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COMMENT: Due to the shel­ter-in-place restric­tions, it is not pos­si­ble for Mr. Emory to do his annu­al Memo­r­i­al Day marathon pro­gram­ming about the deci­sive con­nec­tions between Amer­i­can indus­try and finance and the Axis pow­ers of World War II.

How­ev­er, we re-post the descrip­tion and pro­gram links from last year’s spe­cial for view­ing and use of the listening–and reading–audience:

“On Sun­day, we will high­light the Amer­i­can-Ger­man indus­tri­al axis and its var­i­ous man­i­fes­ta­tions. On Mon­day, we will explore the Amer­i­can-Japan­ese indus­tri­al axis.

In the decades since the end of the Sec­ond World War, much has been writ­ten about the war and fas­cism, the dri­ving force behind the aggres­sion that pre­cip­i­tat­ed that con­flict. Unfor­tu­nate­ly, much of what has been said and writ­ten has failed to iden­ti­fy and ana­lyze the caus­es, nature and method­ol­o­gy of fascism—German Nation­al Social­ism or “Nazism” in par­tic­u­lar. A deep­er, more accu­rate analy­sis was pre­sent­ed in pub­lished lit­er­a­ture, par­tic­u­lar­ly vol­umes pub­lished dur­ing, or in the imme­di­ate after­math of, the Sec­ond World War.

. . . . Fas­cism (Nazism in par­tic­u­lar) was an out­growth of glob­al­iza­tion and the con­struc­tion of inter­na­tion­al monop­o­lies (car­tels). Key to under­stand­ing this phe­nom­e­non is analy­sis of the Webb-Pomerene act, leg­is­lat­ed near the end of the First World War. A loop­hole in the Anti-trust leg­is­la­tion of 1914, it effec­tive­ly legal­ized the for­ma­tion of cartels—international monopolies—for firms that were barred from domes­tic monop­o­lis­tic prac­tices.

Decry­ing what they viewed as exces­sive and restric­tive “reg­u­la­tion” here in the Unit­ed States, U.S.-based transna­tion­al cor­po­ra­tions invest­ed their prof­its from the indus­tri­al boom of the 1920’s abroad, pri­mar­i­ly in Japan and Ger­many. This process might well be viewed as the real begin­ning of what is now known as “glob­al­iza­tion.” This rein­vest­ment of the prof­its of the Amer­i­can indus­tri­al boom of the 1920’s in Japan­ese and Ger­man strate­gic heavy indus­try was the cap­i­tal that drove the engines of con­quest that sub­dued both Europe and Asia dur­ing World War II.

On Sun­day, we will high­light the Amer­i­can-Ger­man indus­tri­al axis and its var­i­ous man­i­fes­ta­tions. Begin­ning with FTR #511, we will explore the fun­da­men­tals of Amer­i­can cor­po­rate invest­ment in Nazi Ger­many; attempts by those U.S. pow­er bro­kers to over­throw Franklin Delano Roo­sevelt (FTR #602); the coa­les­cence and preva­lence of the remark­able and dead­ly Bor­mann orga­ni­za­tion (FTR #305); the cre­ation of the Chris­t­ian West–a Hitler-less Third Reich fused with the pow­er of the West­ern Allies in an anti-Sovi­et alliance (FTR #‘s 1058, 1059, 1060); and the deal between Allen Dulles and Mar­tin Bor­mann to facil­i­tate the escape of Adolf Hitler from Europe as part of the coa­les­cence of The Chris­t­ian West (FTR #‘s 914, 915.)

On Mon­day, we will explore the Amer­i­can-Japan­ese indus­tri­al axis, begin­ning with (FTR #905). Con­tin­u­ing to analy­sis of the Gold­en Lily project, we present: FTR #‘s 428, 446, 451, 501, 509, 688, 689.

High­lights of the dis­cus­sion of Gold­en Lily include:

1. The com­bin­ing of Japan­ese Gold­en Lily loot with gold loot­ed by the Third Reich.
2. The com­plic­i­ty of the Vat­i­can in the Gold­en Lily bul­lion hoard­ing and laun­der­ing.
3. The unsuc­cess­ful attempts by for­mer U.S. POW’s to receive com­pen­sa­tion for their slave labor while they were Japan­ese pris­on­ers.
4. The com­plic­i­ty of U.S. offi­cials in cov­er­ing-up the POW’s efforts at receiv­ing com­pen­sa­tion and those offi­cials’ links to cor­po­rate Japan and the ben­e­fi­cia­ries of Gold­en Lily wealth. ” . . . . The real issue is con­flict of inter­est. Dur­ing the Clin­ton Admin­is­tra­tion, U.S. Ambas­sador to Japan Thomas Foley was adamant in reject­ing com­pen­sa­tion for POW’s and oth­er slave labor­ers, insist­ing that ‘The peace treaty put aside all claims against Japan.’ His Deputy Chief of Mis­sion, Christo­pher J. LaFleur, echoed this dog­ma at every oppor­tu­ni­ty. It was a mat­ter of some inter­est to vic­tims that Foley’s wife was a well-paid con­sul­tant to Sum­it­o­mo, one of Japan’s biggest zaibat­su con­glom­er­ates, heav­i­ly involved in wartime slave labor and a tar­get of the law­suits. The moment Foley end­ed his tenure as ambas­sador and returned to Amer­i­ca, he signed on as a paid advi­sor and lob­by­ist to anoth­er huge con­glom­er­ate-Mit­subishi-one of the biggest wartime users of slave labor. Of greater sig­nif­i­cance, per­haps, is that Lafleur is mar­ried to the daugh­ter of for­mer prime min­is­ter and finance min­is­ter Miyaza­wa, one of the three Japan­ese who secret­ly nego­ti­at­ed the 1951 treaty with John Fos­ter Dulles. (Miyaza­wa also is con­sid­ered by pro­fes­sor Lausi­er and oth­ers to be the finan­cial over­seer of the M‑Fund.) Con­flict of inter­est does not seem to be an obsta­cle in diplo­mat­ic appoint­ments to Tokyo.) . . . .”
5. The use of Gold­en Lily wealth to finance U.S. covert oper­a­tions.
6. The pro­found link of Gold­en Lily to the re-insti­tu­tion­al­iza­tion of Japan­ese fas­cism after World War II.
7. Then Vice-Pres­i­dent Richard Nixon’s return of con­trol of the con­sum­mate­ly impor­tant “M Fund” to Japan, under the stew­ard­ship of Prime Min­is­ter Nobo­suke Kishi, a Japan­ese war crim­i­nal and the grand­fa­ther of cur­rent PM Shin­zo Abe.
8. The destruc­tion of for­mer Assis­tant Attor­ney Gen­er­al Nor­bert Schlei for his attempts at redeem­ing a “57” bond.
9. The sus­pi­cious death of writer Iris Chang, who chron­i­cled the Rape of Nanking and was a col­lab­o­ra­tor with Peg­gy and Ster­ling Sea­grave on their book.
10. The byzan­tine cov­er-up of the enor­mous amounts of gold in U.S. finan­cial insti­tu­tions and the vio­lent ret­ri­bu­tion received by many who attempt­ed to pen­e­trate the cov­er-up.

We con­clude with a pre­sen­ta­tion of the re-emer­gence of fas­cism in present-day Japan, accel­er­at­ed under the reign of Shin­zo Abe, the grand­son of Nobo­suke Kishi in FTR #969.”