­ful acts that occurred that day,” the state­ment said.

    Rocky Mount police did­n’t return an emailed request for com­ment. NBC affil­i­ate WSLS of Roanoke, Vir­ginia, iden­ti­fied the offi­cers through social media posts as Thomas Robert­son and Jacob Frack­er, nei­ther of whom could be reached for com­ment.

    Posted by Mary Benton | January 14, 2021, 6:53 pm
  2. If Trump actu­al­ly attempt­ed a coup it would have been far bet­ter orga­nized since every­thing he has done with crowds has always been done effi­cient­ly.

    Remem­ber the Reich­stag fire !

    Posted by Robert Severin | January 14, 2021, 9:52 pm
  3. @Robert Sev­erin–

    Bull­shit.

    This is like say­ing if the Nazi Par­ty and Hitler had launched the Beer Hall Putsch (a bet­ter com­par­i­son than the Reich­stag Fire or Kristall­nacht), it would have been bet­ter orga­nized and suc­ceed­ed.

    Why do you think NATO secu­ri­ty offi­cials have said it was a coup attempt?

    Get Real,

    Dave Emory

    Posted by Dave Emory | January 15, 2021, 6:24 pm
  4. This next AP arti­cle talks about how the “riot­ers” includ­ed a well orga­nized and pre­pared group of men wear­ing olive-drab hel­mets and body armor trudged pur­pose­ful­ly up the mar­ble stairs in a sin­gle-file line, each man hold­ing the jack­et col­lar of the one ahead in a for­ma­tion, known as “Ranger File,” which is a is stan­dard U.S. mil­i­tary oper­at­ing pro­ce­dure for a com­bat team that is “stack­ing up” to breach a build­ing. They had body armor and tech­nol­o­gy such as two-way radio head­sets that were sim­i­lar to those of the very police they were con­fronting.

    Oth­ers at the ral­ly were wear­ing patch­es and insignias rep­re­sent­ing far-right mil­i­tant groups, includ­ing the Proud Boys, the Three Per­centers and var­i­ous self-styled state mili­tias.

    Par­tic­i­pants includ­ed:
    — an active-duty psy­cho­log­i­cal war­fare cap­tain from North Car­oli­na who orga­nized three bus­loads of peo­ple. A
    — - a dec­o­rat­ed Navy Seal that as a result of his par­tic­i­pa­tion was forced to resign resigned from a pro­gram that helps pre­pare poten­tial SEAL appli­cants (i.e.t to recruit and pro­gram new extrem­ists into the SEALS from the time they join.
    — “Marine vet/ boxer/ patriot/ Proud Boy.” who was with a group at the Capi­tol whose mem­bers said they would have killed “any­one they got their hands on,” includ­ing House Speak­er Nan­cy Pelosi. The wit­ness fur­ther stat­ed that mem­bers of this group said they would have killed (Vice Pres­i­dent) Mike Pence if giv­en the chance,”

    The arti­cle also men­tions that experts in home­grown extrem­ism have warned for years about efforts by far-right mil­i­tants and white-suprema­cist groups to rad­i­cal­ize and recruit peo­ple with mil­i­tary and law enforce­ment train­ing. They wore mil­i­tary-style patch­es that read “MILITIA” and “OATHKEEPER.”

    https://apnews.com/article/ex-military-cops-us-capitol-riot-a1cb17201dfddc98291edead5badc257

    Capi­tol riot­ers includ­ed high­ly trained ex-mil­i­tary and cops

    Jan­u­ary 15, 2021
    By MICHAEL BIESECKER, JAKE BLEIBERG and JAMES LAPORTA

    WASHINGTON (AP) — As Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump’s sup­port­ers massed out­side the Capi­tol last week and sang the nation­al anthem, a line of men wear­ing olive-drab hel­mets and body armor trudged pur­pose­ful­ly up the mar­ble stairs in a sin­gle-file line, each man hold­ing the jack­et col­lar of the one ahead.

    The for­ma­tion, known as “Ranger File,” is stan­dard oper­at­ing pro­ce­dure for a com­bat team that is “stack­ing up” to breach a build­ing — instant­ly rec­og­niz­able to any U.S. sol­dier or Marine who served in Iraq and Afghanistan. It was a chill­ing sign that many at the van­guard of the mob that stormed the seat of Amer­i­can democ­ra­cy either had mil­i­tary train­ing or were trained by those who did.

    An Asso­ci­at­ed Press review of pub­lic records, social media posts and videos shows at least 22 cur­rent or for­mer mem­bers of the U.S. mil­i­tary or law enforce­ment have been iden­ti­fied as being at or near the Capi­tol riot, with more than a dozen oth­ers under inves­ti­ga­tion but not yet named. In many cas­es, those who stormed the Capi­tol appeared to employ tac­tics, body armor and tech­nol­o­gy such as two-way radio head­sets that were sim­i­lar to those of the very police they were con­fronting.

    Experts in home­grown extrem­ism have warned for years about efforts by far-right mil­i­tants and white-suprema­cist groups to rad­i­cal­ize and recruit peo­ple with mil­i­tary and law enforce­ment train­ing, and they say the Jan. 6 insur­rec­tion that left five peo­ple dead saw some of their worst fears real­ized.

    “ISIS and al-Qai­da would drool over hav­ing some­one with the train­ing and expe­ri­ence of a U.S. mil­i­tary offi­cer,” said Michael Ger­man, a for­mer FBI agent and fel­low with the Bren­nan Cen­ter for Jus­tice at New York Uni­ver­si­ty. “These peo­ple have train­ing and capa­bil­i­ties that far exceed what any for­eign ter­ror­ist group can do. For­eign ter­ror­ist groups don’t have any mem­bers who have badges.”

    Among the most promi­nent to emerge is a retired Air Force lieu­tenant colonel and dec­o­rat­ed com­bat vet­er­an from Texas who was arrest­ed after he was pho­tographed wear­ing a hel­met and body armor on the floor of the Sen­ate, hold­ing a pair of zip-tie hand­cuffs.

    Anoth­er Air Force vet­er­an from San Diego was shot and killed by a Capi­tol Police offi­cer as she tried to leap through a bar­ri­cade near the House cham­ber. A retired Navy SEAL, among the most elite spe­cial war­fare oper­a­tors in the mil­i­tary, post­ed a Face­book video about trav­el­ing from his Ohio home to the ral­ly and seem­ing­ly approv­ing of the inva­sion of “our build­ing, our house.”

    Two police offi­cers from a small Vir­ginia town, both of them for­mer infantry­men, were arrest­ed by the FBI after post­ing a self­ie of them­selves inside the Capi­tol, one flash­ing his mid­dle fin­ger at the cam­era.

    Also under scruti­ny is an active-duty psy­cho­log­i­cal war­fare cap­tain from North Car­oli­na who orga­nized three bus­loads of peo­ple who head­ed to Wash­ing­ton for the “Save Amer­i­ca” ral­ly in sup­port the president’s false claim that the Novem­ber elec­tion was stolen from him.

    While the Pen­ta­gon declined to pro­vide an esti­mate for how many oth­er active-duty mil­i­tary per­son­nel are under inves­ti­ga­tion, the military’s top lead­ers were con­cerned enough ahead of Pres­i­dent-elect Joe Biden’s inau­gu­ra­tion that they issued a high­ly unusu­al warn­ing to all ser­vice mem­bers this week that the right to free speech gives no one the right to com­mit vio­lence.

    The chief of the U.S. Capi­tol Police was forced to resign fol­low­ing the breach and sev­er­al offi­cers have been sus­pend­ed pend­ing the out­come of inves­ti­ga­tions into their con­duct, includ­ing one who posed for a self­ie with a riot­er and anoth­er who was seen wear­ing one of Trump’s red “Make Amer­i­ca Great Again” caps.

    The AP’s review of hun­dreds of videos and pho­tos from the insur­rec­tion­ist riot shows scores of peo­ple mixed in the crowd who were wear­ing mil­i­tary-style gear, includ­ing hel­mets, body armor, ruck­sacks and two-way radios. Dozens car­ried can­is­ters of bear spray, base­ball bats, hock­ey sticks and pro-Trump flags attached to stout poles lat­er used to bash police offi­cers.

    A close exam­i­na­tion of the group march­ing up the steps to help breach the Capi­tol shows they wore mil­i­tary-style patch­es that read “MILITIA” and “OATHKEEPER.” Oth­ers were wear­ing patch­es and insignias rep­re­sent­ing far-right mil­i­tant groups, includ­ing the Proud Boys, the Three Per­centers and var­i­ous self-styled state mili­tias.

    The Oath Keep­ers, which claims to count thou­sands of cur­rent and for­mer law enforce­ment offi­cials and mil­i­tary vet­er­ans as mem­bers, have become fix­tures at protests and counter-protests across the coun­try, often heav­i­ly armed with semi-auto­mat­ic car­bines and tac­ti­cal shot­guns.

    Stew­art Rhodes, an Army vet­er­an who found­ed the Oath Keep­ers in 2009 as a reac­tion to the pres­i­den­cy of Barack Oba­ma, had been say­ing for weeks before the Capi­tol riot that his group was prepar­ing for a civ­il war and was “armed, pre­pared to go in if the pres­i­dent calls us up.”

    Adam New­bold, the retired Navy SEAL from Lis­bon, Ohio, whose more than two-decade mil­i­tary career includes mul­ti­ple com­bat awards for val­or, said in a Jan. 5 Face­book video, “We are just very pre­pared, very capa­ble and very skilled patri­ots ready for a fight.”

    He lat­er post­ed a since-delet­ed fol­low-up video after the riot say­ing he was “proud” of the assault.

    New­bold, 45, did not respond to mul­ti­ple mes­sages from the AP but in an inter­view with the Task & Pur­pose web­site he denied ever going inside the Capi­tol. He added that because of the fall­out from the videos he has resigned from a pro­gram that helps pre­pare poten­tial SEAL appli­cants.

    Retired Air Force Lt. Col. Lar­ry Ren­dall Brock Jr. of Texas was released to home con­fine­ment Thurs­day after a pros­e­cu­tor alleged the for­mer fight­er pilot had zip-tie hand­cuffs on the Sen­ate floor because he planned to take hostages.

    “He means to kid­nap, restrain, per­haps try, per­haps exe­cute mem­bers of the U.S. gov­ern­ment,” Assis­tant U.S. Attor­ney Jay Weimer said. “His pri­or expe­ri­ence and train­ing make him all the more dan­ger­ous.”

    Fed­er­al author­i­ties on Fri­day also arrest­ed Dominic Pez­zo­la, a 43-year-old for­mer Marine from New York who iden­ti­fied him­self on social media as being a mem­ber of the Proud Boys.

    The FBI iden­ti­fied Pez­zo­la as the beard­ed man seen in wide­ly shared video shat­ter­ing an exte­ri­or Capi­tol win­dow with a stolen Capi­tol Police riot shield before he and oth­ers climbed inside. He also appears in a sec­ond video tak­en inside the build­ing that shows him smok­ing a cig­ar in what he calls a “vic­to­ry smoke,” accord­ing to a court fil­ing.

    In an online biog­ra­phy, Pez­zo­la, whose nick­name is “Spaz­zo,” describes him­self as “Marine vet/ boxer/ patriot/ Proud Boy.” Ser­vice records show he served six years state­side as an infantry­man and was dis­charged in 2005 at the rank of cor­po­ral.

    Accord­ing to court fil­ings, an uniden­ti­fied wit­ness told the FBI that Pez­zo­la was with a group at the Capi­tol whose mem­bers said they would have killed “any­one they got their hands on,” includ­ing House Speak­er Nan­cy Pelosi. The wit­ness fur­ther stat­ed that mem­bers of this group said they would have killed (Vice Pres­i­dent) Mike Pence if giv­en the chance,” the affi­davit said.

    Army com­man­ders at Fort Bragg in North Car­oli­na are inves­ti­gat­ing the pos­si­ble involve­ment of Capt. Emi­ly Rainey, the 30-year-old psy­cho­log­i­cal oper­a­tions offi­cer and Afghanistan war vet­er­an who told the AP she trav­eled with 100 oth­ers to Wash­ing­ton to “stand against elec­tion fraud.” She insist­ed she act­ed with­in Army reg­u­la­tions and that no one in her group entered the Capi­tol or broke the law.

    “I was a pri­vate cit­i­zen and doing every­thing right and with­in my rights,” Rainey said.

    More than 125 peo­ple have been arrest­ed so far on charges relat­ed to the Capi­tol riot, rang­ing from cur­few vio­la­tions to seri­ous fed­er­al felonies relat­ed to theft and weapons pos­ses­sion.

    Bri­an Har­rell, who served as the assis­tant sec­re­tary for infra­struc­ture pro­tec­tion at the Depart­ment of Home­land Secu­ri­ty until last year, said it is “obvi­ous­ly prob­lem­at­ic” when “extrem­ist bad actors” have mil­i­tary and law enforce­ment back­grounds.

    “Many have spe­cial­ized train­ing, some have seen com­bat, and near­ly all have been fed dis­in­for­ma­tion and pro­pa­gan­da from ille­git­i­mate sources,” Har­rell said. “They are fueled by con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries, feel as if some­thing is being stolen from them, and they are not inter­est­ed in debate. This is a pow­der keg cock­tail wait­ing to blow.”

    The FBI is warn­ing of the poten­tial for more blood­shed. In an inter­nal bul­letin issued Sun­day, the bureau warned of plans for armed protests at all 50 state cap­i­tals and in Wash­ing­ton, D.C., in the com­ing weeks.

    Mean­while, police depart­ments in such major cities as New York, Los Ange­les, Las Vegas, Hous­ton and Philadel­phia announced they were inves­ti­gat­ing whether mem­bers of their agen­cies par­tic­i­pat­ed in the Capi­tol riot. The Philadel­phia area’s tran­sit author­i­ty is also inves­ti­gat­ing whether sev­en of its police offi­cers who attend­ed Trump’s ral­ly in Wash­ing­ton broke any laws.

    A Texas sher­iff announced last week that he had report­ed one of his lieu­tenants to the FBI after she post­ed pho­tos of her­self on social media with a crowd out­side the Capi­tol. Bexar Coun­ty Sher­iff Javier Salazar said Lt. Rox­anne Math­ai, a 46-year-old jail­er, had the right to attend the ral­ly but he’s inves­ti­gat­ing whether she may have bro­ken the law.

    One of the posts Math­ai shared was a pho­to that appeared to be tak­en Jan. 6 from among the mass of Trump sup­port­ers out­side the Capi­tol, cap­tioned: “Not gonna lie. ... aside from my kids, this was, indeed, the best day of my life. And it’s not over yet.”

    A lawyer for Math­ai, a moth­er and long­time San Anto­nio res­i­dent, said she attend­ed the Trump ral­ly but nev­er entered the Capi­tol.

    In Hous­ton, Police Chief Art Aceve­do said an 18-year vet­er­an of the depart­ment sus­pect­ed of join­ing the mob that breached the Capi­tol resigned before a dis­ci­pli­nary hear­ing that was set for Fri­day.

