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COMMENT: Many listeners and readers may wonder at our frequent references to the Nazi tract “Serpent’s Walk.” In that book, far more (in our opinion) than the “novel” it purports to be:
- The SS goes underground at the end of the war. This happened.
- They use their economic muscle to buy into the American opinion-forming media. The publisher for the SS during World War II–Bertelsmann–dominates English-language publishing. For those who would relegate the firm’s SS affiliation to the past, we note that the firm’s house historian–Dirk Bavendamm–published a book in 1998 blaming World War II on Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Jewish domination of Hollywood and the American media and U.S. imperialism.
- A recent U.N. resolution introduced by Russia condemning celebration of Nazi collaborators as “heroes” was approved by 115 countries, with Germany prevailing on the EU nations to abstain. The U.S., Canada and Ukraine voted against it.
- Now, the Baltic states and Ukraine are celebrating their Nazi collaborators–including Waffen SS units drawn from their populations–as “freedom fighters.” This IS “Serpent’s Walk” made manifest. History is being stood on its head.
“Four Baltic Marches, One Dangerous Racist Trend” by Efraim Zuroff; i24 news; 2/15/2015.
This coming week will see the opening of what I refer to as “Baltic Neo-Nazi/Ultranationalist March Month.” Within exactly 29 days, four such marches will take place in the capital cities of the Baltic European Union members — Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. And while there obviously are different local nuances, the similarities between the marches are far too numerous to ignore, reflecting a dangerous trend, which deserves to be treated seriously by Brussels.
All the marches are being sponsored by right-wing organizations with fascist sympathies and zero tolerance for local minorities. At past marches in Lithuania, the most popular slogan shouted was “Lietuva lietuvams” (Lithuania for Lithuanians); and in Estonia, it has already been announced that the theme of this year’s march will be “Eesti eestlastele” (Estonia for Estonians). In other words, as far as they are concerned, only ethnic Lithuanians or Estonians belong in their country.
The sponsors also share a critical view of the accepted narrative of World War II and the Holocaust, which includes the extensive and zealous collaboration by tens of thousands of Lithuanians, Latvians and Estonians in the mass annihilation of not only their fellow Jewish citizens, but also of thousands of Jews deported from elsewhere in Europe to the Baltic countries to be murdered there, as well as tens of thousands of Jews murdered by security police units from Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia in Belarus. As far as the organizers are concerned, the real “genocide” was that supposedly committed in the Baltics by the Communists, whereas the Holocaust was primarily a respite from the two periods of Soviet repression and persecution in 1940–1941 and 1944–1991.
The revisionist bent of the marchers was boldly evident in both Lithuania and Latvia in previous such events. Thus, for example, the Latvian march is ostensibly to honor the locals who fought alongside the Nazis in the two Latvian SS divisions, whom the marchers seek to portray as Latvian freedom fighters. They conveniently forget three important historical facts: that the goal of these divisions was a victory of the Third Reich, that Nazi Germany had absolutely no intention of granting Latvia independence even if it had won the war, and that among these so-called “Latvian heroes” were quite a few former members of the Latvian Security Police who had actively participated in the mass murder of Jews, local and foreign. In Lithuania, prominently displayed among the nationalist heroes was Juozas Ambrazevicius, the Prime Minister of the Lithuanian Provisional Government established in July 1941, which fully supported the Third Reich and encouraged Lithuanians to participate in the mass murder of their fellow Jewish citizens, hardly a qualification for glorification. At these marches, Lithuanian swastikas, a slightly altered version of the Nazi original to avoid legal problems, were a very common sight.
All four marches are being held in the main avenues of the capital cities, and three of them are celebrations of local independence days. The first march, on February 16 in Kaunas, which was the capital of the first Lithuanian republic in modern times, marks the independence granted in 1918. The second, a week later, on February 23 in Tallinn, marks Estonian independence, and the third, which will be held in the center of Vilnius on March 11, marks the renewal of Lithuanian independence in 1990. (The Latvian march, which will be held in Riga on March 16, is linked to a historic battle of the Latvian Legion.) The combination of exclusionist nationalist slogans with the achievement of freedom for the Baltic peoples is a toxic combination which sends a racist, xenophobic and anti-Semitic message which, at least in theory, runs counter to the values of the European Union.
