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The Fourteen Words in Ukraine (The Fires This Time, Part 2)

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Ukrainian Nazis honor David Lane's passing

COMMENT: Once again, pro-Russian seperatist protesters in Ukraine have been burned alive by neo-Nazi recruits from the Ukrainian National Guard.

(We have covered the ascension of the OUN/B heirs in the Ukraine in a number of programs: FTR ‘s 777778779780781782, 783784.)

As we have seen in the programs listed above, as well as in numerous posts, the interim Ukrainian government’s key ministries–defense, judiciary and education among them–are dominated by Swoboda. Another fascist descendant of the OUN/B–Pravy Sektor–also participates in the government, the defense ministry in particular.

That these groups, apparently supported by intel elements from the U.S. and [probably] Germany, should behave in such a manner is no surprise. In addition to their open admiration for SS and Gestapo units from World War II, they manifest the ideology and slogans of neo-Nazis worldwide.

As discussed in FTR #780, Swoboda maintains a street-fighting cadre called Combat 14.

The group’s name derives from “the fourteen words” minted by David Lane, a member of the Order that killed talk show host Alan Berg. (See excerpt below.) The words are: “We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children.”

NEVER lose sight of the fact that Lane and company were inspired by The Turner Diaries, published by The National Alliance. Glenn Greenwald spent a big chunk of his professional career defending Nazi organiztions, including the National Alliance. He worked tirelessly to defend them from civil litigation that might arrise from the victims of acts incited by books such as Hunter and Turner Diaries.

“Burning Ukraine’s Protesters Alive” by Robert Parry; OpEdNews; 5/10/2014.

EXCERPT: In Ukraine, a grisly new strategy — bringing in neo-Nazi paramilitary forces to set fire to occupied buildings in the country’s rebellious southeast — appears to be emerging as a favored tactic as the coup-installed regime in Kiev seeks to put down resistance from ethnic Russians and other opponents.

The technique first emerged on May 2 in the port city of Odessa when pro-regime militants chased dissidents into the Trade Unions Building and then set it on fire. As some 40 or more ethnic Russians were burned alive or died of smoke inhalation, the crowd outside mocked them as red-and-black Colorado potato beetles, with the chant of “Burn, Colorado, burn.” Afterwards, reporters spotted graffiti on the building’s walls containing Swastika-like symbols and honoring the “Galician SS,” the Ukrainian adjunct to the German SS in World War II.

This tactic of torching an occupied building occurred again on May 9 in Mariupol, another port city, as neo-Nazi paramilitaries — organized now as the regime’s “National Guard” — were dispatched to a police station that had been seized by dissidents, possibly including police officers who rejected a new Kiev-appointed chief. Again, the deployment of the “National Guard” was followed by burning the building and killing a significant but still-undetermined number of people inside. (Early estimates of the dead range from seven to 20.)

In the U.S. press, Ukraine’s “National Guard” is usually described as a new force derived from the Maidan’s “self-defense” units that spearheaded the Feb. 22 revolt in Kiev overthrowing elected President Viktor Yanukovych. But the Maidan’s “self-defense” units were drawn primarily from well-organized bands of neo-Nazi extremists from western Ukraine who hurled firebombs at police and fired weapons as the anti-Yanukovych protests turned increasingly violent.

But the mainstream U.S. press — in line with State Department guidance — has sought to minimize or dismiss the key role played by neo-Nazis in these “self-defense” forces as well as in the new government. At most, you’ll see references to these neo-Nazis as “Ukrainian nationalists.” . . . .

“The Kiev Esca­la­tion Strat­egy”; german-foreign-policy.com; 3/06/2014.

