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Ein Reich, Ein Volk, Ein Erdogan, Part 2


Tayyip Erdo­gan

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash dri­ve that can be obtained here. [2] (The flash dri­ve includes the anti-fas­cist books avail­able on this site.)

COMMENT: In numer­ous posts [3] and broad­casts [4], we have chron­i­cled the descent [5] of Tayyip Erdo­gan’s Turk­ish gov­ern­ment [6] into de fac­to Islam­ic fas­cism [7]

The Erdo­gan gov­ern­ment appears to be an Islam­ic, Under­ground Reich enti­ty [8], ulti­mate­ly direct­ed at the core of the Earth Island.

With roots in the Bank Al-Taqwa [9] milieu, it should come as no sur­prise [10] that this gov­ern­ment has played out in the fash­ion that it has. Although elect­ed (so were the Nazis in Ger­many), Erdo­gan’s gov­ern­ment is demon­strat­ing a dis­tinct, total­i­tar­i­an bent, as evi­denced by the results of what Paul Krug­man [11] termed “A show tri­al on the bosporus.”

“Turk­ish Court Hands Down Prison Sen­tences in Coup Plot” by Seb­nem Arsu and Tim Arango; The New York Times; 8/6/2013. [12]

EXCERPT: A Turk­ish court sen­tenced dozens of high-rank­ing mil­i­tary offi­cers, politi­cians, jour­nal­ists and oth­ers to long prison terms on Mon­day for plot­ting to over­throw the gov­ern­ment in a long-run­ning case that cap­ti­vat­ed the nation for its audac­i­ty, laid bare the deep divi­sions with­in Turk­ish soci­ety between Islamists and sec­u­lar­ists and earned sharp crit­i­cism from the inter­na­tion­al com­mu­ni­ty over issues of judi­cial fair­ness.

The high­est-pro­file defen­dant, Ilk­er Bas­bug, a for­mer chief of staff of the mil­i­tary, received a life sen­tence. Three mem­bers of Par­lia­ment were giv­en long terms, and at least 20 jour­nal­ists were also sen­tenced.

As judges read out the ver­dicts one by one, pro­test­ers who had gath­ered out­side the cour­t­house and prison com­plex in Silivri, a coastal town west of Istan­bul, faced tear gas fired by mem­bers of the secu­ri­ty forces. . . .

. . . . But as the case grew and ensnared jour­nal­ists, aca­d­e­mics and promi­nent gov­ern­ment crit­ics, it came to be seen as a polit­i­cal­ly moti­vat­ed attempt at silenc­ing dis­sent. It also car­ried the notion of revenge and class resent­ment, ana­lysts said, because Mr. Erdo­gan and his reli­gious fol­low­ers rep­re­sent a class that was mar­gin­al­ized under the old mil­i­tary-dom­i­nat­ed order. Mr. Erdo­gan him­self was once impris­oned for recit­ing a reli­gious­ly inspired poem in pub­lic.

“In these cas­es, they tried to cre­ate a thorn­less rose gar­den by silenc­ing oppo­si­tion and intim­i­dat­ing patri­ot­ic peo­ple with sec­u­lar prin­ci­ples,” said Celal Ulgen, a lawyer rep­re­sent­ing 16 defen­dants, includ­ing a jour­nal­ist, Tun­cay Ozkan.

Now, he said, “it’s impos­si­ble to talk about a jus­tice sys­tem free of pol­i­tics, or pub­lic trust in jus­tice.”

With at least 20 jour­nal­ists sen­tenced to prison terms between 6 and 34 years, the case also illu­mi­nat­ed Turkey’s poor record on media free­dom. Reporters With­out Bor­ders, based in Paris, has referred to Turkey as “the world’s biggest prison for reporters” and ranked Turkey 154th of 179 coun­tries, behind Iraq and Rus­sia, in its 2013 World Press Free­dom Index. . . .

. . . . On Mon­day, fam­i­lies were denied access to the final hear­ing, and state offi­cials blocked access to the Silivri cour­t­house. Roads lead­ing to the town were closed in the ear­ly morn­ing, pre­vent­ing bus­es car­ry­ing pro­test­ers from reach­ing the area. . . . .