    “There is no excuse for crim­i­nal activ­i­ty, espe­cial­ly from a police offi­cer,” Aceve­do said. “I can’t tell you the anger I feel at the thought of a police offi­cer, and oth­er police offi­cers, think­ing they get to storm the Capi­tol.”
    ___
    Bleiberg report­ed from Dal­las and LaPor­ta from in Del­ray Beach, Flori­da. Robert Burns and Michael Bal­samo in Wash­ing­ton; Jim Mus­t­ian, Michael R. Sisak and Thalia Beaty in New York; Michael Kun­zel­man in Col­lege Park, Mary­land; Juan A. Lozano in Hous­ton; Clau­dia Lauer in Philadel­phia; Martha Bel­lisle in Seat­tle; Ste­fanie Dazio in Los Ange­les; and Car­olyn Thomp­son in Buf­fa­lo, New York, con­tributed.
    ___
    Fol­low Asso­ci­at­ed Press Inves­tiga­tive Reporter Michael Bieseck­er at http://twitter.com/mbieseck; Jake Bleiberg at http://twitter.com/JZBleiberg; and James LaPor­ta at http://twitter.com/JimLaPorta
    ___
    Con­tact AP’s glob­al inves­tiga­tive team at Investigative@ap.org

    Posted by Mary Benton | January 15, 2021, 9:17 pm
  5. This next arti­cle shows sur­pris­ing knowl­edge of White House per­son­nel by the good old Amer­i­can Patri­ot who sells MyP­il­low Mike Lin­dell. How­ev­er, he may have been sim­ply a mes­sanger pass­ing along a mes­sage. Mr. Lin­dell had a meet­ing with Don Trump and tried to per­suade him to declare mar­tial law, uti­lize the Insur­rec­tion Act for his pur­pos­es and exe­cute CIA lead­er­ship shake­up in his last few days start­ing with Kash Patel to lead it. The arti­cle does not men­tion that before work­ing in the Unit­ed States Depart­ment of Jus­tice Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Divi­sion, where he simul­ta­ne­ous­ly served as a legal liai­son to the Joint Spe­cial Oper­a­tions Com­mand, Mr. Patel ws a pub­lic defend­er he rep­re­sent­ed clients charged with felonies includ­ing inter­na­tion­al drug traf­fick­ing, mur­der, firearms vio­la­tions, and bulk cash smug­gling.

    For a pil­low com­pa­ny own­er and sales­man, Mr. Lin­dell has an uncan­ny under­stand­ing of White House oper­a­tions and who needs to be replaced before the Pres­i­den­cy expires.

    Lin­dell made claims of elec­tion fraud claims on the Far Right wing Media Sta­tion News­max and they cut him off while he was on the air. On the day of the MAGA riots he was in D.C., and after it he assert­ed the event was staged by Antifa. He pushed the mes­sage that Trump sup­port­ers ‘broke the algo­rithms.’ These rant­i­ngs are con­sis­tent with the far right pro­pa­gan­da that ral­lied the riot­ers to their cause.

    Lin­dell also a rela­tion­ship with Mike Fly­nn, the nation­al secu­ri­ty advi­sor who lied to the FBI, got a par­don, then went to the Oval Office and advo­cat­ed mar­tial law.

    If one were try­ing to get a bet­ter night of sleep, I would rec­om­mend that they spend their mon­ey on a bet that pil­low sales­man Mike Lin­dell is a deep cov­er agent serv­ing fas­cist objec­tives rather than on his pil­low, even if it is made in Amer­i­ca.

    https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-9153263/Donald-Trump-holds-talks-MyPillow-CEO-Mike-Lindell-brandishes-notes-MARTIAL-LAW.html

    Don­ald Trump holds talks with MyP­il­low CEO Mike Lin­dell who bran­dish­es notes about ‘MARTIAL LAW’

    By GEOFF EARLE, DEPUTY U.S. POLITICAL EDITOR and KEITH GRIFFITH FOR DAILYMAIL.COM
    PUBLISHED: 17:41 EST, 15 Jan­u­ary 2021 | UPDATED: 22:15 EST, 15 Jan­u­ary 2021

    Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump report­ed­ly cut short his meet­ing with MyP­il­low CEO Mike Lin­dell with­in min­utes, after the entre­pre­neur was spot­ted at the White House bran­dish­ing notes ref­er­enc­ing mar­tial law, the Insur­rec­tion Act and a CIA lead­er­ship shake­up.

    Lin­dell said that Trump appeared ‘dis­in­ter­est­ed’ in his notes, and offi­cials say Trump quick­ly dis­missed him and sent him to the White House Coun­sel’s office, accord­ing to New York Times reporter Mag­gie Haber­man. 

    Lin­dell, an infor­mal Trump advi­sor who enthu­si­as­ti­cal­ly backed con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries about mas­sive elec­tion fraud, appeared unex­pect­ed­ly at the White House Fri­day after­noon. A Marine was sta­tioned out­side the West Wing, indi­cat­ing Trump was most like­ly there.

    The MyP­il­low CEO claimed to Haber­man that the notes he was car­ry­ing were on behalf of an unnamed attor­ney he’s been work­ing with to ‘prove’ that Trump real­ly won the pres­i­den­tial elec­tion. 

    Lin­dell denied that the notes ref­er­enced ‘mar­tial law,’ but an admin­is­tra­tion offi­cial said that they def­i­nite­ly con­tained the phrase, and pho­tos of his notes appear to show it. 

    Once Trump dis­missed him, Lin­dell insist­ed on meet­ing White House Coun­sel Pat Cipol­lone, and the meet­ing turned awk­ward in part because the blacked-out part of his notes relat­ed to call­ing for Cipol­lone to be fired, Haber­man report­ed. 

    PHOTO CAPTION: Mike Lin­dell, CEO of My Pil­low, stands out­side the West Wing of the White House in Wash­ing­ton, U.S., Jan­u­ary 15, 2021. A close­up of his notes revealed tense top­ics rang­ing from mar­tial law to the Insur­rec­tion Act and the lead­er­ship of the CIA

    PHOTO CAPTION: A Wash­ing­ton Post pho­tog­ra­ph­er snagged an image of Lin­del­l’s notes, which he did not con­ceal out­side the West Wing

    Amid a huge Nation­al Guard pres­ence in D.C. after last week’s MAGA riots in the Capi­tol, close-up of Lin­del­l’s notes revealed some bizarre snip­pets about what may be on his mind. 

    Lin­dell, like Trump, spoke to the Jan­u­ary 6 ral­ly crowd out­side the White House before Trump sup­port­ers stormed the U.S. Capi­tol. 

    A Wash­ing­ton Post pho­tog­ra­ph­er obtained a close-up of papers car­ried by Lin­dell. 

    One omi­nous line said ‘mar­tial law if nec­es­sary upon the first hint of any....’ The term does not come with­out prece­dent. For­mer Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Advi­sor Mike Fly­nn spoke open­ly about it while par­rot­ing Trump’s claims of a ‘rigged’ elec­tion – and scored his own White House meet­ing after­ward.’

    Anoth­er line, part­ly obscured by Lin­del­l’s hand, most like­ly ref­er­enced the ‘Insur­rec­tion Act’ – the sub­ject of dis­cus­sion before after the elec­tion about use of forces inside the coun­try. It said to ‘Act now as a result of the assault on the  ...’

    Oth­er lines hint­ed at rec­om­mend­ed staff moves. One reads ‘Colon NOW as Act­ing Nation­al Secu­ri­ty...’ – sug­gest­ing a staff move atop the Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Agency or a new Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Advi­sor. 

    The fol­low­ing lines ref­er­ence Fort Mead and a top cyber­se­cu­ri­ty lawyer, which could iden­ti­fy Frank Colon, who accord­ing to his LinkedIn page is an attor­ney with Cyber Oper­a­tions 780th Mil­i­tary Intel­li­gence Brigade.
    Colon said he had nev­er met Lin­dell and was baf­fled by the pro­pos­al to install him in a high-rank­ing posi­tion, accord­ing to New York Mag­a­zine.

    He described him­self as ‘just a gov­ern­ment employ­ee who does work for the Army.’ 

    PHOTO CAPTION: Lin­dell claimed that the notes he was car­ry­ing were on behalf of an unnamed attor­ney he’s been work­ing with to ‘prove’ that Trump real­ly won the pres­i­den­tial elec­tion

    PHOTO CAPTION: The notes also appear to ref­er­ence poten­tial cab­i­net moves just days before Trump is to leave office

    PHOTO CAPTION: MyP­il­low CEO speaks at ‘Stop the Steal’ ral­ly, accus­es Fox News of try­ing to over­throw Trump admin­is­tra­tion. Fol­low­ing the ral­ly, a MAGA mob ran­sacked the Capi­tol
    There are also ref­er­ences to ‘Krak­en’ lawyer Sid­ney Pow­ell, who over­saw failed elec­tion chal­lenges in court and who has been at the White House post-elec­tion. 

    ‘Move Kash Patel to CIA Act­ing,’ it says, in a line which could indi­cate a pro­pos­al to oust CIA Direc­tor Gina Haspel, and put in her place a Trump loy­al­ist recent­ly moved to the Pen­ta­gon. 

    ‘I ordered the DOD to ful­ly coop­er­ate with Pres­i­dent-elect Joe Biden,’ Patel wrote in an op-ed post­ed by Fox News Thurs­day – after the Biden tran­si­tion com­plained for weeks it was not get­ting the brief­in­gs it request­ed.  

    Oth­er lines are mere snip­pets, but they sug­gest Trump’s obses­sion with a ‘stolen’ elec­tion – although Joe Biden beat him by 7 mil­lion votes, or 306 to 232 in the Elec­toral Col­lege.

    ‘Been with get­ting the evi­dence of ALL the ... as the elec­tion and all infor­ma­tion regard­ing ... among peo­ple he knows who already have secu­ri­ty ... done mas­sive research on these issues,’ the notes say.   

    ‘For­eign Inter­fer­ence in the elec­tion Trig­ger ... pow­ers, make clear this is a China/Iran ... domes­tic actors. Instruct Frank,’ it says. 

    PHOTO CAPTION: The notes men­tion ‘Krak­en’ lawyer Sid­ney Pow­ell, as well as oth­er indi­vid­u­als

    The meet­ing comes days after Trump took part in a script­ed video where he final­ly said: ‘A new admin­is­tra­tion will be inau­gu­rat­ed on Jan­u­ary 20.’ But he has­n’t said out­right that Joe Biden won, even as Vice Pres­i­dent Mike Pence final­ly called Vice Pres­i­dent-elect Kamala Har­ris and began what appears to be a farewell tour.

    Trump has been hun­kered down in office, with bizarre White House sched­ules say­ing only that: ‘Pres­i­dent Trump will work from ear­ly in the morn­ing until late in the evening. He will make many calls and have many meet­ings.’

    A mes­sage to Lin­dell was not imme­di­ate­ly returned. The White House did not imme­di­ate­ly respond to a request for com­ment about the meet­ing.
    Trump’s obses­sion with over­turn­ing the results are also reflect­ed in charts that could be seen as trade advi­sor Peter Navar­ro walked on White House grounds. It said ‘Vote Irreg­u­lar­i­ties and Ille­gal­i­ties by Cat­e­go­ry and State.’ 
    Trump him­self is expect­ed to leave D.C. on Jan­u­ary 20th, with no plans for the tra­di­tion­al meet­ing with Pres­i­dent-elect Joe Biden. 

    The omi­nous snip­pets in Lin­del­l’s notes about the elec­tion were con­tra­dict­ed by real­i­ty on the ground at the White House Fri­day after­noon. A pro­ces­sion of aides left the build­ing with box­es, even pack­ing away large framed pho­tos that have adorned the build­ing.

    HOW MIKE LINDELL WENT FROM CRACK ADDICT TO CHRISTIAN PILLOW PITCHMAN TO QANON SPOUTING TRUMP ADVISER
    With his preter­nat­u­ral­ly dark hair and mus­tache, ubiq­ui­tous TV ads and tri­umph-over-tragedy per­son­al sto­ry, Mike Lin­dell should be the per­fect pitch­man for his pil­lows.

    But his advo­ca­cy of Don­ald Trump appears to have tak­en him into dark­er and more dan­ger­ous ter­ri­to­ry, car­ry­ing notes about ‘mar­tial law’ to the Oval Office for a meet­ing with Trump on his last Fri­day in the White House.

    Lin­dell, 59, was a small-time Min­neso­ta busi­ness­man who became addict­ed to crack cocaine and alco­hol, los­ing his wife with whom he had four chil­dren to divorce because of it, but — accord­ing to his often-told sto­ry — still man­aged to invent his MyP­il­low in 2004 and turn it into a suc­cess.

    The pil­low itself is a patent­ed foam design and from the begin­ning Lin­dell man­u­fac­tured it in his native state and put its Made in Amer­i­ca cre­den­tials in the pitch.

    In its first years Lin­dell sold it at mall kiosks and state fairs but his own life had a dra­mat­ic change, he says, in 2009, when he became sober, putting it down to the pow­er of prayer.

    Cleaned up, he record­ed a 30-minute live-audi­ence infomer­cial at the cost of $500,000 in 2011 and watched the suc­cess take off — with Lin­dell the focal point as much as the pil­lows.

    With tranch­es of TV ads Lin­dell made a for­tune — not with­out bumps on te way includ­ing set­tling a law­suit for claims the pil­lows helped with snor­ing and divorc­ing his sec­ond wife after less than two months of mar­riage — and made his evan­gel­i­cal faith and then his alle­giance to Trump as much part of his pitch as his prod­ucts.

    They appear to have first met in August 2016 and he jumped on the Trump train, going to the first pres­i­den­tial debate in Octo­ber, and speak­ing at a ral­ly that Novem­ber.

    Since then he has become a reg­u­lar ral­ly per­former, even pitch­ing a run for Min­neso­ta gov­er­nor in 2022 — which he has not men­tioned recent­ly — and chair­ing the state’s Trump cam­paign.

    At the ral­lies he would be intro­duced as ‘the MyP­il­low guy’ to cheers and  describe Trump as ‘cho­sen by God,’ tout his own faith and soak up the applause.

    A fair­ly reg­u­lar White House pres­ence, he tout­ed to Trump an unproven COVID ‘cure,’ ole­an­drin, whose man­u­fac­tur­er he had a stake in. 

    Ben Car­son, a dis­tin­guished neu­ro­sur­geon turned Trump cab­i­net mem­ber, took it. He suc­cumbed bad­ly to the infec­tion; Car­son has not main­tained a med­ical reg­is­tra­tion for some years. 

    Lin­dell devot­ed him­self to Trump in the weeks before the 2020 elec­tion, appear­ing at mul­ti­ple ral­lies and con­vinc­ing the pres­i­dent he would win Min­neso­ta, which he lost hand­i­ly. 

    But after the elec­tion defeat Lin­dell became obsessed by Trump’s claims of vot­er fraud and has pushed them at every turn, includ­ing on the Right Side Broad­cast­ing Net­work YouTube chan­nel which he has a finan­cial stake in.

    He lam­bast­ed Fox News for its cov­er­age even though he is thought to be its biggest sin­gle adver­tis­er, and he pushed the out­er fringes of con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries from dis­cred­it­ed ‘Krak­en’ attor­ney Sid­ney Pow­ell. 

    He appears to have fund­ed the Right Side Broad­cast­ing Net­work, a YouTube chan­nel which aired ral­lies from the March for Trump bus tour whose speak­ers includ­ed Lin­dell and Lin Wood, the even more fringe attor­ney who sug­gest­ed Mike Pence should be exe­cut­ed.

    Among the cast of ‘reporters’ on RSB­N’s cov­er­age were oth­er Trump ral­ly reg­u­lars includ­ing the ‘wall guy’ who wears a suit which rep­re­sents the Mex­i­can bor­der wall. The suit is designed to look like it is made of bricks, when the wall is in fact steel and rebar. The ads were inevitably for MyP­il­low.

    Lin­dell also appears to gave devel­oped a rela­tion­ship with Mike Fly­nn, the nation­al secu­ri­ty advi­sor who lied to the FBI, got a par­don, then went to the Oval Office and advo­cat­ed mar­tial law.

    So dis­cred­it­ed were Lin­del­l’s fraud claims that News­max had to cut him off live on air but he was unstop­pable: on the day of the MAGA riots he was in D.C., then after they hap­pened he spout­ed claims that the whole event was staged by Antifa. 

