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Ein Reich, Ein Volk, Ein Erdogan, Part 3

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash dri­ve that can be obtained here. [1] (The flash dri­ve includes the anti-fas­cist books avail­able on this site.)

COMMENT: A major theme of the so-called “Arab Spring” was the belief that by allow­ing the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood unfet­tered access to the reins of polit­i­cal pow­er, the result­ing regimes would resem­ble the “mod­ern,” “demo­c­ra­t­ic” gov­ern­ment of Tayyip Erdo­gan in Turkey.

(The For The Record series on the “Mus­lim Broth­er­hood Spring” runs from FTR #733 [2] through FTR #739 [3].)

 In FTR #‘s 737 [4], 738 [5], 739 [3], we not­ed that Erdo­gan’s gov­ern­ment was a direct out­growth of the Bank Al-Taqwa com­plex and an exten­sion of the Islam­ic fas­cism of the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood. In addi­tion, Erdo­gan’s regime has strong links to euro-fas­cists and the Under­ground Reich [6]. We have doc­u­ment­ed this in numer­ous posts [7] and broad­casts [4].

The Erdo­gan gov­ern­ment appears to be an Islam­ic, Under­ground Reich enti­ty [6], ulti­mate­ly direct­ed at the core of the Earth Island.

As civ [8]ic [8]unrest [8] stem­ming from pop­u­lar dis­sat­is­fac­tion with Erdo­gan’s gov­er­nance have spread, he has respond­ed with tac­tics and rhetoric pre­cise­ly and eeri­ly echo­ing the rhetoric of clas­sic fas­cism. Bor­row­ing from the rhetor­i­cal arse­nal of Hitler and Mus­soli­ni, Erdo­gan has staged mass ral­lies of rabid sup­port­ers, used ver­biage con­flat­ing the state and “the peo­ple” with him­self, accused the oppo­si­tion of being part of an amor­phous con­spir­a­cy involv­ing “for­eign inter­ests,” “spec­u­la­tors,” and the media–translation “Da Joos.”

With roots in the Bank Al-Taqwa [9] milieu, it should come as no sur­prise [10] that this gov­ern­ment has played out in the fash­ion that it has. Although elect­ed (so were the Nazis in Ger­many), Erdo­gan’s gov­ern­ment is demon­strat­ing a dis­tinct, total­i­tar­i­an bent, as evi­denced by the results of what Paul Krug­man [11] termed “A show tri­al on the bosporus.”

Recent judi­cial rul­ings fol­low­ing on last sum­mer’s civic unrest have giv­en fur­ther evi­dence [12] of the real nature of Erdo­gan’s gov­er­nance [13].

“Turkey Moves to Silence Dis­senters, but with One Eye on Its Image Abroad” by Tim Arango and Cey­lan Yegin­su; The New York Times; 11/15/2013. [12]

EXCERPT: They came away with a ten­ta­tive agree­ment, but it was nev­er accept­ed by the rank-and-file pro­test­ers, and so the move­ment was lat­er crushed by the water can­nons and tear gas of Mr. Erdogan’s police force.

Then last month, one of those lead­ers, Eyup Muhcu, was sum­moned by a local pros­e­cu­tor and inter­ro­gat­ed as part of a spread­ing inves­ti­ga­tion of those who led the protests. “There is no con­crete charge, yet we were called in to give offi­cial state­ments,” said Mr. Muhcu, an archi­tect and a mem­ber of the Tak­sim Sol­i­dar­i­ty Plat­form, a group of activists that played a cen­tral role in the demon­stra­tions.

“For what?”

For the gov­ern­ment, the answer seems clear, Mr. Muhcu said: to silence the oppo­si­tion.

“It has come to a point where mem­bers can’t even tweet with­out fear of being inves­ti­gat­ed for their thoughts,” said Mr. Muhcu, one of the few activists still will­ing to offer a pub­lic cri­tique of the gov­ern­ment.

As the mem­o­ry begins to fade of those sweep­ing protests, which began to save Gezi Park in cen­tral Istan­bul from being razed and became the most seri­ous chal­lenge to Mr. Erdogan’s decade in pow­er, the gov­ern­ment has moved aggres­sive­ly against its per­ceived adver­saries. More than a thou­sand stu­dents, teach­ers, doc­tors and activists — even mosque imams — have been hauled in for ques­tion­ing for their role in the civic unrest.

Dozens of jour­nal­ists have lost their jobs for report­ing on the demon­stra­tions, and one of Turkey’s wealth­i­est fam­i­lies now has an army of tax inspec­tors dig­ging through its accounts, appar­ent­ly for giv­ing refuge in a fan­cy hotel it owns to demon­stra­tors escap­ing clouds of tear gas last sum­mer. . . .

. . . . Turkey’s sec­u­lar oppo­si­tion, the Repub­li­can People’s Par­ty, recent­ly cir­cu­lat­ed a doc­u­ment titled, “Turk­ish government’s retal­i­a­tion to Gezi,” in which it equat­ed Mr. Erdo­gan to Machi­avel­li, and wrote, “the one-man gov­ern­ment has ini­ti­at­ed a ruth­less cam­paign for retal­i­a­tion against the per­sons involved in the Gezi move­ment.” Inside is a list of 77 jour­nal­ists who were either fired or forced to resign, includ­ing Yavuz Bay­dar, who had been the ombuds­man for the pro-gov­ern­ment news­pa­per Sabah. . . .

. . . . Some crit­ics and ana­lysts say they have seen some­thing more sin­is­ter: a rise in anti-Semi­tism, in a coun­try with strained rela­tions with Israel. In his fiery speech­es dur­ing the protests, Mr. Erdo­gan blamed an assort­ment of for­eign actors for the unrest, includ­ing the “inter­est rate lob­by” — what many regard­ed as code for Jews — and “Zion­ists.” Some of Turkey’s Jews, a com­mu­ni­ty of rough­ly 15,000, are emi­grat­ing because, accord­ing to a recent report in an Eng­lish-lan­guage Turk­ish news­pa­per, Hur­riyet Dai­ly News, of “anti-Semi­tism, trig­gered by harsh state­ments from the Turk­ish gov­ern­ment.”

Steven A. Cook, a fel­low at the Coun­cil on For­eign Rela­tions and a long­time com­men­ta­tor on Turk­ish affairs, recent­ly wrote, “Turk­ish polit­i­cal dis­course is dark­er and the attacks on for­eign observers of Turk­ish pol­i­tics have become relent­less.”

” ‘Unite Against Fas­cism’: Anti-Gov­ern­ment Pro­test­ers Clash with Turk­ish Police” by Evrim Ergin, Humeyra Pamuk and Can Sez­er; NBC News; 6/1/2013. [13]

EXCERPT: . . . Crowds of pro­test­ers chant­i­ng “shoul­der to shoul­der against fas­cism” and “gov­ern­ment resign” marched on Tak­sim, where hun­dreds were injured in clash­es the day before. . . .