EXCERPT: . . . . On the other hand, this should draw atten­tion because Svo­boda hon­ors Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tor, Stepan Ban­dera and his Orga­ni­za­tion of Ukrain­ian Nation­al­ists (OUN), respon­si­ble for hav­ing com­mit­ted mas­sacres par­tic­u­larly of Jew­ish Ukraini­ans and Poles.[4] Svo­boda, accord­ing to activists in Kiev, still dis­poses of an ille­gal armed wing known as “C14.“[5] This has been con­firmed a few days ago by the BBC, which reports “C14’s” size allegedly at 200 mem­bers — and took over the head­quar­ters of the Com­mu­nist Party, an act that turns the spot­light on the con­cept of rule of law applied now in the pro-Western Ukraine. The name “C14” (“Com­bat 14″) is prob­a­bly a seman­tic flirt with the name “C18” (“Com­bat 18″) one of the inter­na­tional net­works of neo-Nazi ter­ror­ist orga­ni­za­tions, with which the “C14,” of course, shares no orga­ni­za­tional ties. At the same time, the name points to the num­ber “14.” In fas­cist cir­cles this refers to the “four­teen word” slo­gans of com­mit­ment to the “white race.” As the leader of Svoboda’s ally “C14” explained, his orga­ni­za­tion is in a “strug­gle” with “eth­nic groups” that are wield­ing, among other things, “eco­nomic and polit­i­cal power.” The “eth­nic groups” he is refer­ring to are “Rus­sians and Jews.“[6] . . . .

“Terrorist, ’14 Words’ Author, Dies in Prison”; Southern Poverty Law Center; Fall 2007 [Issue #127]

EXCERPT: . . . . Neo-Nazi activist April Gaede, a Kalispell, Mont., resident who corresponded frequently with Lane, announced with great fanfare that she and “the gals from WAU [Women For Aryan Unity]” had established a David Lane Memorial Fund to cover the expenses of interring Lane’s remains.

According to Gaede, Lane told her that he wanted to be cremated and have his ashes placed in the capstone of a pyramid monument. However, Gaede wrote on the racist online forum Stormfront, “Since we are not in a situation to build a monument in a White homeland,” Gaede was arranging to instead distribute Lane’s ashes among 14 smaller, portable pyramids, which would then be enshrined in the homes of 14 white nationalist women. (The number of pyramids is a direct reference to “the 14 words,” the white nationalist catchphrase authored by Lane: “We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children.”) . . . .




3 comments for “The Fourteen Words in Ukraine (The Fires This Time, Part 2)”

  1. Who could have seen this coming:

    Ukraine civil war fears mount as volunteer units take up arms
    As Kiev struggles to wrest back control of east from pro-Russia fighters, irregular units of ‘Ukrainian patriots’ are stepping in

    Shaun Walker in Mariupol and Howard Amos in Kiev
    theguardian.com, Thursday 15 May 2014 07.16 EDT

    The men, dressed in irregular fatigues and with balaclavas pulled over their heads, fingered their Kalashnikovs nervously and jumped at every unusual sound. Eager to aid their country’s military struggle, the so-called Donbas volunteer battalion was ready to fight, but appeared to be short on training.

    The battalion commander, Semyon Semenchenko, a 40-year-old from Donetsk with a degree in film-making, insisted that he and all his men had combat experience, from the Ukrainian or Soviet armies. They are all volunteers, receiving zero salary from either the state or oligarchs, he said, claiming they live off their own savings and donations from patriotic Ukrainians, who transfer them money after reading about them on social media.

    “Our state needs defending, and we decided that if the army could not do it, we should do it ourselves,” said Semenchenko, during a meeting with the Guardian outside the town of Mariupol, where his men were based and offering support to regular units of the Ukrainian army in their fight against armed separatists in the region.

    Regarding the claims that no oligarchs are paying for them, note that the riches man in Ukraine, Renat Akmhetov, has been sending patrols of his employees to rout Russian separatists in five cities, including in Mariupol.


    With military operations inside Ukraine’s borders an unappealing prospect for many of the country’s professional soldiers, irregular units are springing up as Kiev struggles to wrest back control of Donetsk and Luhansk regions from the grip of pro-Russia fighters. They have been given semi-legitimacy by the Ukrainian authorities, grateful for any help they can get in their fight in the east.

    “It is hard to trust the army and the national guard,” said Semenchenko. “There are cases when they have just given up their weapons and fled. I don’t understand it at all, how can you give an oath to a country and then not stick to it?”

    Volunteers are recruited from western Ukraine and Kiev, and more quietly, within the east itself. A self-published newspaper in Donetsk gives the phone number where “Ukrainian patriots” can sign up for the volunteer battalions; its editor has gone into hiding to avoid being kidnapped by the separatist fighters. Volunteers undergo training in neighbouring Dnepropetrovsk region, and their battalions can be brought under the command of the interior ministry, allowing them to operate legally. Nevertheless, the training period can be as little as 50 hours, before the volunteers are put into real combat situations.

    Arming troops with almost no real training and sending them into extremely sensitive situations where they may be shot at with weapons from within crowds, largely made up of angry but unarmed civilians, sounds like a recipe for disaster.

    Indeed, it has resulted in bloodshed on a number of occasions so far, most notably in Mariupol last Friday, when at least eight people died when the national guard entered the city to clear the police station of separatist fighters. On their retreat, troops fired at civilians, almost all of whom were unarmed.

    These incidents, already awful enough, are often amplified and distorted by Russian media, leading to even more anger among the crowds in what is becoming a downward spiral of hatred and violence.

    Kiev’s “anti-terrorism operation” in the east of the country involves units of the army, the police, special forces and the national guard, which is partly made up of volunteers drawn from those who participated in the Maidan protests in Kiev.

    Andriy Parubiy, head of Ukraine’s national security and defence council, told the Guardian that these were all coordinated from a single anti-terrorism command centre, but numerous sources on the ground attest to the fact that coordination is poor, and there are major concerns over how ready the volunteer brigades are for combat.

    In addition to the difficulties of coordinating such a diverse range of paramilitary groups, there has also been concern at the extreme nationalist element among those fighting. The frequent Russian claim that the Ukrainian government itself is fascist is untrue, but there are certainly far-right elements involved in the fight in the east.

    Parubiy himself has an extremely dubious past, having set up the neo-fascist Social National party of Ukraine together with the current leader of far-right Svoboda, Oleh Tyahnybok, in the early 1990s. While there has been little evidence that the militias have been motivated by any kind of far-right ideology when fighting in east Ukraine, there is no doubt that radicals have been the people most willing to fight, and this has led to a number of situations which appear to be well beyond the bounds of normal military behaviour.

    Again, note that Andriy Parubiy, head of Ukraine’s national security forces, co-founded the Social National Party (styled after the Nazis) with Oleh Tyanyhbok and it was this party that become Svoboda.


    In one incident, the radical politician Oleh Liashko was shown in footage that emerged last week humiliating captured insurgent and self-proclaimed defence minister of the “Donetsk People’s Republic”, Igor Kakidzyanov.

    A video of the interrogation, where Kakidzyanov was shown in his underwear with his hands bound, circulated widely on social media and was promoted by Liashko himself.

    “This whole situation is completely out of control,” said Anna Neistat, an associate director at Human Rights Watch, who is currently in eastern Ukraine.

    Five days after the incident, Parubiy told the Guardian that he had not even watched the footage, which also appeared to show Liashko ordering around armed men, and there had been no formal condemnation from the government.

    Posters promoting Liashko’s presidential campaign read: “Death to the Occupiers!” and are widely displayed all over cities across western Ukraine.

    Speaking to the Guardian by telephone, Liashko said he conducted the interrogation because he wanted to find out what the motivations and ideas of Kakizdyanov were. He said he did not think it inappropriate that he was allowed to carry out the interrogation, nor that the questioning took place with Kakidzyanov stripped to his underwear.

    “I had before me a terrorist and I wanted to understand how he thinks; what his goals, motivations and ideals were,” said Liashko. “It turned out he was in close contact with Russian intelligence; it just proves that the people we are dealing with are Russian agents.”

    Liashko is currently in the process of setting up his own volunteer battalion, which he hopes will become another addition to the motley selection of forces currently fighting for Kiev in the east.

    “For 23 years nobody has paid any attention to our army, and now when we need to fight for the borders of our country today, we can’t,” he said.

    “We need a people’s war, like in the second world war when people rose up to fight fascism, that’s what we need to do now.”

    Liashko said that he would be the “commissar” of the battalion but that it would take military orders from the army or the interior ministry. So far, he said, over 3,000 people had applied to join, of which around 400 had been selected. The criteria were that they should be physically fit, have combat experience, and undergo a background check to ensure they were not working for foreign intelligence agencies.

    With the new militias often fighting in unmarked uniforms, it has sometimes been difficult even to identify who they are. In one incident during Sunday’s unrecognised referendums on independence, a group of militiamen arrived in the town of Krasnoarmeisk, supposedly to stop people from voting.

    They said they were from the “Dnepr” volunteer battalion, a similar outfit to the Donbas battalion, made up of volunteers and trained in neighbouring Dnepropetrovsk region, funded by the local governor-oligarch, Ihor Kolomoysky.

    There was shouting and aggression from the crowd about the men who had disrupted the voting. At one point, several people lunged towards them, unarmed, and the men shot into the air. The volley of bullets did nothing to placate the crowd, and the men kept shooting, a look of panic on their faces. The incident ended with two civilians dead, and later the Dnepr battalion claimed its forces had never been there.

    Exactly who the men were remains unclear, and the Ukrainian government has said it will investigate. Photographs from the event appear to show one of the deputy leaders of Right Sector involved in the incident.

    The Right Sector is a loose grouping of ultra-radical elements that led confrontations with riot police in Kiev, throwing molotov cocktails and wielding baseball bats. The group’s influence has been consistently distorted by its own boasts and Russian state media exaggerations, but it is clear that some of its members are fighting in the east, presumably within volunteer battalions.

    It is Right Sector that is most often mentioned as the fascist component of the new government. Although its leader has met with the Israeli ambassador to Ukraine and insisted that the group does not adhere to racial ideology, it is clear that it contains some extremely far-right elements.

    One 18-year old Right Sector member, who gave his nickname as “White”, claimed that he was involved in fighting in the east and had been wounded outside the insurgent-controlled town of Slavyansk.

    “People are terrified of Right Sector and think that we will kill children, but we don’t make a big show of it [in the east] and we wear different uniforms without recognisable insignia,” he said while patrolling in central Kiev with a gas mask and a rubber truncheon.

    I hope it does not progress further, but there is a tendency of moving towards the scenario we saw in the Yugoslav wars,” says Ihor Todorov, a professor at Donetsk National University. “We can end up with different field commanders, who are fighting against everyone; not for a particular side but just for their own ends.”

    For now, all-out infighting between groups ostensibly on the same side has been prevented by a stronger hatred for the enemy, as both the pro-Kiev and pro-separation forces have cultivated a hatred for their opponents.

    On the pro-Russia side, the gunmen regularly speak of the Ukrainian army as “fascists”. Rumours that Ukrainians are forced to go through psychological training that allows them to kill unarmed women and children with no remorse are widespread.

    On the Ukrainian side, too, there is little sympathy for the views or goals of those they are fighting against.

    Semenchenko, of the Donbas volunteer battalion, was uncompromising about civilian casualties, claiming that many of the unarmed people in the crowds were paid to be there as cover for armed attackers, and referred to them as “pigs”. It was the “terrorists” who were responsible for genuinely unarmed protesters being inadvertently shot by pro-Kiev forces, such as in Mariupol, he said.

    With polls showing the far-right still doing very poorly in the upcoming May 25 elections, it’s going to be very interesting to see if the new government continues to place outright fascists in prominent positions of power (especially the security forces) if the far-right does poorly at the polls. Because why it’s very unclear why the same oligarchs with deep ties to the mafia and the fascists shouldn’t be able to find a shared vision for Ukraine’s future, whether the public at large shares that vision or not.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | May 16, 2014, 1:17 pm
  2. President Poroshenko signed the agreement for closer ties with the EU on the 100th anniversary of the Assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinan, which sparked the first World War. Was the singing date chosen to add to symbolism and the provocation/antagonism aimed at Russia?

    Posted by GK | June 29, 2014, 1:14 pm
  3. Who’s killing former allies of Yanukovych and Ukrainian journalists with Russian sympathies? Well, according to the Kiev government, the Kremlin, that’s who:

    Who’s killing allies of former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych?

    By Victoria Butenko and Don Melvin, CNN

    Updated 9:23 AM ET, Fri April 17, 2015

    Kiev, Ukraine (CNN)

    The question haunting Kiev is this: Who might be murdering allies of Ukraine’s ousted President Viktor Yanukovych?

    The idea that this might be happening is not entirely new. But it muscled its way to the fore again this week with two high-profile shooting deaths in the Ukrainian capital — one of a former member of parliament with ties to Yanukovych, the other of a Ukrainian journalist known for his pro-Russian views.

    Oleg Kalashnikov, the former member of parliament, was shot and killed shortly after 7 p.m. Wednesday at the entrance to his apartment block. Kalashnikov, 52, was a member of the Party of Regions, the former ruling party in Ukraine, and was close to Yanukovych. Police are investigating the death as a murder.

    A day later, on Thursday, journalist Oles Buzyna, 45, was killed near his home by shots fired from a dark blue Ford Focus, Interior Ministry adviser Anton Herashchenko said. The car’s license plates were reported to have been from either Latvia or Belorussia.

    Several suspicious deaths in recent months

    The killings renewed speculation, sparked by earlier unusual deaths, about a conspiracy to kill people close to Yanukovych. At least three former members of parliament with the Party of Regions have reportedly committed suicide in the last seven weeks:

    • On February 28, Mikhail Chechetov reportedly jumped from the window of his 17th-floor apartment in Kiev, having left a suicide note. He was suspected of having falsified the results of a parliamentary vote in early 2014 that essentially prohibited protest just as thousands of people were protesting against the Yanukovych government.

    • On March 9, Stanislav Melnik, a former member of parliament with the Party of Regions and the manager of several businesses in the separatist-minded eastern city of Donetsk, was found dead in his apartment near Kiev. He, too, reportedly left a suicide note.

    • And three days later, on March 12, Oleksandr Peklushenko, another former member of parliament, was found in his house in Zaporizhzhya, in southeastern Ukraine, dead of a gunshot wound. Police are investigating various scenarios, including suicide. Interior Ministry adviser Anton Gerashchenko said Peklushenko “might have wanted to avoid punishment for using violence against protesters, which he was suspected of.”

    Divergent theories on motivation for killings

    With a government toppled and armed conflict in the east, Ukrainians have reason to want each other dead. But the view of who might be responsible for the series of deaths differs starkly, according to which side of the country’s divide one is on.

    The Opposition Bloc, the country’s major opposition party, has no doubt the deaths have been politically motivated — “bloody terror against opposition politicians and journalists,” the bloc’s media office called them.

    “It is clear oppression of those who are not afraid to criticize the government,” it said.

    The government, unsurprisingly, sees things differently.

    Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko, who came to office after Yanukovych was ousted, has demanded an investigation of the killings of Kalashnikov and Buzyna, his media office said.

    “It is evident that these crimes have the same origin,” the media office quoted Poroshenko as saying. “Their nature and political sense are clear. It is a deliberate provocation that plays in favor of our enemies. It is aimed at destabilizing the internal political situation in Ukraine and discrediting the political choice of the Ukrainian people.”

    And Anton Geraschenko, an adviser to the country’s interior minister, took the theory one step further.

    “It should not be excluded that the killings of Oleg Kalashnikov and Olez Buzyna were planned and organized from Moscow and are a part of a plan to destabilize Ukraine and further support anti-Ukrainian mood in Russian society,” Geraschenko said.

    Ok then..

    Keep in mind that, while it is entirely possible that this was some sort of Kremlin plot to kill of its own supporters in order to garner more support, if that’s going to be the official line from Kiev as more and more of these ‘suicides’ take place, the Russian investigation into the death of Boris Nemtsov next to the Kremlin is going to get interesting.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | April 17, 2015, 12:37 pm

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