    From a pri­vate jet a few days lat­er he record­ed a mes­sage that ‘Don­ald Trump will be our pres­i­dent for the next four years.’ 

    On Jan­u­ary 20 he will find out if his faith in Trump has been reward­ed or if his claims get the same F rat­ing from real­i­ty which his com­pa­ny did from the Bet­ter Busi­ness Bureau.

    PHOTO CAPTION: A Marine out­side the door indi­cat­ed the pres­i­dent was most like­ly there

    PHOTO CAPTION: US Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump lis­tens as Michael J. Lin­dell, CEO of MyP­il­low Inc., speaks dur­ing the dai­ly brief­ing on the nov­el coro­n­avirus, COVID-19, in the Rose Gar­den of the White House in Wash­ing­ton, DC, on March 30, 2020

    PHOTO CAPTION: Lin­del­l’s pil­low com­pa­ny reg­u­lar­ly adver­tis­es on Fox News

    PHOTO CAPTION: For­mer U.S. nation­al secu­ri­ty advis­er Michael Fly­nn speaks dur­ing a ral­ly to protest the results of the elec­tion, in Wash­ing­ton, U.S., Decem­ber 12, 2020. He urged mar­tial law in a post-elec­tion video

    A view­ing plat­form for the inau­gu­ra­tion already has print­ed sig­nage for Joe Biden and Kamala Har­ris. Biden spoke in Delaware about changes he plans to insti­tute for vac­cine roll­out, fol­low­ing reports that the Trump Admin­is­tra­tion Oper­a­tion Warp Speed name will be one of the first things jet­ti­soned. 

    Even low­er lev­el aides in the West Wing have already depart­ed, leav­ing a skele­ton crew – even as the nation faced a relent­less surge of coro­n­avirus infec­tions and deaths. 

    Lin­dell post­ed even after the riots with claims about ways to ‘sup­press the evil’ and ‘beat the evil’ with claims that Trump sup­port­ers ‘broke the algo­rithms.’

    He post­ed brief com­ments, which appear to be made aboard a pri­vate jet, where he wrote that ‘Don­ald Trump is going to be your pres­i­dent for the next 4 years.’

    Lin­dell retweet­ed a tweet by Right Side Broad­cast­ing Net­work Jan­u­ary 10 which bashed the idea of impeach­ment as point­less. ‘Seems like a whole lot of trou­ble to go through to impeach some­one who, if tra­di­tion has its way, will be gone from office in 10 days. What is going on here, Nan­cy? Seems a lit­tle des­per­ate. There must be...other fac­tors at play,’ it said. 

    Posted by Mary Benton | January 15, 2021, 10:00 pm
  6. Was the insur­rec­tion an inside job? That’s the ques­tion a group of con­gres­sion­al Democ­rats are demand­ing be inves­ti­gat­ed fol­low­ing a con­stel­la­tion of reports point­ing towards exact­ly that sce­nario. Pres­i­dent Trump’s role in foment­ing the the vio­lent mob was out in the open at the “Stop the Steal” ral­ly that imme­di­ate­ly pre­ced­ed the storm­ing. He open­ly called on his audi­ence to go to the Capi­tol and ‘fight like hell’.

    It’s the poten­tial role of mem­bers of Con­gress that has Democ­rats howl­ing for an inves­ti­ga­tion under the grow­ing pile of inves­ti­ga­tion of col­lab­o­ra­tion between Repub­li­can mem­bers of Con­gress and the riot­ers. Secret col­lab­o­ra­tion that they don’t want to pub­licly dis­cuss. That’s the pic­ture that’s emerg­ing now that we have oth­er mem­bers of the House, notably Mikie Sher­rill, who have pub­licly come for­ward claim­ing they wit­nessed riot­ers being giv­en what appeared to be “recon­nais­sance” tours of the con­gres­sion­al com­plex on Jan­u­ary 5 by Repub­li­can mem­bers of Con­gress. House Speak­er Nan­cy Pelosi is already talk­ing about pos­si­ble pros­e­cu­tion of mem­bers of Con­gress who were found to have “aid­ed and abet­ted the crime”.

    As the fol­low­ing USA Today piece notes, the Capi­tol Police admit­ted on Fri­day that they had launched their own inquiry into these mys­te­ri­ous tours so some sort of inves­ti­ga­tion has appar­ent­ly been start­ed that could reveal Repub­li­can con­gres­sion­al mem­bers aid­ing and abet­ting the insur­rec­tion with aid that includes Jan 5 tours of the Capi­tol.

    And as the fol­low­ing piece also dis­turbing­ly notes, the nature of the intent behind those mys­tery tours of the Capi­tol has become some­thing of an area of dis­pute between fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors pur­su­ing charges. On Thurs­day, fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors in Ari­zona told judges that there was “strong evi­dence” that riot­ers had intend­ed to appre­hend and “assas­si­nate elect­ed offi­cials.”

    But on Fri­day, the fed­er­al attor­ney in D.C. over­see­ing the inves­ti­ga­tion, Michael Sher­win, said that author­i­ties have so far found only “bread crumbs” of evi­dence sug­gest­ing that the insur­rec­tion was coor­di­nat­ed. Sher­win also not­ed that the search for pos­si­ble “com­mand and con­trol” of the vio­lent mob rep­re­sent­ed a “top-tier” pri­or­i­ty for inves­ti­ga­tors. And regard­ing the claims by fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors in Ari­zona that strong evi­dence planned on assas­si­nat­ing elect­ed offi­cials, Sher­win stat­ed on Fri­day that there was “no direct evi­dence of kill and cap­ture teams” so far. So we saw a dis­tinct walk-back by fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors on Fri­day of the explo­sive claims made by fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors in Ari­zona on Thurs­day.

    While it will be very inter­est­ing to see if a com­mand and con­trol mech­a­nism was indeed direct­ing at least some of that mob, it’s also the kind of inves­tiga­tive angle that ignores the nature of how ‘lead­er­less resis­tance’ works, where avoid­ing the need for com­mand and con­trol mech­a­nisms is half the point. Trump’s exhor­ta­tions at the ral­ly were enough. Trump’s words were the com­mand and con­trol mech­a­nism. It’s one of the con­cern­ing aspects of Sher­win sug­gest­ing there’s only “bread crumbs” of evi­dence that the insur­rec­tion involved coor­di­na­tion. Indi­rect coor­di­na­tion by vague inflam­ma­to­ry rhetoric is how the far right would like­ly pull off an insur­rec­tion. So either Sher­win was being diplo­mat­ic, or we’re already look­ing at sign of anoth­er ques­tion­able inves­ti­ga­tion into Repub­li­can high crimes that ignores how the far right real­ly oper­ates and coor­di­nates:

    USA TODAY

    Feds: Capi­tol riot cas­es to soar past 300; ‘bread crumbs’ of evi­dence so far point to coor­di­nat­ed assault

    Kevin John­son and Nicholas Wu
    Pub­lished 4:09 p.m. ET Jan. 15, 2021 | Updat­ed 5:46 p.m. ET Jan. 15, 2021

    The soar­ing num­ber of Capi­tol riot inves­ti­ga­tions was expect­ed to top 300 by Fri­day, as the sprawl­ing inquiry con­tin­ued to be aid­ed by a del­uge of pho­tographs and video evi­dence, fed­er­al author­i­ties said Fri­day.

    While offi­cials said they were “mak­ing progress on all fronts,” D.C. U.S. Attor­ney Michael Sher­win said that author­i­ties have so far found only “bread crumbs” of evi­dence sug­gest­ing that the assault was coor­di­nat­ed.

    Sher­win, who is over­see­ing the inves­ti­ga­tion, said the search for pos­si­ble “com­mand and con­trol” of the vio­lent mob rep­re­sent­ed a “top-tier” pri­or­i­ty for inves­ti­ga­tors, adding that a full review of the group’s orga­ni­za­tion could “take weeks, if not months.”

    Late Thurs­day, fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors in Ari­zona had con­tend­ed in court doc­u­ments that there was “strong evi­dence” that riot­ers had intend­ed to appre­hend and “assas­si­nate elect­ed offi­cials.” But Sher­win walked back that claim Fri­day, say­ing there was “no direct evi­dence of kill and cap­ture teams” so far.

    With the riot­ers being pur­sued across the coun­try, Sher­win said author­i­ties were begin­ning to see sus­pects turn them­selves in. Some of them, he said, had hired attor­neys and were offer­ing to pro­vide infor­ma­tion on fel­low attack­ers.

    In some instances, inves­ti­ga­tors have been receiv­ing tips from fam­i­ly mem­bers and friends with infor­ma­tion about sus­pects’ involve­ment.

    “Yes, some are pro­vid­ing coop­er­a­tion,” Sher­win said, “but we’re not cut­ting deals with any­one.”

    Asked whether author­i­ties are review­ing whether law­mak­ers may have aid­ed riot­ers by pro­vid­ing tours of the Capi­tol pri­or to the assault, Assis­tant FBI Direc­tor Steven D’An­tuono said only that inves­ti­ga­tors are “look­ing at every piece of the puz­zle.”

    In the days since the insur­rec­tion, Democ­rats have called for for­mal inves­ti­ga­tions, cit­ing an unusu­al uptick in vis­i­tors sport­ing Trump gear the day before the assault.

    On Fri­day, the U.S. Capi­tol Police acknowl­edged that had launched their own inquiry.

    “The mat­ter is under inves­ti­ga­tion,” Capi­tol Police spokesper­son Eva Malec­ki said.

    The inves­ti­ga­tion comes after a group of more than 30 House Democ­rats sent a let­ter to Capi­tol Hill law enforce­ment offi­cials on Jan. 13, ask­ing for them review what they deemed as sus­pi­cious groups in the Capi­tol lead­ing up to the riot.

    The riot­ers at the Capi­tol on Jan. 6 had an “unusu­al­ly detailed” knowl­edge of the Capi­tol’s lay­out, the law­mak­ers said in their let­ter, and they want­ed poten­tial ties between the tour groups and the riot to be inves­ti­gat­ed.

    House Speak­er Nan­cy Pelosi said Fri­day mem­bers of Con­gress could face charges if it were found they “aid­ed and abet­ted” the riot.

    “Let’s be clear, there’s no way those groups could have got­ten into the Capi­tol with­out a Mem­ber of Con­gress or a staff mem­ber of a mem­ber of Con­gress,” said U.S. Rep. Mikie Sher­rill, a Demo­c­rat from New Jer­sey.

    ...

    ———–

    “Feds: Capi­tol riot cas­es to soar past 300; ‘bread crumbs’ of evi­dence so far point to coor­di­nat­ed assault” by Kevin John­son and Nicholas Wu; USA TODAY; 01/15/2021

    “While offi­cials said they were “mak­ing progress on all fronts,” D.C. U.S. Attor­ney Michael Sher­win said that author­i­ties have so far found only “bread crumbs” of evi­dence sug­gest­ing that the assault was coor­di­nat­ed.”

    The over­see­ing inves­ti­ga­tor in DC has only found bread crumbs point­ing towards coor­di­na­tion between the riot­ers and oth­ers. And yet this came a day after fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors in Ari­zona told a judge that “strong evi­dence” showed riot­ers intend­ed to appre­hend and “assas­si­nate elect­ed offi­cials.” Why the backpedal­ing? Are inves­ti­ga­tors going to be allowed to ask dif­fi­cult ques­tions or is this the kind of ‘inves­ti­ga­tion’ tasked with com­ing up with an ‘answer’ that isn’t over­ly polit­i­cal­ly explo­sive. After all, if it turns out Repub­li­cans in con­gress did col­lude with the riot­ers, those fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors are going to prob­a­bly face the death threats:

    ...
    Sher­win, who is over­see­ing the inves­ti­ga­tion, said the search for pos­si­ble “com­mand and con­trol” of the vio­lent mob rep­re­sent­ed a “top-tier” pri­or­i­ty for inves­ti­ga­tors, adding that a full review of the group’s orga­ni­za­tion could “take weeks, if not months.”

    Late Thurs­day, fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors in Ari­zona had con­tend­ed in court doc­u­ments that there was “strong evi­dence” that riot­ers had intend­ed to appre­hend and “assas­si­nate elect­ed offi­cials.” But Sher­win walked back that claim Fri­day, say­ing there was “no direct evi­dence of kill and cap­ture teams” so far.
    ...

    But fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors aren’t the only ones inves­ti­gat­ing the ques­tion of whether or not mem­bers of con­gress helped orches­trate the riot. The Capi­tol Hill police opened up an inves­ti­ga­tion too fol­low­ing a let­ter from 30 House Democ­rats call­ing for an inves­ti­ga­tion of the Jan 5 mys­tery tours:

    ...
    On Fri­day, the U.S. Capi­tol Police acknowl­edged that had launched their own inquiry.

    “The mat­ter is under inves­ti­ga­tion,” Capi­tol Police spokesper­son Eva Malec­ki said.

    The inves­ti­ga­tion comes after a group of more than 30 House Democ­rats sent a let­ter to Capi­tol Hill law enforce­ment offi­cials on Jan. 13, ask­ing for them review what they deemed as sus­pi­cious groups in the Capi­tol lead­ing up to the riot.

    The riot­ers at the Capi­tol on Jan. 6 had an “unusu­al­ly detailed” knowl­edge of the Capi­tol’s lay­out, the law­mak­ers said in their let­ter, and they want­ed poten­tial ties between the tour groups and the riot to be inves­ti­gat­ed.

    House Speak­er Nan­cy Pelosi said Fri­day mem­bers of Con­gress could face charges if it were found they “aid­ed and abet­ted” the riot.

    “Let’s be clear, there’s no way those groups could have got­ten into the Capi­tol with­out a Mem­ber of Con­gress or a staff mem­ber of a mem­ber of Con­gress,” said U.S. Rep. Mikie Sher­rill, a Demo­c­rat from New Jer­sey.
    ...

    So while the back and forth mes­sag­ing from the fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors is trou­bling, at least it looks like there are mul­ti­ple inves­ti­ga­tions ask­ing the ques­tion of whether or not con­gres­sion­al Repub­li­cans col­lud­ed with the insur­rec­tionary mob in advance.

    Then again, it’s not like we should expect the Capi­tol police to pro­duce a thor­ough inves­ti­ga­tion either. The Capi­tol police are also one of the many insti­tu­tions charged with ignor­ing the warn­ings that some­thing like this was in the works, after all and Con­gres­sion­al Democ­rats are call­ing for inves­ti­ga­tions into the House and Sen­ate Sargeants at Arms too. If there real­ly was a larg­er plot involv­ing mem­bers of Con­gress it would­n’t be sur­pris­ing if some ele­ment of the Capi­tol police forces were in on it too.

    So we’ll see what con­clu­sions these par­al­lel inves­ti­ga­tions by fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors and Capi­tol police. Will the con­clu­sions rough­ly align? And what about col­lu­sion between the riot­ers and the White House? Is that be inves­ti­gat­ed too? Let’s hope so, because as the fol­low­ing ProP­ub­li­ca arti­cle describes, the col­lu­sion between the “Stop the Steal” orga­ni­za­tion and the riot­ers, and allu­sions to vio­lence, was right out in the open for weeks. And “Stop the Steal” — which was found­ed by Roger Stone in 2016 to help Trump secure the GOP nom­i­na­tionis basi­cal­ly a Trump White House oper­a­tion and cre­ation of Roger Stone and Steve Ban­non, even if it’s tech­ni­cal­ly run by Roger Stone acolyte Ali Alexan­der. That’s why Recall how ‘Alt Right’ per­son­al­i­ty Nick Fuenteswho spoke at the Decem­ber 12 Stop the Steal ral­ly where Trump did mul­ti­ple Marine One fly­overswas open­ly rumi­nat­ing about killing state leg­is­la­tors who don’t sup­port the efforts to over­turn the elec­tion for Trump. So if these inves­ti­ga­tions into col­lu­sion with the riot­ers does­n’t find col­lu­sion by the White House, we’ll prob­a­bly need an inves­ti­ga­tion of the inves­ti­ga­tions because this is the kind of col­lu­sion that no one was hid­ing:

    ProP­ub­li­ca

    Capi­tol Riot­ers Planned for Weeks in Plain Sight. The Police Weren’t Ready.