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“Nazi Hunter: Even Putin Would Condemn Nuremberg-esque Parades in Estonia” by Dr. Efraim Zuroff; IB Times; 3/3/2015.
The torchlight parade held by right-wing ultranationalists last week in the Estonian capital of Tallinn reminded the Russian journalists covering the event of similar spectacles in Nazi Germany, but this was more wishful thinking on their part than actual reality.
They were out in full force this past Tuesday night, but unfortunately, they were the only foreign television journalists covering the event, with not a single representative of any European Union member country’s media in attendance.
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The European Union, on the other hand, does not appear to be particularly perturbed by genuinely disturbing phenomena in the Baltic countries and elsewhere, which, of course, would in no way justify Russian aggression, but deserve to be handled seriously and promptly before they get out of hand.
Tuesday’s march, which was sponsored by the Sinine Aratus (Blue Awakening) youth movement, closely affiliated with the Estonian Conservative People’s Party (EKRE), was a good example of at least one of the major problems we increasingly encounter in post-Communist Eastern Europe, and especially in the Baltics. I am referring to the rise of ethnocentric sentiment, a euphemism for racism, anti-Semitism, and xenophobia.
Thus the march was publicised under the slogan of ‘Estonia for Estonians,’ an explicit message of zero tolerance for Estonia’s minorities, among them families who have lived in the country for generations. The announcement also bore the symbols of the “sister” parties in Lithuania and in Latvia, whose platforms advocate the same ethnocentricity.
In addition, the only sign I saw besides the one held by the lead marchers which said ‘For Estonia,’ bore a white supremacy message. In fact, IBTimes UK reported not that long ago on a statement by Mart Helme, a leading member of the EKRE, who said that the policy in Estonia towards Africans should be, “If you’re black, go back.” When questioned about this statement by the Estonian daily Postimees, Helme responded that he would not allow political correctness to silence his opinions.
Rewriting Nazi history
The other omnipresent problem in the Baltics was not in evidence this past Tuesday night, but is definitely in the background.
As past marches by Baltic ultranationalists have clearly demonstrated, one of their key goals is to rewrite the narrative of World War II and the Holocaust to hide the extensive lethal complicity of local Nazi collaborators and promote the canard of historical equivalency between Communist and Nazi crimes, often commonly referred to as the “double genocide theory.”
A very important element of this campaign is the glorification of certain anti-Communists, despite their participation in the persecution and murder of their fellow Jewish citizens during the Holocaust.
This element was on display last week in Kaunas, Lithuania and will certainly be featured in Vilnius and Riga in the marches scheduled for mid-March. In Estonia, this revisionism is on display at the annual gathering of SS veterans held in Sinimae every summer, and hosted by the veterans of the 20th Estonian Waffen-SS Grenadier Division, which is attended by SS veterans from many European countries in which such gatherings are illegal.
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In Estonia, a country in which local Nazi collaborators participated in the murder of practically every single one of the 1,000 Estonian Jews who lived there under the Nazi occupation, as well as of thousands of foreign Jews deported by the Nazis to Estonia, and local Jews killed by the 36th Estonian Security battalion unit in Nowogrudok, Belarus, they should know better.
A very important element of this campaign is the glorification of certain anti-Communists, despite their participation in the persecution and murder of their fellow Jewish citizens during the Holocaust.
This element was on display last week in Kaunas, Lithuania and will certainly be featured in Vilnius and Riga in the marches scheduled for mid-March. In Estonia, this revisionism is on display at the annual gathering of SS veterans held in Sinimae every summer, and hosted by the veterans of the 20th Estonian Waffen-SS Grenadier Division, which is attended by SS veterans from many European countries in which such gatherings are illegal.
“The Waffen-SS as Freedom Fighters” by Per Anders Rudling; The Algemeiner; 1/31/2012.
Despised and ostracized, the Swedish community of Waffen–SS volunteers long gathered in secrecy on “The Day of the Fallen,” for obscure ritualistic annual gatherings at a cemetery in a Stockholm suburb.
Since the 1990s, the rituals have not needed to be clandestine: the few, now very elderly survivors now head to Sinimäe, Estonia, where they feel they are now getting the honor to which they are entitled. Here, Swedish, Norwegian, Austrian, German and otherWaffen–SS veterans from Western Europe meet up with their Estonian comrades. The annual gatherings include those who volunteered for ideological reasons, and who are today actively passing on the experiences to a new generation of neo-Nazis.
