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COMMENT: Real conservatives are scarcer than hen’s teeth–the vast majority of people calling themselves “conservatives” are fascists.
A real conservative would be appalled at the details of the unfolding of the Covid-19 treatment program.
In previous posts and programs, we have noted  that Moderna’s vaccine work has been financed by DARPA. We have also noted that the overall head of Operation Warp Speed is Moncef Slaoui , formerly in charge of product development for Moderna!
Of great significance is the central role of the military in the development of treatment for Covid-19:
- We note that : ” . . . . Remdesivir predates this pandemic. It was first considered as a potential treatment for Ebola , and was developed through a longstanding partnership between the U.S. Army and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. . . .”
- Jonathan King, who has chaired the microbial physiology study section for the NIH has sounded the alarm  about “vaccine research” masking offensive biological warfare research: “. . . . King, who has chaired the microbial physiology study section for the NIH, believes that without intensive independent scrutiny, the Pentagon is free to obscure its true goals. ‘The Defense Department appears to be pursuing many narrow, applied goals that are by nature offensive, such as the genetic ‘improvement’ of BW agents,’ King says. ‘But to achieve political acceptability, they mask these intentions under forms of research, such as vaccine development, which sound defensive. . . .”
- Moderna’s vaccine development was overseen  by an unnamed Pentagon official: ” . . . . Moderna’s team was headed by a Defense Department official whom company executives described only as ‘the major,’ saying they don’t know if his name is supposed to be a secret. . . . .”
- The pervasive role  of the military in Operation Warp Speed (the Trump administration’s vaccine development program) has generated alarm in civilian participants:”. . . . Scores of Defense Department employees are laced through the government offices involved in the effort, making up a large portion of the federal personnel devoted to the effort. Those numbers have led some current and former officials at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to privately grumble that the military’s role in Operation Warp Speed was too large for a task that is, at its core, a public health campaign. . . .”
- General Gustave Perna–one of the principals in Operation Warp Speed–has chosen  a retired Lieutenant General to oversee much of the program: ” . . . . ‘Frankly, it has been breathtaking to watch,’ said Paul Ostrowski, the director of supply, production and distribution for Operation Warp Speed. He is a retired Army lieutenant general who was selected to manage logistics for the program by Gen. Gustave F. Perna , the chief operating officer for Operation Warp Speed. . . .”
- The military will be able to trace  the destination and administration of each dose: ” . . . . Military officials also came up with the clever idea — if it works — to coordinate the delivery of vaccines to drugstores, medical centers and other immunization sites by sending kits full of needles, syringes and alcohol wipes. Vaccine makers will be alerted when the kits arrive at an immunization site so they know to ship doses. Once the first dose is given, the manufacturer will be notified so it can send the second dose with a patient’s name attached several weeks later. The military will also monitor vaccine distribution through an operations center. ‘They will know where every vaccine dose is,’ Mr. [Paul] Mango said on a call with reporters. . . .”
The opaque character of Big Pharma’s vaccine contracting with the U.S. is exacerbated by the fact that the firms manufacturing the product are working through a third party corporate entity called ATI.
On Nov. 9, Pfizer and its partner BioNTech announced some early results for their Covid-19 vaccine candidate. Data from a late-stage clinical trial show the two-dose shot could be 90% effective  at preventing infections—a promising development that quickly devolved into a fight for bragging rights.
Vice president Mike Pence attributed the news to Operation Warp Speed, the Trump administration’s “public-private partnership ,” while Pfizer tried to take credit for its own work. Although the company did strike a deal worth $1.95 billion  for the US government to purchase 100 million doses of the vaccine, it emphasized that it received no federal funding for vaccine research and development.
What’s behind the confusion? In part, it’s because of the way many Operation Warp Speed contracts have been executed, with their terms largely invisible to the public.
Operation Warp Speed (OWS) is the public face of the federal effort to rapidly develop and distribute vaccines and treatments for Covid-19. But under the hood, the effort’s largest agreements with vaccine companies—totaling more than $6 billion—have been managed by a third party, a defense-oriented nonprofit called Advanced Technology International  (ATI). A new crop of vaccine agreements set to be made through ATI may be just as opaque as the first.
For more than 20 years, ATI has managed federally-funded research and development collaborations for the Department of Defense. One of those collaborations, the Medical CBRN Defense Consortium, is focused on protecting military personnel against chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear threats—including viruses they could encounter in the line of duty, like Ebola.
So ATI had some experience with vaccine deals before the pandemic. On Jun. 9, it made the shift to Covid-19 vaccines, soliciting companies’ proposals for research, development, and large-scale manufacturing. Less than a month later, the US had made its first agreement, a deal with Novavax worth up to $1.6 billion.
But the precise terms of that deal, and the one with Pfizer that came shortly after, are still unclear. . . .
. . . . It would be easier to understand the difference between investment and procurement—and what Operation Warp Speed could reasonably take credit for—if the contracts were made public. Normally, when the government makes an agreement with a contractor, it has to follow federal acquisition regulations . But with ATI as an intermediary, these billion-dollar deals instead fall under something called an “other transaction agreement” that isn’t subject to the same kinds of cross-checks and accountability. . . .
ATI recruits, organizes, and manages teams of large and small businesses, academic institutions, and nonprofit organizations to develop new technologies for our federal clients. We don’t bring our solution; we bring the best solution for the DoD’s most urgent challenges.
A hallmark of ATI-managed collaborations is access to non-traditionals, innovative companies that have not traditionally worked with Government due to the complexity of Federal contracting. We vet these innovators, teach them how to work with the Government, and provide online and in-person forums where they can meet and partner with traditional defense contractors.
In today’s environment of increasingly sophisticated adversaries and rapid technology refresh, speed of technology acquisition is critical to the DoD. ATI’s expertise in program management and rapid contracting ensures that we deliver new technologies at the speed of mission.