    Insur­rec­tion­ists made no effort to hide their inten­tions, but law enforce­ment pro­tect­ing Con­gress was caught flat-foot­ed.

    by Logan Jaffe, Lydia DePil­lis, Isaac Arns­dorf and J. David McSwane
    Jan. 7, 2021 12:24 a.m. EST

    The inva­sion of the U.S. Capi­tol on Wednes­day was stoked in plain sight. For weeks, the far-right sup­port­ers of Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump railed on social media that the elec­tion had been stolen. They open­ly dis­cussed the idea of vio­lent protest on the day Con­gress met to cer­ti­fy the result.

    “We came up with the idea to occu­py just out­side the CAPITOL on Jan 6th,” lead­ers of the Stop the Steal move­ment wrote on Dec. 23. They called their Wednes­day demon­stra­tion the Wild Protest, a name tak­en from a tweet by Trump that encour­aged his sup­port­ers to take their griev­ances to the streets of Wash­ing­ton. “Will be wild,” the pres­i­dent tweet­ed.

    Ali Alexan­der, the founder of the move­ment, encour­aged peo­ple to bring tents and sleep­ing bags and avoid wear­ing masks for the event. “If D.C. esca­lates… so do we,” Alexan­der wrote on Par­ler last week — one of scores of social media posts wel­com­ing vio­lence that were reviewed by ProP­ub­li­ca in the weeks lead­ing up to Wednesday’s attack on the capi­tol.

    Thou­sands of peo­ple heed­ed that call.

    For rea­sons that remained unclear Wednes­day night, the law enforce­ment author­i­ties charged with pro­tect­ing the nation’s entire leg­isla­tive branch — near­ly all of the 535 mem­bers of Con­gress gath­ered in a joint ses­sion, along with Vice Pres­i­dent Mike Pence — were ill-pre­pared to con­tain the forces massed against them.

    On Wednes­day after­noon, a thin line of U.S. Capi­tol Police, with only a few riot shields between them and a knot of angry pro­test­ers, engaged in hand-to-hand com­bat with riot­ers on the steps of the West Front. They strug­gled with a flim­sy set of bar­ri­cades as a mob in hel­mets and bul­let­proof vests pushed its way toward the Capi­tol entrance. Videos showed offi­cers step­ping aside, and some­times tak­ing self­ies, as if to ush­er Trump’s sup­port­ers into the build­ing they were sup­posed to guard.

    A for­mer Capi­tol police­man well-versed in his agency’s pro­ce­dures was mys­ti­fied by the scene he watched unfold on live tele­vi­sion. Lar­ry Schae­fer, a 34-year Capi­tol Police vet­er­an who retired in Decem­ber 2019, said his for­mer col­leagues were expe­ri­enced in deal­ing with aggres­sive crowds.

    “It’s not a spur-of-the-moment demon­stra­tion that just popped up,” Schae­fer said. “We have a planned, known demon­stra­tion that has a propen­si­ty for vio­lence in the past and threats to car­ry weapons — why would you not pre­pare your­self as we have done in the past?”

    A spokesper­son for the Capi­tol Police did not respond to a request for com­ment.

    In recent years, fed­er­al law enforce­ment agen­cies have stepped up their focus on far-right groups, result­ing in a spate of arrests. In Octo­ber, the FBI arrest­ed a group of Michi­gan extrem­ists and charged them with plot­ting to kid­nap the state’s gov­er­nor. On Mon­day, Wash­ing­ton police arrest­ed Enrique Tar­rio, the leader of the far-right group the Proud Boys, on charges of burn­ing a Black Lives Mat­ter ban­ner.

    Con­ver­sa­tions on right-wing plat­forms are mon­i­tored close­ly by fed­er­al intel­li­gence. In Sep­tem­ber, a draft report by the Depart­ment of Home­land Secu­ri­ty sur­faced, iden­ti­fy­ing white suprema­cists as the biggest threat to nation­al secu­ri­ty.

    The warn­ings of Wednesday’s assault on the Capi­tol were every­where — per­haps not entire­ly spe­cif­ic about the planned time and exact loca­tion of an assault on the Capi­tol, but enough to clue in law enforce­ment about the poten­tial for civ­il unrest.

    On Dec. 12, a poster on the web­site MyMilitia.com urged vio­lence if sen­a­tors made offi­cial the vic­to­ry of Pres­i­dent-elect Joe Biden.

    “If this does not change, then I advo­cate, Rev­o­lu­tion and adher­ence to the rules of war,” wrote some­one iden­ti­fy­ing them­selves as I3DI. “I say, take the hill or die try­ing.”

    Wrote anoth­er per­son: “It’s already appar­ent that lit­er­al­ly mil­lions of Amer­i­cans are on the verge of acti­vat­ing their Sec­ond Amend­ment duty to defeat tyran­ny and save the repub­lic.”

    The eas­i­ly over­pow­ered police force guard­ing the Capi­tol on Wednes­day posed a stark con­trast to the tac­tics deployed by local police dur­ing this summer’s Black Lives Mat­ter protests. Then, the city felt besieged by law enforce­ment.

    On June 1, fol­low­ing a few days of most­ly peace­ful protests, the Nation­al Guard, the Secret Ser­vice and the U.S. Park Police fired tear gas and rub­ber bul­lets to dis­perse a non­vi­o­lent crowd in Lafayette Square out­side the White House to allow Trump to pose with a Bible in front of a near­by church.

    “We need to dom­i­nate the bat­tle­space,” then-Sec­re­tary of Defense Mark Esper said on a call with dozens of gov­er­nors, ask­ing them to send their Nation­al Guard forces to the cap­i­tal.

    On June 2 — the day of the pri­ma­ry elec­tion in Wash­ing­ton — law enforce­ment offi­cers appeared on every cor­ner, heav­i­ly armed in fatigues and body armor. Humvees blocked inter­sec­tions. Bus­es full of troops deployed into mil­i­tary columns and mar­shaled in front of the Lin­coln Memo­r­i­al in a raw show of force. Police ket­tled pro­test­ers in alleys. Chop­pers thud­ded over­head for days and sank low enough over pro­test­ers to gen­er­ate gale-force winds.

    Such dom­i­nance was nowhere in evi­dence Wednes­day, despite a near-lock­down of the down­town area on Tues­day night. Trump sup­port­ers drove to the Capi­tol and parked in spaces nor­mal­ly reserved for con­gres­sion­al staff. Some vehi­cles stopped on the lawns near the Tidal Basin.

    The con­trast shook Washington’s attor­ney gen­er­al, Karl Racine, who seemed to be almost in dis­be­lief on CNN Wednes­day evening.

    “There was zero intel­li­gence that the Black Lives Mat­ter pro­test­ers were going to ‘storm the capi­tol,’” he remem­bered, after tick­ing down the many police forces present in June. “Jux­ta­pose that with what we saw today, with hate groups, mili­tia and oth­er groups that have no respect for the rule of law go into the capi­tol. ... That dichoto­my is shock­ing.”

    The ques­tion of how law enforce­ment and the nation­al secu­ri­ty estab­lish­ment failed so spec­tac­u­lar­ly will like­ly be the sub­ject of intense focus in com­ing days.

    ...

    ———–

    “Capi­tol Riot­ers Planned for Weeks in Plain Sight. The Police Weren’t Ready.” by Logan Jaffe, Lydia DePil­lis, Isaac Arns­dorf and J. David McSwane; ProP­ub­li­ca; 01/07/2021

    “The warn­ings of Wednesday’s assault on the Capi­tol were every­where — per­haps not entire­ly spe­cif­ic about the planned time and exact loca­tion of an assault on the Capi­tol, but enough to clue in law enforce­ment about the poten­tial for civ­il unrest.”

    The warn­ings of planned vio­lence were every­where. Include com­ing from the mouth of Ali Alexan­der, the Stop the Steal founder who was telling fol­low­ers to bring sleep­ing bags and plan to occu­py the area out­side of the Capi­tol. But at the same time Alexan­der was telling sup­port­ers to get ready for an occu­pa­tion — some­thing that could at least in the­o­ry be rel­a­tive­ly peace­ful — he was also mak­ing state­ments on Par­ler like ““If D.C. esca­lates… so do we.” And Trump was back­ing this up with calls for his sup­port­ers to take their griev­ances to the streets in a “wild” protest:

    ...
    “We came up with the idea to occu­py just out­side the CAPITOL on Jan 6th,” lead­ers of the Stop the Steal move­ment wrote on Dec. 23. They called their Wednes­day demon­stra­tion the Wild Protest, a name tak­en from a tweet by Trump that encour­aged his sup­port­ers to take their griev­ances to the streets of Wash­ing­ton. “Will be wild,” the pres­i­dent tweet­ed.

    Ali Alexan­der, the founder of the move­ment, encour­aged peo­ple to bring tents and sleep­ing bags and avoid wear­ing masks for the event. “If D.C. esca­lates… so do we,” Alexan­der wrote on Par­ler last week — one of scores of social media posts wel­com­ing vio­lence that were reviewed by ProP­ub­li­ca in the weeks lead­ing up to Wednesday’s attack on the capi­tol.

    Thou­sands of peo­ple heed­ed that call.

    ...

    Con­ver­sa­tions on right-wing plat­forms are mon­i­tored close­ly by fed­er­al intel­li­gence. In Sep­tem­ber, a draft report by the Depart­ment of Home­land Secu­ri­ty sur­faced, iden­ti­fy­ing white suprema­cists as the biggest threat to nation­al secu­ri­ty.
    ...

    Was the wild nature of the Jan 6 insur­rec­tion the same “wild” protest Trump had in mind? Was it not wild enough? Were tar­get­ed kid­nap­pings and assas­si­na­tions part of the wild­ness that Trump and the Stop the Steal team planned? These are the ques­tion inves­ti­ga­tors need to be ask­ing. So with mul­ti­ple inves­ti­ga­tions already under­way into offi­cial col­lu­sion with the riot­ers, and mul­ti­ple ver­sions of events already being por­trayed by fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors, it’s look­ing like we’re in store for a pret­ty wild legal inves­ti­ga­tion. A wild legal inves­ti­ga­tion that’s either going to result in a wild set of high-lev­el pros­e­cu­tions or, more like­ly, a wild cov­er-up.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | January 16, 2021, 2:45 pm
  7. This next Jan. 15, 2021 Guardian U.K. arti­cle by Stephanie Kirch­gaess­ner, talks about a pos­si­ble source of fund­ing for the efforts to over­turn the U.S. 2020 Pres­i­den­tial Elec­tions.

    https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2021/jan/15/trump-republicans-election-defeat-club-for-growth?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other

    Some por­tions from the arti­cle are includ­ed below with com­men­tary where not­ed, but does not includ­ed the entire arti­cle:

    The Club for Growth has sup­port­ed the cam­paigns of 42 of the rightwing Repub­li­cans sen­a­tors and mem­bers of the House of Rep­re­sen­ta­tives who vot­ed last week to chal­lenge US elec­tion results, dol­ing out an esti­mat­ed $20m to direct­ly and indi­rect­ly sup­port their cam­paigns in 2018 and 2020, accord­ing to data com­piled by the Cen­ter for Respon­sive Pol­i­tics.

    About 30 of the Repub­li­can hard­lin­ers received more than $100,000 in indi­rect and direct sup­port from the group.

    The Club for Growth’s biggest ben­e­fi­cia­ries include Josh Haw­ley and Ted Cruz, the two Repub­li­can sen­a­tors who led the effort to inval­i­date Joe Biden’s elec­toral vic­to­ry, and the new­ly elect­ed far-right gun-rights activist Lau­ren Boe­bert, a QAnon con­spir­a­cy the­o­rist. Boe­bert was crit­i­cised last week for tweet­ing about the House speak­er Nan­cy Pelosi’s loca­tion dur­ing the attack on the Capi­tol, even after law­mak­ers were told not to do so by police.

    Pub­lic records show the Club for Growth’s largest fun­ders are the bil­lion­aire Richard Uih­lein, the Repub­li­can co-founder of the Uline ship­ping sup­ply com­pa­ny in Wis­con­sin, and Jef­frey Yass, the co-founder of Susque­han­na Inter­na­tion­al Group, an options trad­ing group based in Philadel­phia that also owns a sports bet­ting com­pa­ny in Dublin.

    While Uih­lein and Yass have kept a low­er pro­file than oth­er bil­lion­aire donors such as Michael Bloomberg and the late Shel­don Adel­son, their back­ing of the Club for Growth has helped to trans­form the orga­ni­za­tion from one tra­di­tion­al­ly known as an anti-reg­u­la­to­ry and anti-tax pro-busi­ness pres­sure group to one that backs some of the most rad­i­cal and anti-demo­c­ra­t­ic Repub­li­can law­mak­ers in Con­gress.

    Here’s the thing about the hyper wealthy. They believe that their hyper-wealth grants them the abil­i­ty to not be account­able Reed Galen

    The Club for Growth has so far escaped scruti­ny for its role sup­port­ing the anti-demo­c­ra­t­ic Repub­li­cans because it does not pri­mar­i­ly make direct con­tri­bu­tions to can­di­dates. Instead, it uses its funds to make “out­side” spend­ing deci­sions, like attack­ing a candidate’s oppo­nents.

    In 2018, Club for Growth spent near­ly $3m attack­ing the Demo­c­ra­t­ic sen­a­tor Claire McCaskill in Mis­souri, a race that was ulti­mate­ly won by Haw­ley, the 41-year-old Yale law grad­u­ate with pres­i­den­tial ambi­tions who has ampli­fied Don­ald Trump’s base­less lies about elec­tion fraud.

    That year, it also spent $1.2m to attack the Texas Demo­c­rat Beto O’Rourke, who chal­lenged – and then nar­row­ly lost – against Cruz.

    Oth­er leg­is­la­tors sup­port­ed by Club for Growth include Matt Rosendale, who this week called for the res­ig­na­tion of fel­low Repub­li­can Liz Cheney after she said she would sup­port impeach­ment of the pres­i­dent, and Lance Good­en, who accused Pelosi of being just as respon­si­ble for last week’s riot as Trump.

    Dozens of the Repub­li­cans sup­port­ed by Club for Growth vot­ed to chal­lenge the elec­tion results even after insur­rec­tion­ist stormed the Capi­tol, which led to five deaths, includ­ing the mur­der of a police offi­cer.

    Pub­lic records show that Richard Uih­lein, whose fam­i­ly found­ed Schlitz beer, donat­ed $27m to the Club for Growth in 2020, and $6.7m in 2018. Uih­lein and his wife, Liz, have been called “the most pow­er­ful con­ser­v­a­tive cou­ple you’ve nev­er heard of” by the New York Times. Richard Uih­lein, the New York Times said, was known for under­writ­ing “fire­brand anti-estab­lish­ment” can­di­dates like Roy Moore, who Uih­lein sup­port­ed in a Sen­ate race even after it was alleged he had sex­u­al­ly abused under­age girls. Moore denied the alle­ga­tions.

    Yass of Susque­han­na Inter­na­tion­al, who is list­ed on pub­lic doc­u­ments as hav­ing donat­ed $20.7m to the Club for Growth in 2020 and $3.8m in 2018, also declined to com­ment. Yass is one of six founders of Susque­han­na, called a “cru­cial engine of the $5tn glob­al exchange-trad­ed fund mar­ket” in a 2018 Bloomberg News pro­file. The com­pa­ny was ground­ed on the basis of the six founders mutu­al love of pok­er and the notion that train­ing for “prob­a­bil­i­ty-based” deci­sions could be use­ful in trad­ing mar­kets. Susquehanna’s Dublin-based com­pa­ny, Nel­lie Ana­lyt­ics, wagers on sports. [Edi­to­r­i­al ques­tion: Could some of these “prob­a­bil­i­ty-based” deci­sions be relat­ed to trad­ing on infor­ma­tion with advanced knowl­edge of Trumps “crazy” or improp­er mar­ket mov­ing Tweets?}

    A 2009 pro­file of Yass in Philadel­phia mag­a­zine described how secre­cy per­vades Susque­han­na, and that peo­ple who know the com­pa­ny say “stealth” is a word often used to describe its modus operan­di. The arti­cle sug­gest­ed Yass was large­ly silent about his com­pa­ny because he does not like to share what he does and how, and that those who know him believe he is “very ner­vous” about his own secu­ri­ty.

    Yass, who is described in some media accounts as a lib­er­tar­i­an, also donat­ed to the Pro­tect Amer­i­ca Pac, an organ­i­sa­tion affil­i­at­ed with Repub­li­can sen­a­tor Rand Paul. The Pac’s web­site false­ly claims that Democ­rats stole the 2020 elec­tion. [Ed. Note: low pro­file and asso­ci­a­tion with Rand Paul may sug­gest under­ground fas­cist links].

    Posted by Mary Benton | January 17, 2021, 8:59 pm
  8. This Wash­ing­ton Post Arti­cle pro­vides and inter­est­ing fact that Par­doned Gen­er­al and Trump Riot sup­port­er Mike Flynn’s broth­er, Charles was part of the delayed Nation­al Guard Response and the orig­i­nal­ly denied this. “Army false­ly denied Flynn’s broth­er was involved in key part of mil­i­tary response to Capi­tol riot. Lt. Gen. Charles A. Fly­nn is the Army’s deputy chief of staff for oper­a­tions, plans and train­ing. Why would a Con­sti­tu­tion­al­ly Sworn Mil­i­tary Per­son­nel lie about this and vio­late the Mil­i­tary Code of Con­duct? I rec­om­mend that you read the arti­cle and come to your own con­clu­sion if there was influ­ence with this Coup by infil­tra­tions at the high­est lev­el of the mil­i­tary or not. Also if both Flynn’s became Gen­er­als, is this more than a coin­ci­dence. We need more infor­ma­tion to deter­mine if Mike and Charles Fly­nn be sim­i­lar ide­o­log­i­cal­ly with sim­i­lar fas­cist loy­al­ties?

    On a sep­a­rate note, As I read this I real­ized that QAnon was cre­at­ed in part to mobi­lize what is referred to in the Nazi Book by Nation­al Alliance “Ser­pents Walk” as “Chris­t­ian Fas­cists” in what they believe is a fight with Satan (the Democ­rats).

    By Dan Lamothe, Paul Sonne, Car­ol D. Leon­nig and Aaron C. Davis
    Jan­u­ary 20 at 10:42 PM ET

    https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/flynn-national-guard-call-riot/2021/01/20/7f4f41ba-5b4c-11eb-aaad-93988621dd28_story.html

    High­lights state:
    The Army false­ly denied for days that Lt. Gen. Charles A. Fly­nn, the broth­er of dis­graced for­mer nation­al secu­ri­ty advis­er Michael Fly­nn, was involved in a key meet­ing dur­ing its heav­i­ly scru­ti­nized response to the dead­ly assault on the U.S. Capi­tol.

    Charles Fly­nn con­firmed in a state­ment issued to The Wash­ing­ton Post on Wednes­day that he was in the room for a tense Jan. 6 phone call dur­ing which the Capi­tol Police and D.C. offi­cials plead­ed with the Pen­ta­gon to dis­patch the Nation­al Guard urgent­ly, but top Army offi­cials expressed con­cern about hav­ing the Guard at the Capi­tol.

    Fly­nn left the room before the meet­ing was over, antic­i­pat­ing that then-Army Sec­re­tary Ryan McCarthy, who was in anoth­er meet­ing, would soon take action to deploy more guard mem­bers, he said. “I entered the room after the call began and depart­ed pri­or to the call end­ing as I believed a deci­sion was immi­nent from the Sec­re­tary and I need­ed to be in my office to assist in exe­cut­ing the deci­sion,” Fly­nn said.

    The general’s pres­ence dur­ing the call — which has not pre­vi­ous­ly been report­ed — came weeks after his broth­er pub­licly sug­gest­ed that Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump declare mar­tial law and have the U.S. mil­i­tary over­see a redo of the elec­tion.

    The episode high­lights the chal­lenge for the Army in hav­ing an influ­en­tial senior offi­cer whose broth­er has become a cen­tral fig­ure in QAnon, the extreme ide­ol­o­gy that alleges Trump was wag­ing a bat­tle with Satan-wor­ship­ing Democ­rats who traf­fic chil­dren. Michael Fly­nn, who pre­vi­ous­ly ran the Defense Intel­li­gence Agency and left the Army as a three-star gen­er­al, has espoused QAnon mes­sages, and QAnon adher­ents are among those who have been charged in con­nec­tion with the attempt­ed insur­rec­tion. In Novem­ber, Trump announced he had par­doned Fly­nn, who had plead­ed guilty to lying to the FBI.
    The night before the Capi­tol siege, Michael Fly­nn addressed a crowd of Trump sup­port­ers at Free­dom Plaza near the White House, say­ing: “This coun­try is awake tomor­row. . . . The mem­bers, the mem­bers of Con­gress, the mem­bers of the House of Rep­re­sen­ta­tives, the mem­bers of the Unit­ed States Sen­ate, those of you who are feel­ing weak tonight . . . we the peo­ple are going to be here, and we want you to know that we will not stand for a lie.”

    “Char­lie Fly­nn is an offi­cer of an incred­i­bly high integri­ty,” McCarthy said

    The tele­con­fer­ence, orga­nized by D.C. offi­cials after author­i­ties already had declared a riot at the Capi­tol, focused on what actions the mil­i­tary could take in response to the vio­lence, with the Capi­tol Police chief plead­ing for help and the act­ing D.C. police chief grow­ing incred­u­lous at the Army’s reluc­tance to engage. The call includ­ed senior Army offi­cials at the urg­ing of Maj. Gen. William J. Walk­er, the com­mand­ing gen­er­al of the D.C. Nation­al Guard, accord­ing to one per­son with direct knowl­edge of the sit­u­a­tion.

    It was at times dif­fi­cult for the par­tic­i­pants of the call to dis­cern which top Army offi­cial was speak­ing. Offi­cials on the call recalled hear­ing two Army lead­ers dis­cussing the “optics” and “visu­al” of hav­ing Nation­al Guard mem­bers respond at the Capi­tol. One of the Army lead­ers described the pro­test­ers as “peace­ful,” and Con­tee respond­ed that “they’re not peace­ful any­more,” two of the offi­cials said.

    One offi­cial direct­ly famil­iar with the sit­u­a­tion said there was con­cern in both the Army and Nation­al Guard about pos­si­ble polit­i­cal fall­out if it was dis­cov­ered that Fly­nn was involved in the Army’s delib­er­a­tions. That is despite it being com­mon­place that the per­son in Flynn’s role would have been involved

    Army offi­cials declined to answer sev­er­al ques­tions about Flynn’s state­ment, includ­ing how long he was in the room dur­ing the call, whether he said any­thing, and if he was the one who described the crowd at the Capi­tol as most­ly peace­ful.

    The Army also declined to answer why it false­ly said for days that Fly­nn, who already has been con­firmed by the Sen­ate for a pro­mo­tion to four-star gen­er­al, was not involved.

    Posted by Mary Benton | January 21, 2021, 3:46 pm
  9. This next CNN Arti­cle from 1-18-2021 by Nel­li Black, Scott Bron­stein, Bob Orte­ga, Ben­jamin Naughton and Yahya Abou-Ghaz­a­la shows how peo­ple who were par­doned by Trump were part of the plot includ­ing Steve Ban­non, Roger Stone and Mike Fly­nn. Also involved were his lawyer Rudy Giu­liani, and a new­com­er whom I am sure we will be hear­ing more about in the future, Ali Alexan­der. This is an excel­lent sum­ma­ry of pub­lic evi­dence.

    https://www.cnn.com/2021/01/18/politics/trump-bannon-stone-giuliani-capitol-riot-invs/index.html

    How Trump allies stoked the flames ahead of Capi­tol riot

    (CNN) — Steve Ban­non evoked the beach­es of Nor­mandy. Michael Fly­nn drew com­par­isons to Civ­il War bat­tle­fields and spoke of Amer­i­cans who died for their coun­try. Roger Stone called it a strug­gle “between the god­ly and the god­less, between good and evil.” Rudy Giu­liani called for “tri­al by com­bat.” Ali Alexan­der said it would be a “knife fight.”

    As 2020 fad­ed into 2021, some of Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump’s most influ­en­tial sup­port­ers — among them mem­bers of his inner cir­cle who were in direct con­tact with the Pres­i­dent — spoke in omi­nous and vio­lent terms about what was com­ing on Jan­u­ary 6.

    Even as anx­ious eyes turn toward the Inau­gu­ra­tion Day on Jan­u­ary 20, the words of these fire­brands in the lead­up to the riots at the Capi­tol raise cru­cial ques­tions about the rela­tion­ship between the rhetoric of far-right fig­ure­heads and the vio­lence that unfold­ed on Jan­u­ary 6.

    “All hell is going to break loose tomor­row,” Ban­non, Trump’s for­mer top White House advis­er, promised lis­ten­ers of his pod­cast — called “War Room” — on Jan­u­ary 5.

    The next day, Trump him­self gave a ram­bling speech near the White House where he claimed the elec­tion “was stolen from you, from me and from the coun­try,” and called on sup­port­ers to “walk down to the Capi­tol.”
    “We are going to cheer on our brave sen­a­tors and con­gress­men and women,” he added, “and we are prob­a­bly not going to be cheer­ing so much for some of them because you will nev­er take back our coun­try with weak­ness.”

    Soon after, a mob of Trump sup­port­ers stormed the US Capi­tol, killing a police offi­cer and assault­ing oth­ers before charg­ing inside — some car­ry­ing weapons and zip-tie hand­cuffs.

    “What we have is influ­en­tial, pow­er­ful peo­ple influ­enc­ing the Pres­i­dent and push­ing out mes­sages that are rad­i­cal­iz­ing large chunks of the pop­u­la­tion,” said Hei­di Beirich, chief strat­e­gy offi­cer for the Glob­al Project Against Hate and Extrem­ism, a non­prof­it orga­ni­za­tion that mon­i­tors extrem­ism around the world. “It’s very dan­ger­ous.”

    To be sure, as a rule most speech that does­n’t con­vey a direct threat or incite “immi­nent law­less action” is pro­tect­ed under the First Amend­ment.

    But experts told CNN they believe Trump and his most vis­i­ble allies bear a great deal of respon­si­bil­i­ty for stok­ing the flames that led to the Jan­u­ary 6 upris­ing.

    “When you are an advis­er to a Pres­i­dent, for­mal or infor­mal, you need to think about the impact of anti-demo­c­ra­t­ic rhetoric,” said John Hudak, an expert on gov­er­nance stud­ies at the Brook­ings Insti­tu­tion. “And the Pres­i­dent him­self, and a lot of the Pres­i­den­t’s sup­port­ers and cer­tain­ly his chil­dren, seem to believe that it is respon­si­ble for a Pres­i­dent and his advis­ers and fam­i­ly to be anti-demo­c­ra­t­ic. That’s a real prob­lem. And we haven’t real­ly expe­ri­enced that in our his­to­ry.”

    Trump has already paid a his­toric price for his words, with the US House on Wednes­day vot­ing to make him the only Amer­i­can pres­i­dent to have been impeached twice — this time for “incite­ment of insur­rec­tion.”

    But while much atten­tion has been paid to Trump’s words in the run up to the breach of the US Capi­tol, less talked about is the fiery rhetoric of his most high-pro­file cham­pi­ons.

    Ban­non and Giu­liani did not respond to requests for com­ment. Stone reject­ed CNN’s ques­tions as “defam­a­to­ry attempts to say that my belief in God and my view of the last elec­tion in apoc­a­lyp­tic terms is some­how incit­ing vio­lence.” Alexan­der argued he had “no involve­ment in the breach of the US Capi­tol.”

    Fly­nn attor­ney Sid­ney Pow­ell, who her­self is fac­ing a defama­tion law­suit over her claims about the elec­tion (she’s denied the alle­ga­tions), insist­ed that Fly­nn “encour­ages patri­o­tism and law­ful polit­i­cal action,” and to sug­gest oth­er­wise is “absolute­ly ludi­crous.”

    Ban­non’s men­ac­ing metaphors

    PHOTO CAPTION: For­mer White House Chief Strate­gist Steve Ban­non exits the Man­hat­tan Fed­er­al Court on August 20, 2020 in the Man­hat­tan bor­ough of New York City.
    In the weeks between the elec­tion and that day, Ban­non and his guests and co-hosts on his “War Room” pod­cast relent­less­ly pro­mot­ed con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries of elec­tion fraud and cast the fight to over­turn the elec­tion results in war-like and often apoc­a­lyp­tic terms.

    Ban­non’s men­ac­ing metaphors first land­ed him in hot water a few days after on Elec­tion Day, when he sug­gest­ed in a video that post­ed to sev­er­al of his social media accounts that, if he were in charge, he would­n’t mere­ly fire FBI Direc­tor Christo­pher Wray and Antho­ny Fau­ci — the US gov­ern­men­t’s top infec­tious dis­ease expert — but would put their heads on pikes “as a warn­ing to fed­er­al bureau­crats.” Twit­ter per­ma­nent­ly sus­pend­ed his account.
    In Decem­ber, Ban­non’s co-host tweet­ed a video of Ban­non speak­ing on “War Room” over­laid with cin­e­mat­ic music and dra­mat­ic images from the famous D‑Day bat­tle scene of “Sav­ing Pri­vate Ryan.” In it, he spoke of the “moral oblig­a­tion” Trump sup­port­ers have to “the kids that died at Nor­mandy.” He added that if they allow Biden — “that feck­less old man” — to win, “I want you to explain that to the 20-year-old kid in the first wave on D‑Day.”
    On Decem­ber 28, Ban­non insist­ed that patri­ot­ic Trump sup­port­ers had to be ready to fight in the spir­it of George Wash­ing­ton’s sol­diers dur­ing the Amer­i­can Rev­o­lu­tion and Amer­i­can sol­diers on D‑Day in World War II. “That’s our DNA, that’s where we come from,” Ban­non said.

    Ban­non began pro­mot­ing the upcom­ing DC protests of Jan­u­ary 6.

    “l’ll tell you this,” Ban­non said the day before the riot. “It’s not going to hap­pen like you think it’s going to hap­pen. OK, it’s going to be quite extra­or­di­nar­i­ly dif­fer­ent. And all I can say is, strap in ... You have made this hap­pen and tomor­row it’s game day. So strap in. Let’s get ready.”

    The pod­casts also point­ed to close coor­di­na­tion with Trump’s team. “You and me were talk­ing almost every day, many times, you know, 10 times a day,” Trump cam­paign advis­er Boris Epshteyn said to Ban­non on Decem­ber 28.

    Mean­while, a senior Trump advis­er con­firmed that the Pres­i­dent and Ban­non have been in com­mu­ni­ca­tion in recent weeks, dis­cussing Trump’s con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries about the elec­tion.

    ‘You either fight with us or you get slashed’

    PHOTO CAPTION Roger Stone, for­mer advis­er to U.S. Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump, is flanked by secu­ri­ty dur­ing a ral­ly at Free­dom Plaza, ahead of the U.S. Con­gress cer­ti­fi­ca­tion of the Novem­ber 2020 elec­tion results, dur­ing protests in Wash­ing­ton, U.S., Jan­u­ary 5, 2021.
    Just before Christ­mas, Alexan­der — a polit­i­cal activist who has orga­nized pro-Trump ral­lies, includ­ing one of the demon­stra­tions that con­verged on the Capi­tol lawn on Jan­u­ary 6 — used vio­lent metaphors to hint at what was to come in Jan­u­ary when speak­ing to fol­low­ers of his livestream chan­nel on the social media plat­form Periscope. In his free­wheel­ing mono­logue, Alexan­der cred­it­ed Roger Stone, a vet­er­an Repub­li­can oper­a­tive and self-described “dirty trick­ster” whose 40-month prison sen­tence for sev­en felonies was cut short by Trump’s com­mu­ta­tion in July. (He was giv­en a full par­don in Decem­ber).

    “This is some­thing Roger and I have been plan­ning for a long time,” Alexan­der said. “And final­ly, he’s off the leash. So, you know, it’s a knife fight and your two knife fight­ers are Ali Alexan­der and Roger Stone, and you either fight with us or you get slashed. So I’ll let you guys know more about what that means as we evolve.”

    Alexan­der has helped turn the “Stop the Steal” slo­gan that Stone launched on Trump’s behalf dur­ing the 2016 pri­maries into a ral­ly­ing cry for con­ser­v­a­tives around the coun­try.
    At a DC ral­ly on the night of Jan­u­ary 5, Stone took the stage clad in one of his trade­mark pin­stripe suits as a dance track titled “Roger Stone did noth­ing wrong” blared from the speak­ers.
    After repeat­ing the false­hood that the elec­tion was stolen from Trump, Stone, 68, ral­lied the faith­ful with an us-ver­sus-them bat­tle cry.

    “This is noth­ing less than an epic strug­gle for the future of this coun­try between dark and light, between the god­ly and the god­less, between good and evil,” he said. “And we will win this fight or Amer­i­ca will step off into a thou­sand years of dark­ness. We dare not fail. I will be with you tomor­row shoul­der to shoul­der.”

    Stone also has bumped elbows with extrem­ist groups, most notably the Proud Boys. In Sep­tem­ber he endorsed the con­gres­sion­al can­di­da­cy of Nick Ochs, who found­ed the Hawaii chap­ter of the far-right orga­ni­za­tion. Ochs, whose bid for the US House came up short, was arrest­ed for his role in the Capi­tol siege. Law enforce­ment was alert­ed to it by the pho­to Ochs post­ed on Twit­ter of him­self enjoy­ing a cig­a­rette in the build­ing, and by the com­ments he made to a CNN reporter.
    Long a dis­penser of super­charged rhetoric, Stone was not mut­ed by his recent run-in with the law, and was talk­ing about elec­tion fraud even before Novem­ber.

    In Sep­tem­ber, he went on con­spir­a­cy the­o­rist Alex Jones’ show, InfoWars, and the two mused dis­cur­sive­ly about “fake bal­lots,” Big Tech and the Clin­tons.

    “If some­one will study the pres­i­den­t’s author­i­ty in the Insur­rec­tion Act in his abil­i­ty to impose, impose mar­tial law,” Stone said, “if there is wide­spread cheat­ing, he will have the author­i­ty to arrest (Mark) Zucker­berg, to arrest Tim Cook, to arrest the Clin­tons, to arrest any­body else who can be proven to be involved in ille­gal activ­i­ty.”

    War analo­gies abound

    PHOTO CAPTION: For­mer US Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Advi­sor Michael Fly­nn speaks to sup­port­ers of Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump dur­ing the Mil­lion MAGA March to protest the out­come of the 2020 pres­i­den­tial elec­tion in front of the US Supreme Court on Decem­ber 12, 2020 in Wash­ing­ton, DC.
    For his part, Jones has joined “Stop the Steal” efforts since the Novem­ber elec­tion and used inflam­ma­to­ry, dark rhetoric to bol­ster the move­men­t’s false claims.

    Two days after elec­tion day, Jones said, “We are in the attempt­ed over­throw of our coun­try.” When a guest on the show men­tioned peo­ple show­ing up in per­son to protest the count­ing of votes, Jones drew a com­par­i­son to World War II.

    “It’s like when Hitler was bomb­ing Lon­don, most Brits were against a war because they had World War I. But once Hitler bombed them, over 95% said let’s go to war,” he said. “This is a war. This is not reg­u­lar times.”

    Jones did not respond to CNN’s request for com­ment.

    Also employ­ing war analo­gies is anoth­er ben­e­fi­cia­ry of Trump’s par­don pow­ers — Michael T. Fly­nn, Trump’s for­mer nation­al secu­ri­ty advis­er.

    Speak­ing to a fired-up crowd at the DC ral­ly on Jan­u­ary 5, Fly­nn — who was par­doned by Trump in Novem­ber after he plead­ed guilty to lying to the FBI about his con­ver­sa­tions with a Russ­ian diplo­mat — man­aged to pack elec­tion-fraud con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries, vio­lent innu­en­do and a call to action into a cou­ple of sen­tences.

    “In some of these states, we have more dead vot­ers than are buried on the bat­tle­fields of Get­tys­burg, or the bat­tle­fields of Vicks­burg, or the bat­tle­fields of Nor­mandy,” he said. “Those of you who are feel­ing weak tonight, those of you that don’t have the moral fiber in your body, get some tonight because tomor­row, we the peo­ple are going to be here, and we want you to know that we will not stand for a lie.”

    Much of the rhetoric lead­ing up to the riot has been draped in the lan­guage of exis­ten­tial threat.

    Speak­ing at a Jan­u­ary 6 ral­ly just before the siege, Rudy Giu­liani — Trump’s per­son­al attor­ney — spoke in grandiose terms about the stakes at hand.

    “This is big­ger than Don­ald Trump,” he said. “It’s big­ger than you and me. It’s about these mon­u­ments and what they stand for. This has been a year in which they have invad­ed our free­dom of speech, our free­dom of reli­gion, our free­dom to move, our free­dom to live. I’ll be darned if they’re going to take away our free and fair vote. And we’re going to fight to the very end to make sure that does­n’t hap­pen.”

    His men­tion of “tri­al by com­bat” was cit­ed by the New York State Bar Asso­ci­a­tion, which has launched an inquiry into Giu­liani to deter­mine whether he should be expelled from the group.
    “Mr. Giu­lian­i’s words quite clear­ly were intend­ed to encour­age Trump sup­port­ers unhap­py with the elec­tion’s out­come to take mat­ters into their own hands,” the group said in a state­ment. “Their sub­se­quent attack on the Capi­tol was noth­ing short of an attempt­ed coup, intend­ed to pre­vent the peace­ful tran­si­tion of pow­er.”

    Experts con­cerned that incite­ment is far from over

    John Scott-Rail­ton, a researcher at Uni­ver­si­ty of Toron­to’s Cit­i­zen Lab who now works with oth­ers to iden­ti­fy extrem­ist groups who were part of the Capi­tol mob, said the rhetoric plays into the fan­tasies of armed pro­test­ers who have been gun­ning for a civ­il war.

    “They’re ready — it’s what they’ve been pranc­ing around in the woods, play­ing dress up, prepar­ing for,” he said. “I’m just ter­ri­bly wor­ried that they weren’t sat­is­fied with what hap­pened on the sixth, and they’re going to come back for more.”

    As for Ban­non, the tenor of his pod­cast took a turn once the vio­lence start­ed unfold­ing.

    On the morn­ing of Jan­u­ary 6, before the ral­ly and march on the Capi­tol, Ban­non echoed Stone’s words by say­ing the day would be a bat­tle between “the chil­dren of light and the forces of dark­ness.”

    But the pod­cast’s tone shift­ed sharply as footage of the vio­lence at the Capi­tol was broad­cast nation­wide. Even as Ban­non and his co-pod­cast­ers con­tin­ued to describe Vice Pres­i­dent Mike Pence as a trai­tor, they absolved Trump and them­selves from any respon­si­bil­i­ty for foment­ing vio­lence.

    “What’s going on right now was choic­es made by indi­vid­u­als who are fed up with what they’ve seen hap­pen,” said right-wing activist Ben Bergquam on a War Room episode lat­er that same day. “When I’m talk­ing to peo­ple on the ground, that is what I’m hear­ing over and over and over again, it has noth­ing to do with Pres­i­dent Trump’s words.”

    Oren Segal, vice pres­i­dent of the Cen­ter on Extrem­ism at the Anti-Defama­tion League, said any­one pay­ing atten­tion knew the events on Jan­u­ary 6 would be a mag­net for angry peo­ple. The vio­lence of extrem­ists, he added, has his­tor­i­cal­ly been sparked by a fear that some­thing is being tak­en away — be it a White major­i­ty, guns or a way of life.

    “Whether it’s ille­gal or not, peo­ple have got­ta know bet­ter,” he said. “You don’t have to be a genius to know how peo­ple are incit­ed by words.”

    CNN’s Nel­li Black, Scott Bron­stein, Bob Orte­ga, Ben­jamin Naughton and Yahya Abou-Ghaz­a­la con­tributed to this report.

    Posted by Mary Benton | January 21, 2021, 3:59 pm
  10. One of the most bizarre things about the Cap­i­tal Insur­rec­tion is when Jacob Chans­ley, the man who paint­ed his face in red, white and blue, was shirt­less and had a Viking hat led a Chris­t­ian prayer from the Sen­ate floor podi­um. This on the sur­face appeared to be pure luna­cy but actu­al­ly there was a sub-rosa strat­e­gy behind this.

    Jacob Antho­ny Chans­ley, 33, is a well-known sup­port­er of the QAnon con­spir­a­cy in his home state of Ari­zona, where he is a failed actor and lives with his mom.

    The ‘QAnon shaman’ who stormed the Capi­tol build­ing dur­ing last week’s riot wear­ing a fur hat with horns and face paint was kicked out of the Navy in 2007 for refus­ing to take an anthrax vac­cine, it has been revealed.

    Chans­ley had also been plan­ning to return to Wash­ing­ton DC to cre­ate a dis­tur­bance at Joe Biden’s inau­gu­ra­tion before he was arrest­ed Sat­ur­day, accord­ing to fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors. 

    The arti­cle states “In that pho­to, Chans­ley held a sign that read, ‘HOLD THE LINE PATRIOTS GOD WINS.’” I believe this is part of a strat­e­gy for the under­ground Reich to tar­get fun­da­men­tal­ist Chris­t­ian nation­al­ists to sup­port fas­cist caus­es.

    The MOST SIGNIFICANT CLUE in the arti­cle stat­ed “One of his tat­toos is said to show the sym­bol of Wotanism, an acronym for ‘Will of the Aryan Nation.’”

    ‘I obey the orders of the pres­i­dent of the Unit­ed States,’ he said. 

    https://mol.im/a/9176681

    Posted by Mary Benton | January 24, 2021, 12:11 pm
  11. Don­ald Trump gave what may be an Aryan Fist Pump/ White Pow­er Sym­bol as he board­ed Marine One on the South Lawn of the White House while he made his final exit from the White House en-route to his Mar-a-Lago Flori­da Resort.
    See pic­ture # 5 out of 28 https://www.afr.com/world/north-america/in-pictures-trumps-fist-pump-as-biden-takes-charge-20210121-h1ti9o

    Sen­a­tor Josh Haw­ley who tried to delay the Sen­ate Cer­ti­fi­ca­tion of the Elec­tion for Joe Biden also has a fist pump on Jan­u­ary 6 to the crowd before they rushed the Cap­i­tal. The arti­cle inter­pret­ed it as a show of sol­i­dar­i­ty for Pres­i­dent Trump. Look near the bot­tom of the arti­cle for the fist pump pic­ture.
    https://www.kansascity.com/news/politics-government/article248354085.html

    My ques­tion is if this was an Aryan Fist Pump iden­ti­fied by the ADL and it sug­gests Under­ground Reich loy­al­ties more than sim­ple pro-Trump loy­al­ties:

    Posted by Mary Benton | January 24, 2021, 12:29 pm
  12. The Wash­ing­ton Post has a new report giv­ing us more details on the time­line of actions, or lack of actions, in the chain of com­mand over­see­ing the DC Nation­al Guard dur­ing the Jan­u­ary 6 storm­ing of the Capi­tol. It’s more or less in line with what we already knew, but with more details about the nature of the obstruc­tions in the chain-of-com­mand that cre­at­ed the mul­ti-hour delays in order­ing in the Guard while a pro-Trump mob scours the Capi­tol for mem­bers of Con­gress. As the report describes, the obstruc­tions were large­ly put in place in advance, includ­ing remov­ing the abil­i­ty of the head of the DC Nation­al Guard, Maj. Gen. William J. Walk­er, to inde­pen­dent­ly send in emer­gency forces with­out first get­ting per­mis­sion from the Pen­ta­gon. And many of these restric­tions were pub­licly known in advance too, with a senior US offi­cial telling the Wash­ing­ton Post on Jan 5 that the mil­i­tary would be “absolute­ly nowhere near the Capi­tol build­ing”. This was in response to what was then the grow­ing con­cerns that then-Pres­i­dent Trump would do some­thing as extreme as declar­ing mar­tial law in order to force a new elec­tion or worse.

    And then, after the Capi­tol police for­mal­ly request­ed the Nation­al Guard (a for­mal request that, itself, came in late at 1:49 PM, well after the Guard was clear­ly need­ed), the deci­sion at the Pen­ta­gon to ulti­mate­ly release the troops was appar­ent­ly being wres­tled over on a phone call described by par­tic­i­pants as “chaot­ic”, where con­cerns of the ‘optics’ of send­ing in the Guard weighed heav­i­ly on top Pen­ta­gon offi­cials. Oh, and it turns out one of the par­tic­i­pants of the chaot­ic phone call includ­ed Charles Fly­nn, broth­er of Michael Fly­nn. So appar­ent sen­si­tiv­i­ties over the heavy-hand­ed use of the Nation­al Guard by Trump to quell police bru­tal­i­ty protests in the sum­mer of 2020 were appar­ent­ly the excuse used to first pre­emp­tive­ly restrict the abil­i­ty of the Nation­al Guard com­man­ders to respond quick­ly to emer­gen­cies and then con­tin­u­ing hold­ing back the Guard after the request was final­ly made:

    The Wash­ing­ton Post

    Pen­ta­gon restrict­ed com­man­der of D.C. Guard ahead of Capi­tol riot

    By Paul Sonne
    Jan. 26, 2021 at 11:00 p.m. UTC

    The com­man­der of the D.C. Nation­al Guard said the Pen­ta­gon restrict­ed his author­i­ty ahead of the riot at the U.S. Capi­tol, requir­ing high­er-lev­el sign-off to respond that cost time as the events that day spi­raled out of con­trol.

    Local com­man­ders typ­i­cal­ly have the pow­er to take mil­i­tary action on their own to save lives or pre­vent sig­nif­i­cant prop­er­ty dam­age in an urgent sit­u­a­tion when there isn’t enough time to obtain approval from head­quar­ters.

    But Maj. Gen. William J. Walk­er, the com­mand­ing gen­er­al of the Dis­trict of Colum­bia Nation­al Guard, said the Pen­ta­gon essen­tial­ly took that pow­er and oth­er author­i­ties away from him ahead of the short-lived insur­rec­tion on Jan. 6. That meant he couldn’t imme­di­ate­ly roll out troops when he received a pan­icked phone call from the Capi­tol Police chief warn­ing that riot­ers were about to enter the U.S. Capi­tol.

    “All mil­i­tary com­man­ders nor­mal­ly have imme­di­ate response author­i­ty to pro­tect prop­er­ty, life, and in my case, fed­er­al func­tions — fed­er­al prop­er­ty and life,” Walk­er said in an inter­view. “But in this instance I did not have that author­i­ty.”

    Walk­er and for­mer Army sec­re­tary Ryan D. McCarthy, along with oth­er top offi­cials, briefed the House Appro­pri­a­tions Com­mit­tee on Tues­day behind closed doors about the events, the begin­ning of what is like­ly to become a robust con­gres­sion­al inquiry into the prepa­ra­tions for a ral­ly that devolved into a riot at the Capi­tol, result­ing in five peo­ple dead and rep­re­sent­ing a sig­nif­i­cant secu­ri­ty fail­ure.

    The mil­i­tary, which isn’t struc­tured to be a first respon­der like law enforce­ment, took hours to arrive at the scene pri­mar­i­ly because the Capi­tol Police and the Dis­trict gov­ern­ment hadn’t asked the D.C. Guard to pre­pare a con­tin­gency force for a riot. The Capi­tol Police chief also didn’t call Walk­er to tell him a request for Guard back­up was immi­nent until about 25 min­utes before riot­ers breached the Capi­tol.

    But the restric­tions the Pen­ta­gon placed on Walk­er also con­tributed to the delay. He need­ed to wait for approval from McCarthy and act­ing defense sec­re­tary Christo­pher C. Miller before dis­patch­ing troops, even though some 40 sol­diers were on stand­by as a quick reac­tion force. That stand­by force had been assem­bled in case the few hun­dred Guard mem­bers deployed that day on the District’s streets to assist police with traf­fic con­trol and crowd man­age­ment need­ed help, Walk­er said.

    The Pen­ta­gon required the high­est-lev­el approval for any moves beyond that nar­row mis­sion, in part because its lead­ers had been lam­bast­ed for actions the D.C. Guard took dur­ing last June’s racial jus­tice protests, includ­ing heli­copters that flew low over demon­stra­tors in D.C. Top offi­cials con­clud­ed those maneu­vers result­ed from “frag­men­tary orders” that hadn’t received high-lev­el approval and were look­ing to pre­vent a repeat of that sit­u­a­tion.

    “After June, the author­i­ties were pulled back up to the sec­re­tary of defense’s office,” McCarthy said in com­ments to The Wash­ing­ton Post. “Any time we would employ troops and guards­men in the city, you had to go through a rig­or­ous process. As you recall, there were events in the sum­mer that got a lot of atten­tion, and that was part of this.”

    McCarthy said he worked hard to ensure author­i­ty was pushed back down the chain of com­mand to Walk­er ahead of the inau­gu­ra­tion, dur­ing which Walk­er over­saw the 25,600 troops that came to the Dis­trict. As for the prepa­ra­tions ahead of Jan. 6, McCarthy said, “It was every­one just being very care­ful. When you go back to times when we’ve done this, like June, we want­ed to make sure we were very care­ful about the employ­ment — care­ful about frag­men­tary orders.”

    Had he not been restrict­ed, Walk­er said he could have dis­patched mem­bers of the D.C. Guard soon­er. Asked how quick­ly troops could have reached the Capi­tol, which is two miles from the D.C. Guard head­quar­ters at the Armory, Walk­er said, “With all delib­er­ate speed — I mean, they’re right down the street.”

    Still, even if Walk­er had been able to send the troops on stand­by to the Capi­tol imme­di­ate­ly, and round up oth­ers in the Dis­trict, it’s unclear how much that would have affect­ed the sit­u­a­tion, giv­en the large size of the mob and the last-minute nature of the call for help.

    Walk­er recalled how Capi­tol Police Chief Steven Sund, who has since resigned, asked him on a call in the run-up to Jan. 6 to have Nation­al Guard troops at the ready.

    “All he said was, ‘If I call you, will you be able to help?’?” Walk­er said. “And I said, ‘Yes, but I need per­mis­sion. So send a for­mal request,’ and I nev­er got it, until after the fact.”

    The request came, but only at 1:49 p.m. the day of the attempt­ed insur­rec­tion. Sund called Walk­er to say riot­ers were about to breach the build­ing and the Capi­tol Police would soon request urgent back­up.

    “I told him I had to get per­mis­sion from the sec­re­tary of the Army and I would send him all avail­able guards­men but as soon as I got per­mis­sion to do so,” Walk­er said. “I sent a mes­sage to the lead­er­ship of the Army, let­ting them know the request that I had received from Chief Sund.”

    Per­mis­sion from the Pen­ta­gon to acti­vate the full D.C. Guard wouldn’t come for anoth­er hour and fif­teen min­utes, accord­ing to a Defense Depart­ment time­line of events, as mem­bers of Con­gress bar­ri­cad­ed them­selves in their offices and hid from a maraud­ing horde try­ing to undo the results of the Nov. 3 elec­tion. It would take near­ly three hours before Miller autho­rized the D.C. Guard to “re-mis­sion” and help the Capi­tol Police estab­lish a perime­ter around the Capi­tol.

    In the mean­time, Sund dialed into a phone call with the Pen­ta­gon.

    In an inter­view with The Post, Sund recalled Army staff direc­tor, Lt. Gen. Wal­ter Piatt, say­ing, “I don’t like the visu­al of the Nation­al Guard stand­ing a police line with the Capi­tol in the back­ground.”

    Piatt, in a state­ment, ini­tial­ly said he didn’t make those remarks or any com­ments sim­i­lar to them. Lat­er, he back­tracked, say­ing he didn’t recall cit­ing such con­cerns but note-tak­ers in the room told him he may have said that. Piatt, who wasn’t in the chain of com­mand, was lead­ing the call while wait­ing for the Army sec­re­tary to receive approval for the full acti­va­tion of the D.C. Guard from Miller.

    Walk­er said a lot of peo­ple were on the chaot­ic call.

    “There was some talk about optics, but I can’t assign that to one per­son,” Walk­er said. “From the Army lead­er­ship, there were quite a few peo­ple on the call. ... It’s clear that some­body talked about the optics. Who said that? I’m not sure.”

    Asked if the D.C. Guard lead­er­ship kept a record of the call, Walk­er said it wasn’t record­ed but Guard offi­cials memo­ri­al­ized the con­ver­sa­tion in notes known as a mem­o­ran­dum for record.

    In the days before the protest, all the liv­ing for­mer defense sec­re­taries warned the Pen­ta­gon not to get involved in the peace­ful tran­si­tion of pow­er, after reports that for­mer nation­al secu­ri­ty advis­er Michael Fly­nn had raised the pos­si­bil­i­ty with Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump of declar­ing mar­tial law to “rerun” the elec­tion.

    The day before the Jan. 6 event, a senior U.S. offi­cial told The Post the mil­i­tary had “learned its les­son” after being rebuked over Trump’s heavy-hand­ed response to racial jus­tice protests last year. The offi­cial, who spoke on the con­di­tion of anonymi­ty to dis­cuss the details of the prepa­ra­tions, said the mil­i­tary would be “absolute­ly nowhere near the Capi­tol build­ing” because “we don’t want to send the wrong mes­sage.”

    Pen­ta­gon offi­cials were also con­cerned that send­ing Guard troops who answered to the pres­i­dent into the Capi­tol dur­ing the riot could give the impres­sion that the mil­i­tary was aid­ing Trump’s sup­port­ers in a coup. Senior defense offi­cials said fed­er­al law enforce­ment should always be in the lead clear­ing build­ings, rather than sol­diers, who shouldn’t be the tip of the spear on U.S. soil.

    Mem­bers of the D.C. Guard ulti­mate­ly arrived at the Capi­tol around 5:30 p.m. and helped estab­lish a perime­ter around the grounds. D.C. May­or Muriel E. Bows­er (D) first called McCarthy, the Army sec­re­tary, to request an unspec­i­fied num­ber of troops at the scene four hours ear­li­er.

    “Do I wish I could have got there soon­er?” Walk­er said. “Of course. I mean, I think every­body does. I absolute­ly wish I could have got there soon­er. But, you know, I fol­low orders, and those mak­ing the deci­sion went through a deci­sion-mak­ing process.”

    Whether the Guard could have arrived soon­er at this point is “prob­a­bly axiomat­ic,” Walk­er said. “Here’s what I want you to know: We got there and we made a dif­fer­ence upon arrival.”

    Because the Dis­trict is not a state, the pres­i­dent tech­ni­cal­ly con­trols the D.C. Guard but defers his pow­er to the defense sec­re­tary and Army sec­re­tary.

    Mem­os obtained by The Post show how tight­ly the Pen­ta­gon restrict­ed Walk­er ahead of the events.

    In a Jan. 5 memo, the Army sec­re­tary, who is Walker’s direct supe­ri­or in the chain of com­mand, pro­hib­it­ed him from deploy­ing the quick reac­tion force com­posed of 40 sol­diers on his own and said any roll­out of that stand­by group would first require a “con­cept of oper­a­tion,” an excep­tion­al require­ment giv­en that the force is sup­posed to respond to emer­gen­cies.

    McCarthy was also restrict­ed by his supe­ri­or, Miller. In a Jan. 4 memo, McCarthy was pro­hib­it­ed from deploy­ing D.C. Guard mem­bers with weapons, hel­mets, body armor or riot con­trol agents with­out defense sec­re­tary approval. McCarthy retained the pow­er to deploy the quick reac­tion force “only as a last resort.”

    Miller, in a recent inter­view with Van­i­ty Fair, dis­missed accu­sa­tions that the Defense Depart­ment dragged its feet in rolling out the Guard. “Oh, that is com­plete horse—-,” Miller said, con­tend­ing the Pen­ta­gon lead­er­ship “had their game togeth­er.”

    Top Pen­ta­gon offi­cials said they didn’t deploy the quick reac­tion force dur­ing the riot because they hadn’t approved a “con­cept of oper­a­tions” ahead of time with the Capi­tol Police.

    Walk­er said one take­away from the Jan. 6 riot should be that when in doubt, city and fed­er­al author­i­ties should always err on the side of request­ing a con­tin­gency of Nation­al Guard troops to be at the ready in advance, even if they don’t end up being used.

    Ahead of the event, Bows­er made a nar­row request for a D.C. Guard pres­ence, result­ing in about 340 per­son­nel to help with traf­fic and crowd man­age­ment and anoth­er 40 in the quick reac­tion force. In a let­ter, she cit­ed the administration’s prob­lem­at­ic deploy­ment of fed­er­al agents with­out insignia on the streets last year and said the Dis­trict wasn’t request­ing any addi­tion­al sup­port.

    Days after the vio­lence, Walk­er was tasked with over­see­ing the Guard mem­bers who fil­tered into the cap­i­tal from across the nation to secure the inau­gu­ra­tion. Walk­er said the Capi­tol Police have request­ed a con­tin­gent of about 7,000 of the 25,600 troops to stay until at least March 12.

    ...

    ———–

    “Pen­ta­gon restrict­ed com­man­der of D.C. Guard ahead of Capi­tol riot” by Paul Sonne; The Wash­ing­ton Post; 01/26/2021

    “Walk­er and for­mer Army sec­re­tary Ryan D. McCarthy, along with oth­er top offi­cials, briefed the House Appro­pri­a­tions Com­mit­tee on Tues­day behind closed doors about the events, the begin­ning of what is like­ly to become a robust con­gres­sion­al inquiry into the prepa­ra­tions for a ral­ly that devolved into a riot at the Capi­tol, result­ing in five peo­ple dead and rep­re­sent­ing a sig­nif­i­cant secu­ri­ty fail­ure.”

    As we can see, there was no short­age of dis­turb­ing rev­e­la­tions when Maj. Gen. William J. Walk­er, the com­mand­ing gen­er­al of the Dis­trict of Colum­bia Nation­al Guard, and for­mer Army sec­re­tary Ryan D. McCarthy kicked off the con­gres­sion­al inquiry into the Jan 6 insur­rec­tion. A day when stan­dard oper­at­ing pro­ce­dures for the Nation­al Guard were not in oper­a­tion and local com­man­ders had their pow­ers to take emer­gency mil­i­tary action pre­emp­tive­ly restrict­ed by the Pen­ta­gon lead­er­ship. Restric­tions that were put in place, in part, because of con­cerns of a repeat of the heavy-hand­ed use of the Nation­al Guard in the sum­mer of 2020 to quell police bru­tal­i­ty protests. So fears of repeat­ing Trump’s pri­or abus­es of pow­er played into the deci­sions to pre­emp­tive­ly hold back the Guard:

    ...
    Local com­man­ders typ­i­cal­ly have the pow­er to take mil­i­tary action on their own to save lives or pre­vent sig­nif­i­cant prop­er­ty dam­age in an urgent sit­u­a­tion when there isn’t enough time to obtain approval from head­quar­ters.

    But Maj. Gen. William J. Walk­er, the com­mand­ing gen­er­al of the Dis­trict of Colum­bia Nation­al Guard, said the Pen­ta­gon essen­tial­ly took that pow­er and oth­er author­i­ties away from him ahead of the short-lived insur­rec­tion on Jan. 6. That meant he couldn’t imme­di­ate­ly roll out troops when he received a pan­icked phone call from the Capi­tol Police chief warn­ing that riot­ers were about to enter the U.S. Capi­tol.

    ...

    But the restric­tions the Pen­ta­gon placed on Walk­er also con­tributed to the delay. He need­ed to wait for approval from McCarthy and act­ing defense sec­re­tary Christo­pher C. Miller before dis­patch­ing troops, even though some 40 sol­diers were on stand­by as a quick reac­tion force. That stand­by force had been assem­bled in case the few hun­dred Guard mem­bers deployed that day on the District’s streets to assist police with traf­fic con­trol and crowd man­age­ment need­ed help, Walk­er said.

    The Pen­ta­gon required the high­est-lev­el approval for any moves beyond that nar­row mis­sion, in part because its lead­ers had been lam­bast­ed for actions the D.C. Guard took dur­ing last June’s racial jus­tice protests, includ­ing heli­copters that flew low over demon­stra­tors in D.C. Top offi­cials con­clud­ed those maneu­vers result­ed from “frag­men­tary orders” that hadn’t received high-lev­el approval and were look­ing to pre­vent a repeat of that sit­u­a­tion.
    ...

    And yet, even if we accept at face val­ue the con­cerns over optics as a rea­son for the pre­emp­tive moves to restrict the abil­i­ty of the local com­man­ders to call in emer­gency troops on their own, that still does­n’t explain the mul­ti-hour delays in secur­ing the high­er-up author­i­ty when the request was final­ly made. We have DC police chief Sund mak­ing a request to the DC Nation­al Guard chief Walk­er at 1:49 PM (already way too late). Then Walk­er asks for author­i­ty from the Army lead­er­ship and does­n’t receive a response for anoth­er hour and fif­teen min­utes. And it’s ulti­mate­ly three hours for act­ing defense sec­re­tary Christo­pher Miller gives the autho­riza­tion:

    ...
    Walk­er recalled how Capi­tol Police Chief Steven Sund, who has since resigned, asked him on a call in the run-up to Jan. 6 to have Nation­al Guard troops at the ready.

    “All he said was, ‘If I call you, will you be able to help?’?” Walk­er said. “And I said, ‘Yes, but I need per­mis­sion. So send a for­mal request,’ and I nev­er got it, until after the fact.”