In previous years, Mart Laar, the Estonian minister of defense sent official greeting to the veterans. Estonian government endorsement of these events means in effect that an EU member state is underwriting the Waffen-SS veterans’ own claims that they constituted a pan-European force, who were moreover pioneers of European unification.
According to the Tageszeitung, this March the Estonian parliament will consider a law, which would formally designate the Estonian Waffen–SS veterans as “Freedom Fighters.” The law, promoted by Mart Laar’s right-wing nationalist Isamaa party, represents a fourth attempt by the Isamaa to pass such a law. Previous efforts were made in 2005, 2006, and 2010. Last winter the Estonian prime minister Andrus Ansip sent the Estonian Waffen–SS veterans a letter, in which he thanked them for their service to the Estonian people.
In doing so, Estonia would confirm its leading role in rehabilitating the Waffen–SS. Across Europe, Waffen–SS veterans and their admirers are following the developments in Estonia and Latvia. Nowhere in Europe have these veterans been recognized by governments . The Estonians and Latvians were (and are) breaking a taboo, setting a precedent for others to follow.
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Like their Scandinavian comrades, the German Waffen–SS veterans perceive themselves as a victimized and misunderstood group, second class citizens, victims of victors’ justice. They have generally not been entitled to state pensions for veterans.
Outside of Europe, Waffen–SS veterans have been more successful in gaining acceptance for their own narrative. In Canada, government authorities, in the name of multiculturalism have agreed to share the construction cost for monuments with the association of the Ukrainian veterans of the 14th Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS (1st Ukrainian), better known at the Waffen–SS Galizien. Public institutions of higher education institute endowments in the honor of Ukrainian Waffen–SS volunteers.
To the disappointment of the extreme right, former Ukrainian president Viktor Yushchenko (in office 2005–2010) did not follow up his rehabilitation of the most important interwar Ukrainian fascist organization, the OUN, with a rehabilitation of the Waffen–SS Galizien. To the Ukrainian far right, Latvia and Estonia have become a source of inspiration and an example to emulate. Much like the current Estonian prime minister, Andrus Ansip, the leading Ukrainian ultra-nationalist party, the All Ukrainian Association Svoboda, which dominates local politics in several Western Ukrainian cities, denies that honoring Waffen–SS veterans has anything to do with neo-Nazi ideology.
...In April 2011 Svoboda celebrated the 68th anniversary of the establishment of the Waffen–SS Galizien. Lviv was decorated with billboards referring to the veterans of the Waffen–SS Galizien as “the treasure of the nation,” accompanied by the slogan “They defended Ukraine.” The far right marched through Lviv with cries like “Galicia – Division of heroes!,” and “One race, one nation, one Fatherland!” In time for the Euro 2012, a Waffen–SS Galizien taxi company was established.
These processes are interlinked. The Estonian and Latvian governments’ partial recognition granted their presumably heroic Waffen–SS veterans is part of a larger narrative of apologetics and obfuscation.
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In fact, a Nazi victory, for which the Waffen–SS was employed, would have meant the permanent disappearance of Estonia, the population of which was earmarked for destruction by the Generalplan Ost, which stipulated that only 50% of Estonians could be Germanized. That discussion would have thereby precluded this discussion in the first place.
Thus, that government that has itself profiled from an elaborate victimization narrative making Estonia a European center of gravity for Waffen–SS nostalgists is deeply ironic.
Unlike most plants, these sort of cults grow in the shade. The Estonian government does not want international exposure on this. Yet, that is exactly what is needed.
The nostalgia for the Waffen–SS “freedom fighters” is not merely an Estonian concern It is a European concern. It is an international concern.
Regarding the Canadian rejection of that resolution, two insightful articles have appeared in recent weeks that perfectly illustrate how the Canadian Conservative government continues to grovel at the feet of the Ukrainian government. The Toronto Star’s Gabor Mate (Tories’ Cynical Monument to Victims of Communism–March 8th) and Thomas Walkom (Canada Quietly Tiptoes into Ukraine-Russian War–Feb. 26) reveal Harper as the fascist lickspittle he truly is.
It looks like NATO is going to start treating Russian-language media in the Baltics like it’s a form of a ‘hybrid warfare’. That should do wonders for all the community tensions: