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NB: Some errors in the foot­notes in Part 1 have been cor­rect­ed.

COMMENT: With the anniver­sary of the 9/11 attacks at hand, we unpack  two of Mr. Emory’s Patre­on arti­cles about that event. Suf­fice it to say, the infor­ma­tion pre­sent­ed here is both rev­e­la­to­ry and at vari­ance with the accept­ed ver­sion of the events.

Part 1.

The Walls Came Tum­bling Down: Nazis, Fas­cists and the 9/11 Attacks

For all the jour­nal­is­tic cov­er­age of the 9/11 attacks, the pro­found effect the event had on the psy­che of the Amer­i­can pub­lic and the con­tin­u­ing rever­ber­a­tion of the event in our nation­al dis­course and affairs, the actu­al oper­a­tional sub­stance of the attacks has been eclipsed.

The Turn­er Diaries and 9/11

William Luther Pierce is the author of the icon­ic, influ­en­tial book The Turn­er Diaries, the doc­u­ment that pro­found­ly influ­enced the Nazi ter­ror group The Order and par­tic­u­lar­ly Tim­o­thy McVeigh and his asso­ciates in the exe­cu­tion of the Okla­homa City Bomb­ing.

In 1998, he did a radio broad­cast titled “Stay Out of Tall Build­ings.” (1)

In that pro­gram, Pierce had some telling prog­nos­ti­ca­tions: “ . . . . In one chill­ing com­men­tary Pierce, (after not­ing that Bin Laden and the rest of the lost gen­er­a­tion of angry Moslem youth had it with their par­ents’ com­pro­mis­es and were hell bent on revenge against infi­del Amer­i­ca) issued this stark, prophet­ic warn­ing in a 1998 radio address titled, ‘Stay Out of Tall Build­ings.’ ‘New York­ers who work in tall office build­ings any­thing close to the size of the World Trade Cen­ter might con­sid­er wear­ing hard hats . . .’ Pierce warned. . . . [Ital­ics are mine—D.E.].” (2)

Pierce also pre­dict­ed that Osama bin Laden was com­ing and the U.S. would be hit with bio­log­i­cal war­fare attacks. (3)

Pierce’s com­ments are not only prophet­ic of what was to take place in the U.S. on 9/11/2001 but fore­shad­owed the anthrax attacks that fol­lowed.

Coin­ci­dence is fur­ther stretched by analy­sis of Pierce’s tract and ide­o­log­i­cal man­i­festo The Turn­er Diaries. That book’s key episodes may be seen as fore­shad­ow­ing key aspects of the 9/11 attacks.

That book (again, authored by the above-men­tioned William Pierce) con­cludes with a low-lev­el sui­cide aer­i­al attack against the Pen­ta­gon. “ . . . . We went over every pos­si­bil­i­ty we could think of, and we came up with no real­ly con­vinc­ing plan—except, per­haps one. That is to make an air deliv­ery of a bomb. . . . In the mas­sive ring of defens­es around the Pen­ta­gon there is a great deal of anti-air­craft fire­pow­er, but we decid­ed that a small plane, fly­ing just above the ground, might be able to get through the three-mile gaunt­let with one of our 60-kilo­ton war­heads. . . .” (4)

It is worth not­ing that The Turn­er Diaries fea­tures the cli­mac­tic attack on the Pen­ta­gon as occur­ring on Novem­ber 9th. That date had great sig­nif­i­cance for the Nazis. The Ger­man sailors’ rebel­lion that pre­cip­i­tat­ed the advent of the Weimar Repub­lic so hat­ed by the Nazis began on 11/9. Attempt­ing to roll back the Weimar rev­o­lu­tion, the Nazis launched the ill-fat­ed Beer Hall Putsch on that date, as well. Die Krys­tall­nacht (the Night of Glass pogrom) of 1938 was launched on that date also. Inter­est­ing­ly, the Berlin Wall came down on Novem­ber 9. A Ger­man (or oth­er Euro­pean) would write the date Novem­ber 9 as—9/11!

“ . . . . Novem­ber 9, 1993. It’s still three hours until first light, and all sys­tems are ‘go.’ I’ll use the time to write a few pages—my last diary entry. Then it’s a one-way trip to the Pen­ta­gon for me. The war­head is strapped into the front seat of the old Stear­man and rigged to det­o­nate either on impact or when I flip a switch in the back seat. Hope­ful­ly, I’ll be able to man­age a low-lev­el air burst direct­ly over the cen­ter of the Pen­ta­gon. Fail­ing that, I’ll at least try to fly as close as I can before I’m shot down. . . .” (5)

The book’s pro­tag­o­nist and name­sake is suc­cess­ful: “ . . . . Thus end Earl Turner’s diaries, as unpre­ten­tious­ly as they began. His final mis­sion was suc­cess­ful, of course, as we all are remind­ed each year on Novem­ber 9—our tra­di­tion­al Day of the Mar­tyrs. . . .” (6)

Anoth­er ele­ment of res­o­nance between The Turn­er Diaries con­cerns the envi­sioned destruc­tion of a 100-sto­ry sky­scraper in Man­hat­tan.

“ . . . . In an apoc­a­lyp­tic scene Pierce rejoic­es over the destruc­tion of the cen­ter of the world cap­i­tal-con­t­a­m­i­nat­ed, Jew­ish-dom­i­nat­ed New York. The neo-Nazi, writ­ing under the alias Andrew Mac­Don­ald, says he desires to see the ‘100 floors of the sky­scraper’ fall. . . .” (7)

The Okla­homa City Bomb­ing and the 9/11 Attacks

The Turn­er Diaries was also a pri­ma­ry source of inspi­ra­tion for Tim­o­thy McVeigh and his asso­ciates in the Okla­homa City bomb­ing.

Inter­est­ing­ly, there are a num­ber of evi­den­tiary trib­u­taries con­nect­ing the milieu of the Okla­homa City bomb­ing with that of the 9/11 attacks, as well as the 1993 bomb­ing of the World Trade Cen­ter.

Prepara­to­ry to set­ting forth evi­den­tiary trib­u­taries between the 9/11 attacks and the Okla­homa City bomb­ing, we high­light key aspects of the OKC attack that were sub­merged by the MSM and Mer­rick Gar­land (Biden’s Attor­ney Gen­er­al and the fed­er­al offi­cial in charge of the “inves­ti­ga­tion” into the Okla­homa City bomb­ing.)

Worth remem­ber­ing, again, is the fact that The Turn­er Diaries was report­ed­ly a key ide­o­log­i­cal influ­ence on Tim­o­thy McVeigh.

Far from being a “lone nut,” McVeigh had trust­ed asso­ciates in the Okla­homa City attack. One of those was report­ed to be Andreas Strass­meir.

Under­cov­er ATF infor­mant Car­ol Howe main­tains that Strass­meier was the dri­ving force behind the Okla­homa City bomb­ing.

“ . . . . ATF infor­mant Howe has gone so far as to peg Andreas Strass­meir as the prime insti­ga­tor of the bomb­ing She alleges that Strass­meir exert­ed an extra­or­di­nary influ­ence over McVeigh. . . .” (8)

Strassmeir’s back­ground is rel­e­vant: “ . . . . Strass­meir’s links to McVeigh and Amer­i­ca’s vio­lent racial­ist under­ground are all the more curi­ous giv­en Andreas’s high-pow­ered fam­i­ly back­ground in Ger­many. His grand­fa­ther was an ear­ly mem­ber of the Nazi Par­ty. Years lat­er his father, Gunter Strass­meir, served as Hel­mut Kohl’s de fac­to chief of staff. A top Chris­t­ian Demo­c­ra­t­ic offi­cial in Berlin, Gunter was also a close friend and advi­sor to the chan­cel­lor. When the Berlin Wall opened in Novem­ber [9th] 1989, they cel­e­brat­ed togeth­er in the streets. . . .” (9)

There is a strik­ing resem­blance between Strass­meir and the of com­pos­ite sketch “John Doe #2” seen by wit­ness­es in the com­pa­ny of Tim­o­thy McVeigh.

“ . . . . he is regard­ed by many inves­ti­ga­tors as John Doe #2, the unknown per­son assist­ing McVeigh and Ter­ry Nichols at the scene of the Okla­homa City bomb­ing who was seen by a num­ber of eye­wit­ness­es. . . .” (10)

Strass­meir was report­ed to be seek­ing a Lufthansa sur­plus Boe­ing 747, not an air­craft for use in smug­gling con­tra­band and capa­ble of land­ing unob­tru­sive­ly on a small rur­al airstrip.

“ . . . . Accord­ing to an FBI report dat­ed May 10, 1995, ‘Addi­tion­al doc­u­ments reveal that at one time Strass­meir was attempt­ing to pur­chase a 747 air­craft from Lufthansa; how­ev­er, the rea­son for the pur­chase is not reflect­ed in the doc­u­ments.’ . . . .” (11)

Next, we review infor­ma­tion about a 2002 arti­cle on the Okla­homa City bomb­ing and a pos­si­ble link between that attack and some of the hijack­ers impli­cat­ed in the 9/11 attacks. A motel locat­ed at some dis­tance from Nor­man, Okla­homa (where some of the alleged hijack­ers appar­ent­ly took flight train­ing) may pro­vide doc­u­men­ta­tion of con­nec­tions between Atta and accused 20th hijack­er Zac­carias Mous­saoui. Atta alleged­ly tried to book rooms at this motel with Mous­saoui and anoth­er of the sus­pect­ed hijack­ers. (12)

This is sig­nif­i­cant for sev­er­al rea­sons. For one thing, the motel was far­ther away than oth­er, rea­son­ably-priced motels. Atta, for what­ev­er rea­son, want­ed this motel. As stat­ed above, the fol­low­ing account may estab­lish a hard link between Atta and Mous­saoui. This same motel was appar­ent­ly fre­quent­ed by Mujahid Menep­ta, an asso­ciate of Mous­saoui, who vis­it­ed the motel in the time before the 1995 Okla­homa City bomb­ing. (13)

This same motel was also report­ed to have been host to Tim McVeigh and alleged Mid­dle East­ern and/or Iraqi nation­als, with whom he may have been con­spir­ing. It is also worth not­ing that legal author­i­ties in this coun­try do not appear to have been over­ly eager to pur­sue these leads, per­haps out of a desire to avoid hav­ing to reopen the inves­ti­ga­tion into the Okla­homa City bomb­ing. (14) Although not dis­cussed in this arti­cle, Atta and asso­ciates were also report­ed­ly inter­est­ed in pur­su­ing crop-dust­ing aircraft—the type of plane used in the attack on the Pen­ta­gon in The Turn­er Diaries.

“ . . . .What hap­pened at the non­de­script road­side motel out­side Okla­homa City was just a fleet­ing encounter dur­ing the twist­ed cross-coun­try odyssey of the ter­ror­ists who would car­ry out the Sep­tem­ber 11 attacks. Mohammed Atta, alleged leader of the plot, and two com­pan­ions want­ed to rent a room, but couldn’t get the deal they want­ed, so they left. . . .” (15)

In addi­tion to the pos­i­tive iden­ti­fi­ca­tion of Atta and Mous­saoui, the motel own­er also iden­ti­fied peo­ple appar­ent­ly linked to the Okla­homa City bomb­ing.

“ . . . . Accord­ing to the motel own­er and oth­er wit­ness­es and inves­ti­ga­tors inter­viewed by the Week­ly, McVeigh and sev­er­al of these Iraqis were motel guests in the months pre­ced­ing the 1995 bomb­ing. Wit­ness­es also claimed they saw sev­er­al of the Iraqis mov­ing bar­rels of mate­r­i­al around on the bed of a truck. The motel own­er said the mate­r­i­al smelled of diesel fuel and he had to clean up a spill. Diesel fuel was a key com­po­nent of the truck bomb that blew up the Fed­er­al Build­ing. . . .” (16)

As men­tioned above, Mujahid Menep­ta was also report­ed to have been at the motel. The bril­liant Peter Dale Scott reports that Menep­ta was also a sus­pect in the 9/11 attacks and drug traf­fick­ing, as well as the Okla­homa City bomb­ing. (17)

Con­vict­ed in the 1993 attack on the World Trade Cen­ter, Ramzi Yousef is a con­nect­ing link to both the Okla­homa City bomb­ing and the 9/11 attacks.

Dur­ing Yousef’s tri­al, pros­e­cu­tors kept mate­r­i­al from Yousef’s Toshi­ba lap­top out of the case:

“ . . . . While Yousef’s . . . Toshi­ba lap­top con­tained the full details of the plot lat­er exe­cut­ed on 9/11, not a word of that sce­nario was men­tioned dur­ing the tri­al . . . .” (18)

Next, we high­light the alleged pres­ence of Okla­homa City bomber Ter­ry Nichols at a bomb-mak­ing and logis­tics plan­ning sem­i­nar in the Philip­pines. Also present at this sem­i­nar were Ramzi Yousef, the mas­ter­mind of the ear­li­er World Trade Cen­ter attack and Hakim Murad, anoth­er of the con­spir­a­tors in the first World Trade Cen­ter attack. (The first attack on the World Trade Cen­ter occurred in 1993.) The account comes from Edwin Ange­les, the co-founder of Abu Sayyaf, the Al Qae­da affil­i­ate in the Philip­pines. Ange­les had been sub­poe­naed as a defense wit­ness by Tim­o­thy McVeigh’s coun­sel in the Okla­homa City bomb­ing case. (Ange­les was also a deep-cov­er Philip­pine intel­li­gence offi­cer.) (19)

“ . . . . Among the most inter­est­ing rev­e­la­tions that Ange­les shared with Elmi­na was about a meet­ing between him­self, Ram­sey Yousef, Abdul Murad (both of whom are now serv­ing mul­ti­ple prison terms for ter­ror­ist activ­i­ties, includ­ing the first World Trade Cen­ter bomb­ing in 1993), Abdu­ra­jak Abubakar Jan­nalani, uniden­ti­fied mem­bers of the Moro Islam­ic Lib­er­a­tion Front (MILF), and two men who Ange­les only iden­ti­fied as Iraqis. The meet­ing, accord­ing to Elmi­na, was held in a ware­house near a Dole (Phil.) plant in South Cota­ba­to, between Gen­er­al San­tos City and Davao del Sur. There were two oth­er men at that meet­ing: a man whom Ange­les iden­ti­fied as Nichols and as ‘code name farmer,’ and anoth­er Amer­i­can who he did not iden­ti­fy by name. . . .” (20)

Fran­cois Genoud, 9/11 and Al-Taqwa

Zacha­ias Mous­saoui embod­ies a link to anoth­er promi­nent Nazi fig­ur­ing in the con­stel­la­tion of the 9/11 attacks. Inter­est­ing­ly (and per­haps sig­nif­i­cant­ly), the indict­ed alleged Al Qae­da oper­a­tive Zac­cha­rias Mous­saoui is being rep­re­sent­ed in France by Isabelle Coutant-Peyre, “who is well known for rep­re­sent­ing — and lat­er promis­ing to mar­ry — Illych Ramirez Sanchez, bet­ter known as Car­los the Jack­al.” (21)

Isabelle Coutant-Peyre works for Jacques Verges’ law firm. Verges, in turn, is a pro­tégé of Fran­cois Genoud, a very impor­tant fig­ure in the post-World War II Nazi dias­po­ra. (22) As we shall see, Genoud was also involved with the cre­ation of the Bank Al Taqwa, a major source of fund­ing for Al Qae­da.

Indica­tive of Genoud’s promi­nence in the Nazi hier­ar­chy is his sta­tus as a lit­er­ary and legal heir to Hitler, Mar­tin Bor­mann and Joseph Goebbels.

“ . . . . Genoud is notable for hav­ing been the execu­tor of last will and tes­ta­ment of Nazi pro­pa­gan­dist Joseph Goebbels, and for report­ed­ly mak­ing a for­tune from pub­lish­ing Goebbels’ diaries, which he held the posthu­mous rights for along with Hitler and Bor­man­n’s works. . . .” (23)

Genoud’s back­ground is impor­tant: “ . . . . Best known for fund­ing SS butch­er Klaus Barbie’s legal defense team, Genoud held the legal copy­right to writ­ings by Hitler, Goebbels and Mar­tin Bor­mann. Genoud, who com­mit­ted sui­cide in 1996, is also believed to have played a key role in the post­war man­age­ment of Nazi funds. . . .” (24)

Genoud was also a finan­cial advis­er to the fam­i­ly of Osama bin Laden, accord­ing to Ernest Back­es, a pre­em­i­nent Euro­pean expert on mon­ey laun­der­ing.

“ . . . . One of the grounds for accu­sa­tion is that this Swiss attor­ney had the clos­est con­nec­tions with the Bin Laden fam­i­ly, that he was an advi­sor to the fam­i­ly, one of its invest­ment bankers. It’s known for cer­tain, that he sup­port­ed ter­ror­ism and was the estate execu­tor for Hitler and part of the ter­ror milieu.’” (25)

Before pro­ceed­ing with analy­sis of Genoud and his links to the milieu of the 9/11 attacks, it might be worth­while to present Hitler’s vision of the destruc­tion of New York City dur­ing World War II.

“ . . . . Albert Speer, in his prison writ­ings, recounts an episode in which a mani­a­cal Hitler ‘pic­tured for him­self and for us the destruc­tion of New York in a hur­ri­cane of fire.’ The Nazi fuehrer described sky­scrap­ers turn­ing into ‘gigan­tic burn­ing torch­es, col­laps­ing upon one anoth­er, the glow of the explod­ing city illu­mi­nat­ing the dark sky.’ An approx­i­ma­tion of Hitler’s hell­ish vision came true on Sep­tem­ber 11, when ter­ror­ists destroyed the Twin Tow­ers in New York, killing near­ly 3,000 peo­ple. . . .” (26)

A fur­ther sim­i­lar­i­ty between Hitler’s vision for the destruc­tion of New York and the 9/11 attacks is to be found in the Fuehrer’s plan to use kamikaze sui­cide attacks to dec­i­mate the Big Apple.

“. . .  Not only Hitler’s fan­ta­sy but also his plan for real­iz­ing it recall what hap­pened in 2001: the idea was for Kamikaze pilots to fly explo­sive –crammed light air­craft lack­ing land­ing gear into the Man­hat­tan sky­scrap­ers. The draw­ings for the Daim­ler-Benz ‘Amerik­abomber’ actu­al­ly exist. They show giant four-engine planes with raised under­bel­lies beneath which small bombers could be strapped. The bombers were to be released short­ly before the plane reached the East Coast, after which the moth­er plane would return to Europe. . . .” (27)

The co-chair­man of the board of direc­tors of SICO, the hold­ing com­pa­ny that man­ages the Bin Laden busi­ness inter­ests in Europe, is Bau­doin Dunand, a friend and pro­fes­sion­al asso­ciate of Fran­cois Genoud.

“ . . . . This com­pa­ny, estab­lished by the bin Ladens in 1980, is the flag­ship for the group’s activ­i­ties in Europe. It is head­ed by Yeslam bin Laden, and the board of direc­tors is made up almost exclu­sive­ly of mem­bers of the fam­i­ly clan, except for a Swiss cit­i­zen, Bau­doin Dunand. This well-known lawyer from French-speak­ing Switzer­land, who is on the boards of sev­er­al dozen com­pa­nies, came to pub­lic notice in 1983 when he agreed to rep­re­sent the Swiss banker Fran­cois Genoud, a con­tro­ver­sial fig­ure who had been a dis­ci­ple of Hitler and sole heir of Goebbels’s copy­rights before becom­ing one of the financiers of the FLN dur­ing the Alger­ian War. . . .” (28)

Before return­ing to the sub­ject of Genoud him­self, the actions of SICO (on the board of direc­tors of which sat Genoud asso­ciate Dunand) are worth con­sid­er­ing.

SICO’s sub­sidiary air­line, Avcon Air trained pilots at Huff­man Avi­a­tion, from which Mohamed Atta and asso­ciates oper­at­ed.

“ . . . . Swiss police ques­tioned Yeslam [bin Laden] because one of his com­pa­nies, Avcon Air Char­ter, had offered flight train­ing to clients at the Venice flight school attend­ed by some of the hijack­ers. As a result of what Le Monde called ‘a still unex­plained coin­ci­dence,’ the pilots of Yeslam bin Laden’s com­pa­ny trained at Huff­man Avi­a­tion in Flori­da, the paper stat­ed. . . .” (29)

The “coin­ci­den­tal” inter­sec­tion of SICO’s avi­a­tion sub­sidiary with the flight school used by Atta and com­pa­ny for an oper­a­tional base is even more inter­est­ing in light of SICO’s open­ing of 16 unpub­lished accounts with the Clearstream net­work, owned by the  Deutsche Borse, the Ger­man stock exchange.

In the con­text of Clearstream, that net­work has links to anoth­er insti­tu­tion cen­tral to the dis­cus­sion of the fund­ing of Al-Qae­da and the activ­i­ties of Fran­cois Genoud. That insti­tu­tion is the Bank Al-Taqwa.

“ . . . . In Novem­ber, U.S. author­i­ties named some banks that had bin Laden accounts, and it put them on a black­list. One was Al-Taqwa, ‘Fear of God,’ reg­is­tered in the Bahamas with offices in Lugano, Switzer­land. Al-Taqwa had access to the Clearstream sys­tem through its cor­re­spon­dent account with the Ban­ca del Got­tar­do in Lugano, which has a pub­lished Clearstream account (No. 74381). But Bin Laden may have oth­er access to the unpub­lished sys­tem. In what he calls a ‘spec­tac­u­lar dis­cov­ery,’ Ernest Back­es reports that in the weeks before CEO Andre Lus­si was forced to leave Clearstream last May, a series of 16 unpub­lished accounts were opened under the name of the Sau­di Invest­ment Com­pa­ny, or SICO, the Gene­va hold­ing com­pa­ny of the Sau­di Bin­laden Group . . . .” (30)

In anoth­er essay, we will dis­cuss Dunand’s liq­ui­da­tion of funds that may have been sent through the Clearstream net­work to the Bin Laden inter­ests.

We note in that con­text that Rudi Dekkers of Huff­man Avi­a­tion was flush with cash in the imme­di­ate run-up to the 9/11 attacks.

“Because nation­al reporters appar­ent­ly had no clue about his shady local rep­u­ta­tion, and his inabil­i­ty for six months straight to pay his rent on time, no one ques­tioned how Dekkers had come to be so flush with cash just three weeks before the attack.” (31)

Per­haps the most sig­nif­i­cant con­nec­tion of Fran­cois Genoud con­cerns the Bank Al-Taqwa.

One of the direc­tors of Al-Taqwa and a friend of Genoud’s is the Swiss Islamist Ahmed Huber, a remark­ably well-con­nect­ed indi­vid­ual about whom we will have more to say lat­er. Huber presents an inter­est­ing per­spec­tive on the events of 9/11/2001.

“ . . . . By his [Ahmed Huber’s] account, a group of aging SS offi­cers and mem­bers of Hitler’s per­son­al guard who meet every few weeks in the Ger­man state of Bavaria for beer and con­ver­sa­tion recent­ly bestowed the title ‘hon­orary Pruss­ian’ on Bin Laden. They praised his ‘valiant fight’ against the Unit­ed States, Huber said. One of the mem­bers called Huber after the meet­ing to tell him that hence­forth they had decid­ed to call the Al Qae­da leader ‘Herr von Laden,’ Huber said. . . .” (32)

The Bank Al-Taqwa was head­ed by Youssef Nada, who’s career is heav­i­ly inter­sect­ed with the Third Reich.

Accord­ing to Egypt­ian intel­li­gence, Nada worked for the Abwehr (Ger­man intel­li­gence) dur­ing World War II.

“ . . . . But Yussef Nada is even bet­ter-known to the Egypt­ian [intel­li­gence] ser­vices, who have evi­dence of his mem­ber­ship in the armed branch of the fra­ter­ni­ty of the Mus­lim Broth­ers in the 1940’s. At that time, accord­ing to the same sources, he was work­ing for the Abwehr under Admi­ral Canaris and took part in a plot against King Farouk. This was not the first time that the path of the Mus­lim Broth­ers crossed that of the ser­vants of the Third Reich. . . .” (33)

Dur­ing the Sec­ond World War, Nada is report­ed to have assist­ed in the escape of Haj Amin al-Hus­sei­ni, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who held the rank of Major Gen­er­al in the Waf­fen SS.

“ . . . . Anoth­er val­ued World War II Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tor was Youssef Nada, cur­rent board chair­man of Al-Taqwa (Nada Man­age­ment), the Lugano, Switzer­land, Liecht­en­stein, and Bahamas-based finan­cial ser­vices out­fit accused by the US Trea­sury Depart­ment of mon­ey laun­der­ing for and financ­ing of Osama bin Laden’s al-Qae­da. As a young man, he had joined the armed branch of the secret appa­ra­tus’ (al-jihaz al-sir­ri) of the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood and then was recruit­ed by Ger­man mil­i­tary intel­li­gence. When Grand Mufti al-Hus­sei­ni had to flee Ger­many in 1945 as the Nazi defeat loomed, Nada report­ed­ly was instru­men­tal in arrang­ing the escape via Switzer­land back to Egypt and even­tu­al­ly Pales­tine, where al-Hus­sei­ni resur­faced in 1946.) . . . . ” (34)

Ana­lysts have high­light­ed the cen­tral posi­tion of Fran­cois Genoud in the con­stel­la­tion sur­round­ing the direc­tors and exec­u­tives of Bank Al-Taqwa. This posi­tion may well be oper­a­tional: “ . . . . Author­i­ties believe Genoud found­ed Al-Taqwa Bank and allo­cat­ed its resources to sup­port inter­na­tion­al ter­ror­ists such as Vladimir Ilich Ramirez, alias Car­los the Jack­al, and bin Laden. . . .” (35)

Ernest Back­es appeared to be ref­er­enc­ing Al-Taqwa when he spoke with the finan­cial jour­nal Plus Minus.

“ . . . . when Ernst Back­es, one of Europe’s lead­ing experts in mon­ey laun­der­ing, told the Lux­e­mourg-based eco­nom­ic jour­nal Plus Minus last year that he believed the finan­cial source of funds for the 9/11 ter­ror­ists would ulti­mate­ly be traced back to Swiss bank accounts estab­lished by Genoud, few Amer­i­cans had any idea what Back­es could pos­si­bly be talk­ing about. . . .” (36)

Genoud’s asso­ciate Ahmed Huber net­works with like-mind­ed indi­vid­u­als in Euro­pean fas­cist par­ties: “ . . . . Per­haps the most recent remark­able sto­ry con­cern­ing Huber comes from a brief item in the Swiss tabloid Blick that in an April 26, 2002 arti­cle by Alexan­der Saut­ter that Huber was involved in a meet­ing of far-right lead­ers from Europe. . . . Franz Schon­hu­ber (79). Founder of the Repub­li­can Par­ty in Ger­many and a for­mer mem­ber of the SS. He talked with Le Pen who con­sti­tutes togeth­er with Schon­hu­ber the ‘Front Nation­al’ Fac­tion in the Euro­pean par­lia­ment. Gian­fran­co Fini (50). Ital­ian post-fas­cist, Mus­soli­ni admir­er, and founder of the Allean­za Nazionale. He also was at the meet­ing with Le Pen and Schon­hu­ber. Ahmed Huber (74). . . . At the extrem­ist ren­dezvous an Amer­i­can far right politi­cian was also sup­posed to have tak­en part. . . .” (37)

One can gauge the grav­i­tas of both Huber and Al-Taqwa by not­ing the inter­na­tion­al pres­tige of the fas­cists and reac­tionar­ies at the Mont Pelerin meet­ing with Huber. (Jean Marie Le Pen has now been replaced by his daugh­ter Marine as head of the Front Nation­al.)

Huber’s net­work­ing with Ital­ian “post-fas­cist” Gian­fran­co Fini is rep­re­sen­ta­tive. Both Huber’s and Al-Taqwa’s net­work­ing with the milieu of post-World War II Ital­ian fas­cism are illus­tra­tive.

Huber’s fel­low share­hold­er in Al-Taqwa, Karim Alle­san­dro Ghe, is a denizen of the same polit­i­cal land­scape as Fini.

“ . . . . Anoth­er Con­nec­tion involves Al-Taqwa group share­hold­er Alle­san­dro Ghe, an Ital­ian rad­i­cal who has been ques­tioned by his country’s secu­ri­ty forces about his links to Bin Laden. Ghe was a mem­ber of the Ital­ian neo-fas­cist ‘Ordine Nuo­vo’ that began cou­pling up with Moslem rad­i­cals in the 1970’s, says Ely Kar­mon. . . .” (38)

Ordine Nuo­vo (“New Order”) was head­ed by Pino Rauti, who was, along with Gian­fran­co Fini, part of the coali­tion gov­ern­ment of for­mer P‑2 Lodge mem­ber Sil­vio Berlus­coni, whose links to the Al-Taqwa milieu are fur­ther devel­oped below.

Head­ed up by Ahmed Idris Nasred­din, Nasred­din Hold­ings is part of the Al-Taqwa com­plex.

“ . . . . Nasred­din at the found­ing of the Nasred­din Inter­na­tion­al Group Lim­it­ed Hold­ing in Jan­u­ary 1997 appointed—next to Dr. Enri­co Walser as trustee—of all peo­ple the Tessi­no lawyer Dr. Ercole Doninel­li to the admin­is­tra­tive board. Doninel­li, until his death, was seen as the ‘soul’ of the Lugano finance soci­ety Fimo that was wide­ly involved in the finan­cial scan­dals of the 1990’s. . .  Even more defin­i­tive is the role Fimo has played since 1968 in the financ­ing into the mil­lions the first projects of the (at the time utter­ly unknown) con­struc­tion builder from Milan, Sil­vio Berlus­coni. . . .” (39)

The Al Taqwa orbit also con­tains one Gus­ta­vo Selva—a par­lia­men­tary rep­re­sen­ta­tive of Fini’s Allean­za Nazionale. Selva’s link to Al-Taqwa’s Nasred­din runs through Ser­gio Mari­ni. “ . . . . Gus­ta­vo Sel­va belongs to Nasreddin’s wider cir­cle. The for­mer jour­nal­ist and today par­lia­men­tary mem­ber of the post fas­cist Partei Allean­za Nazionale, Sel­va was until April 19, 1999, involved in the Roman-based busi­ness, the Arab-Ital­ian Con­sult­ing House. Six months before it went under, on Sep­tem­ber 18, 1998, a cer­tain Ser­gio Mari­ni was named the firm’s offi­cial receiv­er. . . .” (39)

Mari­ni is also part of a milieu that includes Ghaleb Him­mat of Al-Taqwa: “ . . . . Mari­ni was, togeth­er with the Nasred­din Inter­na­tion­al Group Lim­it­ed Hold­ings, also part of the Milan-reg­is­tered Line Invest­ment SRL. Since 1988, Mari­ni was CEO of ‘L.I.N.E. Devel­op­ment Light Indus­try and Envi­ron­ment Devel­op­ment SRL’ in Rome whose admin­is­tra­tive direc­tor was Abduhrahim Nasred­din along with his deputy Ghaleb Him­mat, him­self a founder of Al Taqwa Group.” (40)

Bridg­ing the worlds of Berlus­coni and Al Taqwa is Pier Felice Barchi, an attor­ney for both Berlus­coni and Yussef Nada.

“ . . . . The Aki­da Bank of Nasred­din was also sup­posed to be con­cerned with the spread­ing of Islam­ic bank­ing prac­tices. The Lugano-reg­is­tered affil­i­ate of the bank list­ed along with its founder Nasred­din, the Tessi­no-based Pier Felice Barchi. This attor­ney had great expe­ri­ence with rich and influ­en­tial for­eign cus­tomers. Barchi was also con­cerned with the Tessi­no finan­cial inter­ests of Ital­ian Prime Min­is­ter Berlus­coni and the Sau­di minor­i­ty part­ner in Berlus­coni’s media group Medi­aset, Prince al-Waleed al Talal. . . .” (41)

One of the most impor­tant and intrigu­ing links of the Bank Al-Taqwa milieu to the cor­ri­dors of pow­er con­cerns fig­ures from the Al-Taqwa orbit and the high­est ech­e­lons of the Repub­li­can Par­ty, notably Grover Norquist and Karl Rove’s Islam­ic Free Mar­ket Insti­tute.

On March 20, 2002, agents from the FBI and Secret Ser­vice raid­ed a series of busi­ness­es and insti­tu­tions in the Vir­ginia sub­urbs of Wash­ing­ton D.C., often referred to as the SAAR net­work.

One of the prin­ci­pals in the orga­ni­za­tions raid­ed was Jamal Barz­in­ji, a mem­ber of the Rove/Norquist Islam­ic Insti­tute and a key link between the GOP and the Al-Taqwa milieu. (42)

Barz­in­ji is also on the board of Amana Mutu­al Funds. one of whose board mem­bers is Samir Salah. “ . . . . Barz­in­ji serves as a trustee and offi­cer of the Amana Mutu­al Funds Trust, a growth and income mutu­al fund . . . . Anoth­er board mem­ber and ten­ant in the Hern­don office is Samir Salah. He for­mer­ly ran a branch of Al-Taqwa in the Caribbean. . . .” (43)

The Islam­ic Insti­tute received financ­ing from the Safa Trust, head­ed by Barz­in­ji. (44)

“ . . . . The pres­i­dent of the Safa Trust, Jamal Barz­in­ji, is a for­mer busi­ness asso­ciate of Switzer­land based investor Youssef Nada, whose assets were frozen last fall after the Trea­sury des­ig­nat­ed him a per­son sus­pect­ed of giv­ing aid to ter­ror­ists. . . .”  (45)

Yet anoth­er per­son in the enti­ties tar­get­ed in the 3/20/2002 raids was Hisham Al-Tal­ib. Tal­ib also is linked to Youssef Nada/Al-Taqwa.

“ . . . . Two peo­ple affil­i­at­ed with the com­pa­nies and char­i­ties are linked by records to enti­ties already des­ig­nat­ed as ter­ror­ist by the U.S. gov­ern­ment. Hisham Al-Tal­ib, who served as an offi­cer of SAAR, the Inter­na­tion­al Insti­tute of Islam­ic Thought and Safa Trust Inc., anoth­er Mirza char­i­ty, dur­ing the 1970’s was an offi­cer of firms run by Youssef M. Nada, records show. . . .” (46)

Indica­tive of the pow­er­ful polit­i­cal con­nec­tions of the Vir­ginia com­po­nent of the Al-Taqwa nexus is Talat Oth­man.

Oth­man and oth­er mem­bers of the SAAR/Safa Trust milieu met with Trea­sury Sec­re­tary Paul O’Neill. (47)

” . . . . Among the Mus­lim lead­ers attend­ing [the meet­ing with O’Neill] was Talat Oth­man, a long­time asso­ciate and sup­port­er of Pres­i­dent Bush’s fam­i­ly, who gave a bene­dic­tion at the Repub­li­can Nation­al Con­ven­tion in Philadel­phia in August 2000. . . he also serves [with Barz­in­ji] on the board of Amana Mutu­al funds Trust, an invest­ment firm found­ed by M. Yac­qub Mirza, the North­ern Vir­ginia busi­ness­man who set up most of the enti­ties tar­get­ed by the Trea­sury and whose tax records were sought in the raid. . . .” (48)

Mirza has many links to the Al-Taqwa milieu: “ . . . . Mr. Mirza­’s com­pa­ny Mar-Jac and oth­er enti­ties, also was involved with Mr. Nada’s com­pa­nies in the 1970’s, accord­ing to bank doc­u­ments from Liecht­en­stein. . . . Mr. Barz­in­ji and Mr. Tal­ib live across the street from each oth­er. . . .” (49)

The rela­tion­ship between Bush and Oth­man is long­stand­ing.

” . . . . Mr. Oth­man has ties to the Bush fam­i­ly going back to the 1980’s, when he served with George W. Bush on the board of a Texas petro­le­um firm, Harken Oil & Gas Inc. Mr. Oth­man has vis­it­ed the White House dur­ing the admin­is­tra­tions of both Pres­i­dent Bush and his father George H.W. Bush. . . .” (50)

Even­tu­al­ly, the 3/20/2002 raids came to noth­ing. Trea­sury Sec­re­tary Paul O’Neill left office near the end of the year. (51)

Con­clu­sions

Appar­ent in the exam­i­na­tion and analy­sis of these rela­tion­ships and dynam­ics result­ing from them is that the forces involved in the 9/11 attacks were far more than Islam­ic mil­i­tants per­pe­trat­ing jihad.

Net­work­ing between the Al-Taqwa milieu and pow­er­ful reac­tionary and out­right fas­cist forces rep­re­sen­ta­tive of upper ech­e­lons of the polit­i­cal pow­er struc­tures of Euro­pean and Amer­i­can polit­i­cal stra­ta indi­cates that the per­pe­tra­tors of the ter­ror were not mar­gin­al in any way.

We will explore the George W. Bush administration’s deep con­nec­tions to the Al-Qae­da milieu in a future dis­cus­sion. Talat Othman’s posi­tion in the Bush busi­ness and polit­i­cal oper­a­tions and his suc­cess­ful inter­ces­sion with Trea­sury Sec­re­tary Paul O’Neill on behalf of the tar­gets of the 3/20/2002 Oper­a­tion Green Quest raids informs us that the pow­er­ful under­pin­nings of the attacks are beyond the suc­cess­ful reach of law enforce­ment.

The elite con­nec­tions of the Al-Taqwa con­stel­la­tion may appear puz­zling in the con­text of the links between Islamist and white-suprema­cist ter­ror dis­cussed.

The activ­i­ties of Achmed Huber present a par­tial solu­tion to the quandary.

Huber exem­pli­fies his­tor­i­cal links to the SS and forces man­i­fest in Nazi Ger­many.

“ . . . . He [Huber] . . . began to accept the views of the Egypt­ian-based Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Amin al-Hus­sei­ni, who gave Huber ‘a total­ly dif­fer­ent ver­sion of the his­to­ry and nature of the Third Reich. The Grand Mufti knew Hitler per­son­al­ly and active­ly col­lab­o­rat­ed with the Axis pow­ers in World War II. (The Mufti was even respon­si­ble for cre­at­ing the Bosn­ian-based 13th Waf­fen SS Divi­sion that was com­posed of Mus­lim recruits.) Huber . . . also grew close to Johann von Leers, a fanat­i­cal Jew hater, for­mer Nazi Pro­pa­gan­da Min­istry offi­cial, and the Grand Mufti’s good friend. . . .” (52)

Neo-Naz­i/Is­lamist Achmed Huber has also been active in form­ing work­ing rela­tion­ships between Amer­i­can far-right and Islamist ele­ments as well—a sub­ject that was dis­cussed above.

“ . . . Recent­ly, he went to Chica­go for a dis­creet con­gress that brought togeth­er the ‘authen­tic Right and the fight­ers for Islam,’ and he says that ‘major deci­sions were tak­en . . . the reuni­fi­ca­tion is under way.’” (53)

That “reuni­fi­ca­tion” may well explain the Islamist links to the likes of William Luther Pierce, Ter­ry Nichols and Andreas Strass­meir.

In con­clu­sion, the his­tor­i­cal rela­tion­ship between Al-Qae­da and Nazism is exem­pli­fied in the back­ground of Ali­ja Izetbe­gov­ic, the first head of state of Bosnia, fol­low­ing the breakup of Yugoslavia.

“ . . . Dur­ing World War II, when Bosnia became part of the pup­pet-Nazi state of the Croa­t­ian Ustashe, Mr. Izetbe­gov­ic joined the Young Mus­lims, a group  . . . sid­ing with the Ger­man-spon­sored Handzar divi­sions orga­nized by the Ger­man SS . . . Mr. Izetbe­gov­ic sup­port­ed the Handzars. After Tito’s Com­mu­nist gov­ern­ment was estab­lished in 1946, a mil­i­tary court sen­tenced Mr. Izetbe­gov­ic to three years in prison for his wartime activ­i­ties. . . . . . . Osama bin Laden vis­it­ed him [Izetbe­gov­ic] in Sara­je­vo in 1993 and spon­sored some fight­ers from Ara­bic coun­tries to fight on the Mus­lims’ side in Bosnia, accord­ing to a report in the Ger­man mag­a­zine Der Spiegel. . . .” (54)

 

Notes

 

1. “Neo-Nazis and 9/11” by Jack McCarthy; Coun­ter­punch; 10/29/2001.
2. Idem.
3. Idem.
4. The Turn­er Diaries; “Andrew Mac­don­ald;” Bar­ri­cade Books, Inc. [SC] 1996; Copy­right 1978, 1980 William Pierce; ISBN 1–56980-086–3; p. 201.
5. Ibid.; p. 202.
6. Ibid.; p. 205.
7. “The Unholy Alliance Between the Swasti­ka and the Cres­cent, Part I—Neo Nazis and Fun­da­men­tal­ist Islam” by Anton Maegerle; 12/12/2001; p. 2.
8. The Beast Reawak­ens; Mar­tin A. Lee; Copy­right 1997 [HC]; Lit­tle, Brown & Co.; ISBN 0–316-51959–6; p. 353.
9. Ibid.; p. 352.
10. “Al Qaeda’s Neo-Nazi Con­nec­tions” by William Grim; The Jew­ish Press; pp. 3–4.
11. Ibid.; p. 4.
12. “The Ter­ror­ist Motel” by Jim Cro­gan; L.A. Week­ly; 7/26/–8/1/2002.
13. Idem.
14. Idem.
15. Idem.
16. Idem.
17. The Amer­i­can Deep State: Wall Street, Big Oil and the Attack on Amer­i­can Democ­ra­cy by Peter Dale Scott; Row­man & Lit­tle­field [HC]; Copy­right 2015 by Pete Dale Scott; ISBN 978–1‑4422–1424‑8; pp. 59–60.
18. Ibid.; p. 74.
19. “Deathbed Con­fes­sion: Abu Part of Okla­homa Blast” by Dori­an Zumel Sicat; Manil­la Times; 4/2/2002.
20. Idem.
21. “‘It’s As If He Had Died,’ Moth­er of Sus­pect Says” by David Zucchi­no; Los Ange­les Times; 12/13/2001; p. A5.
22. “The Mys­te­ri­ous Achmed Huber: Friend to Hitler, Allah. . . and Ibn Laden?” by Kevin Coogan: Hit List; April/May 2002 [Vol­ume 3, #4]; p. 125.
23. “Fran­cois Genoud;” Wikipedia.com.
24. “The Mys­te­ri­ous Achmed Huber: Friend to Hitler, Allah and Ibn Ladin?” by Kevin Coogan; [orig­i­nal­ly pub­lished in Hit List; April/May 2002]; pp. 1–2.)
25. “Insid­er Trad­ing Pri­or to the Ter­ror Attacks in the US?: Spec­u­lat­ing on Terror—Who Prof­it­ed from the Attacks?” by Rolf Bovi­er & Pierre Matthias; Bay­erische Rund­funk Online (BR-Online); 9/25/2001.
26. “The Swasti­ka & the Cres­cent” by Mar­tin A. Lee; Intel­li­gence Report; Spring 2002 [#105]; Pub­lished by the South­ern Pover­ty Law Cen­ter; p. 1.
27. Jihad and Jew-Hatred: Islamism, Nazism and the Roots of 9/11; Matthias Kuntzel; Telos Press Pub­lish­ing [HC]; Copy­right 2007 Telos Press Pub­lish­ing; ISBN 10: 0–914386-36–0; pp. XIX-XXI.
28. In the Name of Osama Bin Laden; by Roland Jacquard; Copy­right 2002 [SC]; Duke Uni­ver­si­ty Press; ISBN 0–8223-2991–3; pp. 17–18.
29. Wel­come to Ter­ror­land: Mohamed Atta & the 9–11 Cov­er-Up in Flori­da by Daniel Hop­sick­er; Mad­cow Press [HC]; Copy­right 2004 by Daniel Hop­sick­er; ISBN 0–9706591‑6–4; p. 178.
30. “Bank­ing with Bin Laden” by Lucy Komis­ar [side­bar to “Explo­sive Rev­e­la­tion$”]; In These Times; 3/15/2002.
31. Wel­come to Ter­ror­land by Daniel Hop­sick­er; p. 207.
32. “Unlike­ly Allies Bound by a Com­mon Hatred” by Peter Finn; Wash­ing­ton Post; 4/29/2002; p. A13.
33. Dol­lars for Ter­ror: The Unit­ed States and Islam; by Richard Labeviere; Copy­right 2000 [SC]; Algo­ra Pub­lish­ing; ISBN 1–892941-06–6; pp. 140–141.
34. “Islamism, Fas­cism and Ter­ror­ism (Part II)” by Marc Erik­son; Asia Times; 11/5/2002; p. 2.
35. “Swiss probe anti‑U.S. neo-Nazi” by Jay Bushin­sky; San Fran­cis­co Chron­i­cle; 3/12/2002.
36. “Report on Islamists, The Far Right, and Al Taqwa” by Kevin Coogan; p. 15.
37. Idem.
38. “A Ter­ri­fy­ing Alliance” by Yael Haran; 1/14/2002; Enduring-Freedom-Operation.org; pp. 4–5.
39. “Report on Islamists, The Far Right, and Al Taqwa” by Kevin Coogan; pp. 9–10.
40. Ibid.; p. 9.
41. Idem.
42. Ibid.; pp. 10–11.
43. “Wah­habis in the Old Domin­ion” by Stephen Schwartz; The Week­ly Stan­dard; 4/8/2002 [Vol­ume 007, Issue 29].
44. Idem.
45. “O’Neill Met Mus­lim Activists Tied to Char­i­ties” by Glenn R. Simp­son [with Roger Thurow]; Wall Street Jour­nal; 4/18/2002; p. A4.
46. “Funds Under Ter­ror Probe Flowed From Off­shore” by Glenn R. Simp­son [with Michael M. Phillips]; Wall Street Jour­nal; 3/22/2002; p. A4.
47.  “O’Neill Met Mus­lim Activists Tied to Char­i­ties” by Glenn R. Simp­son [with Roger Thurow]; Wall Street Jour­nal; 4/18/2002; p. A4.
48. Idem.
49. “Funds Under Ter­ror Probe Flowed From Off­shore” by Glenn R. Simp­son [with Michael M. Phillips]; Wall Street Jour­nal; 3/22/2002; p. A4.
50. “O’Neill Met Mus­lim Activists Tied to Char­i­ties” by Glenn R. Simp­son [with Roger Thurow]; Wall Street Jour­nal; 4/18/2002; p. A4.
51. “Paul H. O’Neill;” Wikipedia.org
52. “The Mys­te­ri­ous Achmed Huber: Friend to Hitler, Allah and Ibn Ladin?” by Kevin Coogan; [orig­i­nal­ly pub­lished in Hit List; April/May 2002]; pp. 1–2.
53. Dol­lars for Ter­ror: The Unit­ed States and Islam by Richard Labeviere; Copy­right 2000 [SC]; Algo­ra Pub­lish­ing; ISBN 1–892941-06–6; p. 110.
54. “Ali­ja Izetbe­gov­ic, Mus­lim Who Led Bosnia, Dies at 78” by David Binder; The New York Times; 10/20/2003; p. 2.

Part 2.

The Walls Came Tum­bling Down: Nazis, Fas­cists and the 9/11 Attacks, Part 2

This arti­cle sup­ple­ments the first, longer pre­sen­ta­tion on the piv­otal Nazi/fascist involve­ment in the 9/11 attacks. Among the unex­plored aspects of the 9/11 attacks con­cerns the Ger­man con­nec­tion to the polit­i­cal and oper­a­tional dynam­ics sur­round­ing the attacks. Before delv­ing into the meat of this inves­ti­ga­tion, we review crit­i­cal back­ground infor­ma­tion about the gen­e­sis of the Ger­man intel­li­gence service—the BND.

The series of arti­cles “Tran­si­tion Europe” detail the evo­lu­tion of the BND. We reprise here a sec­tion of “Tran­si­tion Europe, Part 2”:

It was the Gehen orga­ni­za­tion which was the pri­ma­ry ele­ment in Truman’s cre­ation of the CIA. “ . . . . What ulti­mate­ly per­suad­ed Tru­man to autho­rize an oper­a­tional CIA was in fact part­ly the need to find a home for the post­war Gehlen Org. In 1948 Dulles, by now a civil­ian, helped write the memo per­suad­ing Tru­man to take on the Gehlen Org on Gehlen’s own terms. . . .” (1)

The extent to which the Gehlen Org was a direct, impor­tant exten­sion of the Third Reich’s nation­al secu­ri­ty appa­ra­tus is revealed in a memo: “ . . . . As Gehlen was about to leave for the Unit­ed States he left a mes­sage for [Her­man] Braun with anoth­er of his top aides Ger­hard Wes­sel: ‘I am to tell you from Gehlen that he has dis­cussed [with Hitler’s suc­ces­sor Admi­ral Karl] Doenitz and [Gehlen’s supe­ri­or and chief of staff Gen­er­al Franz] Halder the ques­tion of con­tin­u­ing his work with the Amer­i­cans. Both were in agree­ment.” (2)

As author Carl Ogles­by notes: “ . . . . In oth­er words, the Ger­man chain of com­mand was still in effect, and it approved of what Gehlen was doing with the Amer­i­cans. . . .” (3)

The Gehlen Org was respon­si­ble for gen­er­at­ing up to 70% of U.S. intel­li­gence on the for­mer Sovi­et Union. (4) In addi­tion, when Ger­man and Amer­i­can inter­ests con­flict­ed on a mat­ter of sub­stan­tive inter­est to both the Gehlen Org and its U.S. asso­ciates, it was rec­og­nized that Gehlen would act in the inter­ests of Ger­many first! (5)

The ulti­mate fruit of the Dulles-SS liaisons dur­ing WWII is summed up by USMC Colonel (Ret.) William Cor­son, mil­i­tary intel­li­gence his­to­ri­an and advis­er to Sen­a­tor Frank Church’s com­mit­tee that inves­ti­gat­ed the CIA in the mid-1970’s. “ . . . . ‘Gehlen’s orga­ni­za­tion was designed to pro­tect ODESSA Nazis. It amounts to an excep­tion­al­ly well orga­nized diver­sion. . . .” (6)

U.S. Mis­trust of Ger­many

A for­mer NSA offi­cer explic­it­ly laid out Amer­i­can dis­trust of Ger­many in the con­text of the 9/11 attacks: “. . . . For­mer NSA employ­ee Thomas Drake ‘After the attacks of Sep­tem­ber 11, 2001, Ger­many became intel­li­gence tar­get num­ber one in Europe,’ he says. The US gov­ern­ment did not trust Ger­many, because some of the Sept. 11 sui­cide pilots had lived in Ham­burg. . . .” (7)

Ernst Uhrlau

One of the most thought-pro­vok­ing con­nec­tions with regard to the 9/11 attacks con­cerns Ernst Uhrlau. Chief of the Ham­burg police dur­ing a peri­od in which Ger­man intel­li­gence had mem­bers of the Ham­burg cell of 9/11 hijack­ers under sur­veil­lance, Uhrlau was appoint­ed spe­cial advis­er to the Chan­cel­lor on intel­li­gence mat­ters in 1998. He became head of the BND in 2005.

“. . . . From 1996–98, Ernst Uhrlau was the Chief of Ham­burg Police. In 1998, Uhrlau was appoint­ed a Coor­di­na­tor of the Intel­li­gence Com­mu­ni­ty in the office of the Chan­cel­lor. On 1 Decem­ber 2005, he was appoint­ed to the post of the head of the BND. . . .” (8)

This is a high­ly unusu­al pro­fes­sion­al resume. It is to be under­stood against the back­ground of Ger­man intel­li­gence sur­veil­lance of the Ham­burg cell and appar­ent fail­ure to alert the U.S.

“ . . . . Three years before the Sept. 11 attacks, Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice was track­ing promi­nent mem­bers of the Ham­burg ter­ror­ist cell that planned and exe­cut­ed the air­craft hijack­ings, accord­ing to new­ly obtained doc­u­ments. The doc­u­ments, includ­ing intel­li­gence reports, sur­veil­lance logs and tran­scripts of inter­cept­ed tele­phone calls, appear to con­tra­dict pub­lic claims by the Ger­man author­i­ties that they knew lit­tle about the mem­bers of the Ham­burg cell before the attacks. . . .” (9)

We exam­ine the Ham­burg author­i­ties’ behav­ior still fur­ther: “ . . . . As ear­ly as 1998, the records show, the Ger­mans mon­i­tored a meet­ing between men sus­pect­ed of plot­ting the attacks. The sur­veil­lance would lead a year lat­er to the Ham­burg apart­ment where Mohamed Atta and oth­er main plot­ters were liv­ing while attend­ing uni­ver­si­ties. While the records do not indi­cate that author­i­ties heard any men­tion of a spe­cif­ic plan, they depict a sur­veil­lance mis­sion exten­sive enough to raise anew the polit­i­cal­ly sen­si­tive ques­tion of whether the Ger­mans missed a chance to dis­rupt the cell dur­ing the ini­tial stages of plan­ning the attacks. . . .” (10)

Con­sid­er that Uhrlau was head of the Ham­burg Police Depart­ment at this time: “ . . . . Accord­ing to the doc­u­ments, the sur­veil­lance was in place on Aug. 29, 1998, when Mr. Motas­sad­eq and Mohamed Hay­dar Zam­mar, who had already been iden­ti­fied by police as a sus­pect­ed extrem­ist, met at the Ham­burg home of Said Baha­ji. The police mon­i­tored sev­er­al oth­er meet­ings between the men in the months that fol­lowed, the doc­u­ments said. The record of the meet­ing shows that police had iden­ti­fied Mr. Baha­ji, anoth­er per­son sus­pect­ed of being a cell mem­ber and believed to have been inti­mate­ly involved in the plan­ning and logis­tics of the plot . . . .” (11)

Uhrlau as Head of the BND: Kick­ing Over the Traces

Uhrlau’s behav­ior when head of the BND is alto­geth­er inter­est­ing and sug­gests that he may well have been part of a “Deep Nazi State” with Ger­many and the BND.

For years, it had been BND pol­i­cy to recruit from the fam­i­lies of serv­ing mem­bers of the intel­li­gence ser­vice.

“ . . . . Some employ­ees are fun­da­men­tal­ly opposed to the agency shed­ding light on its own past. Oth­ers are wor­ried about the rep­u­ta­tions of their own fam­i­lies — for many years, the BND delib­er­ate­ly recruit­ed new staff from among the rel­a­tives of exist­ing BND employ­ees. . . .” (12)

It was dur­ing Uhrlau’s tenure with the BND that key files were destroyed: “ . . . . His­to­ri­ans con­duct­ing an inter­nal study of ties between employ­ees of the Ger­man for­eign intel­li­gence agency and the Third Reich have made a shock­ing dis­cov­ery. In 2007, the BND destroyed per­son­nel files of employ­ees who had once been mem­bers of the SS and the Gestapo. . . . Now, only one week before Uhrlau’s retire­ment, the com­mis­sion has uncov­ered what is a true his­tor­i­cal scan­dal. The researchers have found that the BND destroyed the per­son­nel files of around 250 BND offi­cials in 2007. The agency has con­firmed that this hap­pened. . . .” (13)

Mohamed Atta and the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety

A bad­ly over­looked aspect of Mohamed Atta’s past con­cerns his asso­ci­a­tion with the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety. Found­ed in the after­math of the Sec­ond World War, the insti­tu­tion built on the trans-Atlantic indus­tri­al and finan­cial axis that pre­cip­i­tat­ed World War II.

That axis is described on the Spitfirelist.com web­site:

“ . . . . In the decades since the end of the Sec­ond World War, much has been writ­ten about both the war and fas­cism, the dri­ving force behind the aggres­sion that pre­cip­i­tat­ed that con­flict. Unfor­tu­nate­ly, much of what has been said and writ­ten has failed to iden­ti­fy and ana­lyze the caus­es, nature and method­ol­o­gy of fascism—German Nation­al Social­ism or ‘Nazism’ in par­tic­u­lar. A deep­er, more accu­rate analy­sis was pre­sent­ed in lit­er­a­ture pub­lished before, dur­ing and imme­di­ate­ly after World War II. . . .

“ . . . . Where­as much con­tem­po­rary lit­er­a­ture on the sub­ject presents fas­cism (and Nazism in par­tic­u­lar) as an aber­ra­tion, the phe­nom­e­non was an out­growth of major polit­i­cal forces and dynam­ics that dom­i­nate and con­trol con­tem­po­rary events and process­es. . . .”

“Fas­cism (Nazism in par­tic­u­lar) was an out­growth of glob­al­iza­tion and the con­struc­tion of inter­na­tion­al monop­o­lies (car­tels). Key to under­stand­ing this phe­nom­e­non is analy­sis of the Webb-Pomerene act, leg­is­lat­ed near the end of the First World War. A loop­hole in the Anti-trust leg­is­la­tion of 1914, it effec­tive­ly legal­ized the for­ma­tion of cartels—international monopolies—for firms that were barred from domes­tic monop­o­lis­tic prac­tices. . . .”

“ . . . . It was this cap­i­tal that drove the engines of con­quest that sub­dued both Europe and Asia dur­ing the con­flict. We also note that the fail­ure of Amer­i­can indus­tri­al and finan­cial firms to invest their cap­i­tal in U.S. infra­struc­ture con­tributed sig­nif­i­cant­ly to the onset of the Great Depres­sion, depriv­ing Amer­i­can indus­try of the monies need­ed to sus­tain the engines of indus­try and com­merce. . . .” (14)

The Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety evolved direct­ly from this foun­da­tion. The organization’s web­site described them as fol­lows: “ . . . . In the 1920’s, Carl Duis­berg, Gen­er­al Direc­tor of Bay­er AG in Ger­many, envi­sioned send­ing Ger­man stu­dents to the Unit­ed States on work-study pro­grams. . . . Many of the return­ing trainees lat­er rose to promi­nent posi­tions at AEG, Bay­er, Bosch, Daim­ler Benz, and Siemens, bring­ing with them new meth­ods for mass pro­duc­tion, new ideas, and new busi­ness prac­tices. Fol­low­ing World War II, alum­ni from the first exchanges found­ed the Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft (CDG) in 1949 to help engi­neers, busi­ness­men and farm­ers gain inter­na­tion­al work expe­ri­ence nec­es­sary for the rebuild­ing of Ger­many . . . .” (15)

This was the orga­ni­za­tion through which Mohamed Atta came to the U.S. (and appar­ent­ly Ger­many before that). “ . . . . The sto­ry quot­ed spokes­men for ‘Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft,’ described as a ‘Ger­man inter­na­tion­al fur­ther edu­ca­tion orga­ni­za­tion,’ as hav­ing admit­ted pay­ing Ham­burg cadre prin­ci­pal Atta as a ‘schol­ar­ship hold­er’ and ‘tutor,’ between 1995 and 1997. . . .” (16)

The cou­ple who spon­sored Atta remained anony­mous: “ . . . . But although [Chica­go] Tri­bune cor­re­spon­dent Steven­son Swan­son cites this Ger­man cou­ple for ‘hav­ing played such an impor­tant role in Atta’s move to Ger­many,’ he nev­er gives their names, nor that of the orga­ni­za­tion they worked for. We thought good jour­nal­ism was all about . . . you know. Who. What. When. Where. Why. The Chica­go Tri­bune got unac­count­ably stuck on ‘Who.’ . . . .” (17)

We note that the CDG (or CDS in Eng­lish) is part of a joint U.S./German pro­gram. “ . . . . what seemed to make this sto­ry espe­cial­ly curi­ous is that the Ger­man paper con­cealed the tru­ly shock­ing impli­ca­tion of their sto­ry: that Mohamed Atta had been on the pay­roll of a joint U.S.-German gov­ern­ment pro­gram. They did this through the sim­ple expe­di­ent of neglect­ing to men­tion in the arti­cle that the ‘Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft’ was a pri­vate enti­ty admin­is­ter­ing the ‘exchange’ ini­tia­tive of the two gov­ern­ments. . . .” (18)

Again, we stress that Atta was the ben­e­fi­cia­ry of a U.S./German pro­gram: “ . . . . Atta enjoyed the patron­age of a gov­ern­ment ini­tia­tive known as the ‘Con­gress-Bun­destag Pro­gram,’ over­seen by the U.S. State Depart­ment and the Ger­man Min­istry of Eco­nom­ic of Coop­er­a­tion and Devel­op­ment, the Ger­man equiv­a­lent of the U.S. Agency for Inter­na­tion­al Devel­op­ment. The joint­ly-fund­ed U.S.-German gov­ern­ment effort picked up the tab for Atta on sojourns in Cairo, Istan­bul, and Alep­po in Syr­ia dur­ing the years 1994 and 1995, as well as employ­ing him as a ‘tutor’ and ‘sem­i­nar par­tic­i­pant’ dur­ing 1996 and 1997.”  (19)

Atta and Ger­mans in Flori­da

In the con­text of Atta’s par­tic­i­pa­tion in the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety, it should not come as a sur­prise that he was close­ly asso­ci­at­ed with Ger­mans in South Flori­da. Two of those Ger­mans were Peter and Stephan, who ren­dezvoused with Atta and his girl­friend in a hotel, where they left their flight bags in a sep­a­rate room. “ . . . . ‘Before reach­ing Key West, they ren­dezvoused with Atta’s Ger­man friends. . . . Peter and Stephan were the two Ger­man men that Atta’s North Port land­lord said the girls met on the trip. . . . . When the group checked into a hotel in Key West, there was also some­thing odd about the room assign­ments. ‘We rent­ed 3 dif­fer­ent rooms in Key West,’ Aman­da said. ‘In one room nobody slept. It was where they put their flight bags. Then they locked the room down. Peter and Stephan slept in one room. And me, Mohamed and Lin­da slept in the same room.’. . .” (20)

Atta was par­tic­u­lar­ly close to one “Wolf­gang.” “ . . . More puz­zling was learn­ing of Atta’s deep ties with a num­ber of Ger­mans. . . . . He and Wolf­gang were very tight, they went every­where togeth­er. When he came into the pic­ture they were togeth­er all the time.’ . . . .” (21)

Atta and his Ger­man asso­ciates dis­cussed mat­ters that left them feel­ing “glum.”: “ . . . . Their meet­ings were seri­ous busi­ness; when they returned, said Aman­da, Atta and his Ger­man asso­ciates; always came back glum.’ Only one of the sev­en still resides in the U.S.; five live in Ger­many or Switzer­land. . . . .” (22)

Per­haps the most sig­nif­i­cant of Mohamed Atta’s Ger­man asso­ci­a­tions in Flori­da was dis­closed dur­ing the course of a BKA inter­view with Daniel Hop­sick­er. (The BKA is the Ger­man equiv­a­lent of the FBI). After Daniel dis­closed the names of some of Atta’s Ger­man cohorts in Flori­da, the BKA revealed that they were the sons (and in one case the daugh­ter) of promi­nent Ger­man indus­tri­al­ists. (23)

Con­clu­sion

Alto­geth­er appar­ent is the fact that the 9/11 attacks involved much more than just “jihadist Mus­lims.”

Of par­tic­u­lar sig­nif­i­cance is the remark­able career tra­jec­to­ry of Ernst Uhrlau from head of the Ham­burg police depart­ment (while it had the Ham­burg cell under sur­veil­lance) to being Coor­di­na­tor for Intel­li­gence Mat­ters for the Chan­cel­lor to being head of the BND dur­ing the time that records of past offi­cials of the “org” and their par­tic­i­pa­tion in the SS and Gestapo were destroyed.

In addi­tion to the his­to­ry of Third Reich involve­ment with Arab and Mus­lim nation­al­ists (touched on in The Walls Came Tum­bling Down, Part 1), the piv­otal pres­ence of Nazis and fas­cists in the Atta milieu sug­gests strong­ly that the his­to­ry of the Bush family’s involve­ment with the Third Reich bears rel­e­vance in analy­sis of the 9/11 attacks.

In Tran­si­tion Europe, Part 1, we high­light­ed the Bush involve­ment with Nazi indus­try:

Among Dulles’ clients who invest­ed in Ger­many were the Bush fam­i­ly, specif­i­cal­ly George Her­bert Walk­er and his son-in-law Prescott Bush, Sr. “ . . . . Walk­er was one of Hitler’s most pow­er­ful finan­cial sup­port­ers in the Unit­ed States.  The rela­tion­ship went all the way back to 1924, when Fritz Thyssen, the Ger­man indus­tri­al­ist, was financ­ing Hitler’s infant Nazi par­ty. . . . Walk­er also set up a deal to take over the North Amer­i­can oper­a­tions of the Ham­burg-Ameri­ka Line, a cov­er for I.G. Far­ben’s Nazi espi­onage unit­ed in the Unit­ed States. . . .” (24)

The Ham­burg-Ameri­ka line was con­trolled by a hold­ing com­pa­ny, Amer­i­can Ship­ping and Com­merce, which shared an address with Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion, on the board of which both George Her­bert Walk­er and Prescott Bush sat. Averell Harriman’s stock in Amer­i­can Ship­ping and Com­merce was held by anoth­er com­pa­ny, the Har­ri­man Fif­teen Cor­po­ra­tion, run out of Walker’s office. The direc­tors of Har­ri­man Fif­teen were Averell Har­r­ri­man, George Her­bert Walk­er and Prescott Bush, Sr. (25)

Dulles helped with the cloak­ing oper­a­tions to shield Walk­er, his son-in-law and Averell Har­ri­man from the author­i­ties: “ . . . . Instead of divest­ing the Nazi mon­ey, Bush hired a lawyer to hide the assets.  The lawyer he hired had con­sid­er­able exper­tise in such under­hand­ed schemes.  It was Allen Dulles.  Accord­ing to Dulles’s client list at Sul­li­van & Cromwell, his first rela­tion­ship with Brown Broth­ers, Har­ri­man was on June 18, 1936. . . .” (26)

Of inter­est, as well, are “W”’s busi­ness links to the Bin Laden fam­i­ly.

These con­nec­tions will be explored more ful­ly in upcom­ing arti­cles.

 

Notes

1.–“How Allen Dulles and The SS Pre­served Each Oth­er” by Peter Dale Scott; Covert Action Bul­letin #25; p. 6

2.–“The Secret Treaty of Fort Hunt” by Carl Ogles­by; Covert Action Bul­letin #35; p. 13.

3.–Idem.

4.–Ibid.; p. 15.

5.–Ibid.; pp. 14–15.

6.–Ibid.; p. 16.

7.– “Embassy Espi­onage: The NSA’s Secret Spy Hub in Berlin” by SPIEGEL staff; Der Spiegel; 10/27/2013.

8.–“Ernst Uhrlau”; Wikipedia.

9.– “Ger­mans Were Track­ing Sept. 11 Con­spir­a­tors as Ear­ly as 1998, Doc­u­ments Dis­close” by Desmond But­ler; New York Times; 1/18/2003; p. A10.

10.—Idem.

11.—Idem.

12.– “Obscur­ing the Past: Intel­li­gence Agency Destroyed Files on For­mer SS Mem­bers” by Klaus Wiegrefe; Der Spiegel; 11/30/2013.

13.—Idem.

14.– “Intro­duc­tion to Anti-Fas­cist Books.” @ Spitfirelist.com.

15.– Web­site of the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety (archived).

16.– Wel­come to Ter­ror­land; by Daniel Hop­sick­er; Mad Cow Press; Copy­right 2004 by Daniel Hop­sick­er; ISBN 0–9706591‑6–4; p. 336.

17.– Ibid.; p. 338.

18.–Ibid.; p. 336.

19.–Ibid.; p. 335.

20.–Ibid.; p. 94.

21.–Ibid.; p.284.

22.–Ibid.; p. 332.

23.– https://spitfirelist.com/for-the-record/ftr-492-musings-on-the-end-of-one-year-and-the-beginning-of-another/  Side B @ approx­i­mate­ly 13:00. http://emory.kfjc.org/archive/ftr/400_499/f‑492b.mp3.

24.–The Secret War Against the Jews: How West­ern Espi­onage Betrayed the Jew­ish Peo­ple; John Lof­tus and Mark Aarons; Copy­right 1994 [HC]; St. Mar­t­in’s Press; ISBN 0–312-15648–0; p. 359.

25.–Idem.

26.–Ibid.; p. 360.