    The request came, but only at 1:49 p.m. the day of the attempt­ed insur­rec­tion. Sund called Walk­er to say riot­ers were about to breach the build­ing and the Capi­tol Police would soon request urgent back­up.

    “I told him I had to get per­mis­sion from the sec­re­tary of the Army and I would send him all avail­able guards­men but as soon as I got per­mis­sion to do so,” Walk­er said. “I sent a mes­sage to the lead­er­ship of the Army, let­ting them know the request that I had received from Chief Sund.”

    Per­mis­sion from the Pen­ta­gon to acti­vate the full D.C. Guard wouldn’t come for anoth­er hour and fif­teen min­utes, accord­ing to a Defense Depart­ment time­line of events, as mem­bers of Con­gress bar­ri­cad­ed them­selves in their offices and hid from a maraud­ing horde try­ing to undo the results of the Nov. 3 elec­tion. It would take near­ly three hours before Miller autho­rized the D.C. Guard to “re-mis­sion” and help the Capi­tol Police estab­lish a perime­ter around the Capi­tol.

    In the mean­time, Sund dialed into a phone call with the Pen­ta­gon.
    ...

    Why the absurd delay in giv­ing the autho­riza­tion? Optics. That’s the expla­na­tion, we’re giv­en, where extreme con­cerns inside the Pen­ta­gon led to the deci­sions to pre­emp­tive­ly restrict the abil­i­ty of local com­man­ders to send in even the emer­gency troops, because “we don’t want to send the wrong mes­sage”. And this extreme appre­hen­sive­ness on the part of the Pen­ta­gon was pub­licly acknowl­edged by the Pen­ta­gon to the Wash­ing­ton Post on Jan 5, a day before the riot. It rais­es the ques­tion of whether or not these pub­lic mes­sages in advance of Jan 6 about how the Pen­ta­gon was plan­ning on hav­ing a min­i­mal pres­ence on the Capi­tol that day, despite all the warn­ings of pos­si­ble vio­lence, were tak­en by the insur­rec­tion­ists as a kind of pub­lic ‘green light’ to pro­ceed with the insur­rec­tion:

    ...
    In the days before the protest, all the liv­ing for­mer defense sec­re­taries warned the Pen­ta­gon not to get involved in the peace­ful tran­si­tion of pow­er, after reports that for­mer nation­al secu­ri­ty advis­er Michael Fly­nn had raised the pos­si­bil­i­ty with Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump of declar­ing mar­tial law to “rerun” the elec­tion.

    The day before the Jan. 6 event, a senior U.S. offi­cial told The Post the mil­i­tary had “learned its les­son” after being rebuked over Trump’s heavy-hand­ed response to racial jus­tice protests last year. The offi­cial, who spoke on the con­di­tion of anonymi­ty to dis­cuss the details of the prepa­ra­tions, said the mil­i­tary would be “absolute­ly nowhere near the Capi­tol build­ing” because “we don’t want to send the wrong mes­sage.”

    Pen­ta­gon offi­cials were also con­cerned that send­ing Guard troops who answered to the pres­i­dent into the Capi­tol dur­ing the riot could give the impres­sion that the mil­i­tary was aid­ing Trump’s sup­port­ers in a coup. Senior defense offi­cials said fed­er­al law enforce­ment should always be in the lead clear­ing build­ings, rather than sol­diers, who shouldn’t be the tip of the spear on U.S. soil.

    ...

    Mem­os obtained by The Post show how tight­ly the Pen­ta­gon restrict­ed Walk­er ahead of the events.

    In a Jan. 5 memo, the Army sec­re­tary, who is Walker’s direct supe­ri­or in the chain of com­mand, pro­hib­it­ed him from deploy­ing the quick reac­tion force com­posed of 40 sol­diers on his own and said any roll­out of that stand­by group would first require a “con­cept of oper­a­tion,” an excep­tion­al require­ment giv­en that the force is sup­posed to respond to emer­gen­cies.

    McCarthy was also restrict­ed by his supe­ri­or, Miller. In a Jan. 4 memo, McCarthy was pro­hib­it­ed from deploy­ing D.C. Guard mem­bers with weapons, hel­mets, body armor or riot con­trol agents with­out defense sec­re­tary approval. McCarthy retained the pow­er to deploy the quick reac­tion force “only as a last resort.”

    ...

    Top Pen­ta­gon offi­cials said they didn’t deploy the quick reac­tion force dur­ing the riot because they hadn’t approved a “con­cept of oper­a­tions” ahead of time with the Capi­tol Police.
    ...

    But then there’s Gen­er­al Walk­er’s the poten­tial­ly high­ly explo­sive phone call with the Pen­ta­gon, described as “chaot­ic” and with a large num­ber of par­tic­i­pants. Who was on the phone call and what were they argu­ing? All we are told is that there were con­cerns by many, includ­ing Army staff direc­tor, Lt. Gen. Wal­ter Piatt, over the ‘optics’ of send­ing in the Nation­al Guard to back up the Capi­tol police. This con­ver­sa­tion about ‘optics’ was, of course, hap­pen­ing while images of a ran­sacked Capi­tol were broad­cast across the world:

    ...
    In the mean­time, Sund dialed into a phone call with the Pen­ta­gon.

    In an inter­view with The Post, Sund recalled Army staff direc­tor, Lt. Gen. Wal­ter Piatt, say­ing, “I don’t like the visu­al of the Nation­al Guard stand­ing a police line with the Capi­tol in the back­ground.”

    Piatt, in a state­ment, ini­tial­ly said he didn’t make those remarks or any com­ments sim­i­lar to them. Lat­er, he back­tracked, say­ing he didn’t recall cit­ing such con­cerns but note-tak­ers in the room told him he may have said that. Piatt, who wasn’t in the chain of com­mand, was lead­ing the call while wait­ing for the Army sec­re­tary to receive approval for the full acti­va­tion of the D.C. Guard from Miller.

    Walk­er said a lot of peo­ple were on the chaot­ic call.

    “There was some talk about optics, but I can’t assign that to one per­son,” Walk­er said. “From the Army lead­er­ship, there were quite a few peo­ple on the call. ... It’s clear that some­body talked about the optics. Who said that? I’m not sure.”

    Asked if the D.C. Guard lead­er­ship kept a record of the call, Walk­er said it wasn’t record­ed but Guard offi­cials memo­ri­al­ized the con­ver­sa­tion in notes known as a mem­o­ran­dum for record.
    ...

    Who was on that chaot­ic phone call at the Pen­ta­gon and what were they argu­ing? That remains a big open ques­tion in this inquiry, although we have some answers already. For exam­ple, the Pen­ta­gon was ini­tial­ly deny­ing that Lt. Gen. Charles Fly­nn — broth­er of Michael Fly­nn — was on that phone call. But now we’re learn­ing that, yes, Charles was on the call. Although he claims he was only on for four min­utes and did­n’t say any­thing but oth­ers on the call are telling reporters oth­er­wise. So we know the broth­er of Michael Fly­nn — one of the biggest pub­lic back­ers of the idea of Trump declar­ing mar­tial law — was on the Pen­ta­gon phone call, we know his pres­ence on the call was ini­tial­ly hid­den, and we know that he’s con­tin­u­ing to hide what he said on the call. But we still don’t know what he said. So hope­ful­ly inves­ti­ga­tors will be get­ting some answers to the ques­tion of what Charles Fly­nn actu­al­ly said on that phone call, along with the rest of the call par­tic­i­pants, because it sounds like the argu­ment over whether or not to send in troops dur­ing that phone call may have been a major fac­tor in the mul­ti-hour delay:

    The Wash­ing­ton Post

    Lt. Gen. Charles Fly­nn denies rela­tion­ship with broth­er Michael Fly­nn was a fac­tor in military’s response to Capi­tol attack

    By Dan Lamothe and Paul Sonne
    Jan. 21, 2021 at 6:04 p.m. CST

    Army Lt. Gen. Charles Fly­nn, the broth­er of con­tro­ver­sial for­mer nation­al secu­ri­ty advis­er Michael Fly­nn, on Thurs­day defend­ed his actions in the U.S. military’s delib­er­a­tions over how to respond to the assault on the Capi­tol, say­ing he was on a key call for only four min­utes and deny­ing that he lied to staffers about it.

    Charles Fly­nn also reject­ed the notion that his rela­tion­ship with his broth­er, a retired Army lieu­tenant gen­er­al who sug­gest­ed that Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump should “rerun” the pres­i­den­tial elec­tion and could declare mar­tial law, was a fac­tor in his response. “Sug­gest­ing that my brother’s rela­tion­ship would some­how influ­ence my actions — I cat­e­gor­i­cal­ly deny,” Fly­nn said in a con­fer­ence call with reporters. “And I take it as a bit of a ques­tion­ing of my integri­ty. So those are my thoughts on that.”

    The com­ments came after Fly­nn issued a state­ment to The Wash­ing­ton Post on Wednes­day that stat­ed he had been in the room dur­ing a tense call in which oth­er agen­cies respond­ing to the dead­ly riot on Jan. 6 plead­ed for the Nation­al Guard to inter­vene imme­di­ate­ly. The Army had denied for days that Fly­nn was involved in the meet­ing.

    The gen­er­al, who will soon be pro­mot­ed to a four-star offi­cer, said he could not remem­ber whether he said any­thing on the call. “I do not recall say­ing any­thing in the con­fer­ence, but I may have, and I just don’t recall say­ing any­thing to the audi­ence on the oth­er end,” he said. Oth­er par­tic­i­pants on the call have told The Post they heard Fly­nn speak.

    The com­ments from Fly­nn, the Army’s deputy chief of staff for oper­a­tions, plans and train­ing, as well as from Lt. Gen. Wal­ter E. Piatt, the direc­tor of Army staff, were arranged as the ser­vice scram­bled to respond to ques­tions about Flynn’s acknowl­edg­ment Wednes­day.

    Ear­li­er Thurs­day, the Army offered The Post an inter­view with the two gen­er­als, before shift­ing gears five min­utes before the sched­uled time and hold­ing a con­fer­ence call with sev­er­al media orga­ni­za­tions instead.

    The Army’s response con­tin­ued to shift dur­ing the con­fer­ence call.

    In an Jan. 10 inter­view with The Post, Capi­tol Police Chief Steven Sund, who has since resigned, recalled plead­ing for the Pentagon’s help on the call and said that a top Army offi­cial, lat­er iden­ti­fied as Piatt, said, “I don’t like the visu­al of the Nation­al Guard stand­ing a police line with the Capi­tol in the back­ground.”

    In a Jan. 11 state­ment the Army issued on his behalf, Piatt denied say­ing that. Pen­ta­gon offi­cials also denied in con­ver­sa­tions with The Post that Piatt expressed reser­va­tions about the optics of send­ing the Nation­al Guard in to quell the vio­lence.

    “I did not make the state­ment or any com­ments sim­i­lar to what was attrib­uted to me by Chief Sund in The Wash­ing­ton Post arti­cle — but would note that even in his telling he makes it clear that nei­ther I, nor any­one else from DoD, denied the deploy­ment of request­ed per­son­nel,” Piatt said in the state­ment.

    But Piatt told reporters Thurs­day that he did not recall whether he cit­ed the optics as a con­cern for the Pen­ta­gon.

    “What we’re get­ting from some of the note-tak­ers in the room is that I may have said that,” Piatt said. “I don’t recall say­ing ‘the optics.’ I recall say­ing that my best mil­i­tary advice is that we for­mu­late a plan.”

    Asked why the pub­lic should trust the Army’s shift­ing account of events, Piatt said the day was “total­ly chaot­ic.”

    “We’re not attempt­ing to mis­lead in any way,” he said.

    Piatt reit­er­at­ed that he made clear to the par­tic­i­pants of the Jan. 6 call that he did not have the author­i­ty to acti­vate the full D.C. Guard, and that as they were speak­ing, then-Army Sec­re­tary Ryan C. McCarthy was down the hall obtain­ing sign-off from the act­ing defense sec­re­tary.

    “I had to keep say­ing, ‘We’re not deny­ing your request. We need to make a plan,’?” Piatt said.

    Mem­bers of the D.C. Nation­al Guard arrived at the Capi­tol hours lat­er to help law enforce­ment offi­cials estab­lish a perime­ter around the grounds.

    Mil­i­tary offi­cials have said repeat­ed­ly that they were not well posi­tioned to respond to the riot because they had acti­vat­ed just 340 Guard mem­bers in a lim­it­ed, unarmed role, in con­sul­ta­tion with Dis­trict offi­cials. City offi­cials had sought a small mil­i­tary response after thou­sands of Guard mem­bers flood­ed the city in June dur­ing racial-jus­tice protests at the behest of Trump.

    Charles Flynn’s involve­ment in the Pentagon’s response to the riot makes sense, because of his posi­tion. The D.C. Guard answers to the pres­i­dent, but con­trol over the force falls to the defense sec­re­tary and the Army sec­re­tary, essen­tial­ly leav­ing oper­a­tional deci­sions to top Army offi­cials. Fly­nn, how­ev­er, is not in the chain of com­mand.

    On the call Thurs­day, Fly­nn did not specif­i­cal­ly dis­tance him­self from or renounce the extreme views of his well-known broth­er, but there is no indi­ca­tion that he shares those views. Michael Fly­nn has espoused mes­sages asso­ci­at­ed with QAnon, a sprawl­ing set of false claims cast­ing Trump as the leader of a spir­i­tu­al war against child-eat­ing Satanists who con­trol Wash­ing­ton. The extrem­ist ide­ol­o­gy, which pre­dicts a final cat­a­clysm known as “the Storm,” gal­va­nized some of the riot­ers on Jan. 6.

    The day before the riot, Michael Fly­nn, who once led the Defense Intel­li­gence Agency and left the Army as a lieu­tenant gen­er­al, appeared at a D.C. ral­ly and riled up the crowd, claim­ing Trump had won the elec­tion on Nov. 3.

    Address­ing the mem­bers of the House and Sen­ate, Michael Fly­nn said, “Those of you who are feel­ing weak tonight, those of you that don’t have the moral fiber in your body, get some tonight, because tomor­row we the peo­ple are going to be here, and we want you to know that we will not stand for a lie!”

    ...

    ———-

    “Lt. Gen. Charles Fly­nn denies rela­tion­ship with broth­er Michael Fly­nn was a fac­tor in military’s response to Capi­tol attack” by Dan Lamothe and Paul Sonne; The Wash­ing­ton Post; 01/21/2021

    “The gen­er­al, who will soon be pro­mot­ed to a four-star offi­cer, said he could not remem­ber whether he said any­thing on the call. “I do not recall say­ing any­thing in the con­fer­ence, but I may have, and I just don’t recall say­ing any­thing to the audi­ence on the oth­er end,” he said. Oth­er par­tic­i­pants on the call have told The Post they heard Fly­nn speak.

    It’s anoth­er dis­crep­an­cy in the sto­ry of this ‘chaot­ic’ phone call. First the Pen­ta­gon denies Fly­nn was on the call. Then we learn he was on the call, but Fly­nn assures us it was briefly and he did­n’t say any­thing. But oth­ers on the call say oth­er­wise. What was Charles Fly­nn argu­ing on this call? We still don’t know. But it’s not hard to imag­ine what he might have been advo­cat­ing giv­en all the efforts to obscure these details.

    And that’s the part of this most clear­ly emerg­ing from this inves­ti­ga­tion: we still don’t know what exact­ly hap­pened, but it’s becom­ing increas­ing­ly clear a lot of peo­ple don’t want us to know what hap­pened. The con­tours of a coverup are clear­ly vis­i­ble.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | January 26, 2021, 5:53 pm

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