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COMMENT: This post will be review for the veteran listeners, however, in light of the kerfuffle about Trump failing to ideologically disown the Proud Boys in the recent debate with Joe Biden, review of the deep political history of the GOP is in order.
In the recent series of shows about The Paperclip Legacy (#1146 through #1150) we detailed the decades long structural and operational continuity between the Third Reich and the GOP–a continuity that stretches from before the end of World War II up to, and including, the present.
(In AFA #1, we highlighted the evolution of guerilla warfare in Eastern Europe from its inception under the Third Reich, on up through the early 1950s under OPC/CIA auspices. In effect, the Axis guerillas merely changed uniforms.)
After noting that Allen Dulles networked with the SS before the guns fell silent in Europe, we documented William Casey’s role in handling all OSS projects in Germany in 1944 and 1945.
In 1948, Dulles was the chief campaign aide to Thomas Dewey and forged the GOP’s Ethnic Heritage Outreach Committee–a Nazi wing of the GOP–at that time. Overseen by Richard Nixon, fronted for by Ronald Reagan and installed as a permanent branch of the GOP by George H.W. Bush, the organization was forged primarily by William Casey.
The Gehlen “Org” continued to fund the OUN/B and other Eastern European fascist comprising the GOP “fascist freedom fighters” even after it became the BND.
After chronicling the forging of the Nazi wing of the GOP, we noted the ominous intersection between the Paradise Island Bridge Company, Resorts International, Capital Cities Incorporated and the Bormann/Gehlen milieu of which William Casey, et al, are part.
Casey was Reagan’s campaign manager in the 1980 campaign and became his CIA director.
Reagan’s Vice-President was George H.W. Bush, whose family was deeply involved with the funding of the Third Reich.
The list of personnel selected by Reagan for his administration was drawn up by The Gipper’s assistant Helene von Damm, a protege of Otto von Bolschwing.
With a heritage like this, how can our pundits evidence the least surprise at Trump’s behavior?
It is business as usual for the GOP.
. . . . As an emergency measure, the new SI Branch chief, a wealthy 32-year-old New York tax lawyer, William Casey, was given overall operational control of German projects. . . .
. . . . Gehlen even set up a number of “cells” in the United States. As early as 1963, the Senate Foreign Relations committee discussed the activities of the Julius Klein public relations company, which had established branches in Washington, New York and Los Angeles and also in Canada, employing a fairly numerous staff without apparently engaging on any publicity business. From this firm, the trail led to the Association of American Citizens of German Origin, which was receiving large subsidies from an unspecified Federal German government department—the Bundesnachritendienst, it was later established. This foreign subsidy amounted to the handsome sum of 280,000 dollars in 1964 and was increased in later years. . . .
Not so satisfactory at first were the explanations of Gehlen’s connections with the large organizations of Ukrainians, Poles, Lithuanians, Latvians and other East European immigrants in the United States, which received finance and advice from three “registered” BND agents—Roman Henlinger, alias “Dr. Grau,” Victor Salemann and Alexander Wieber. . . .
3. “Mengele and Dulles: The SS-OSS Connection: Transnationalism and the Cold War” by Peter Dale Scott; pp. 77–78.
. . . . Other political groups and lobbyists were subsidized by Gehlen and the BND without even an excuse of an intelligence pretext. One was the Federation of American Citizens of German Descent in the USA, whose Chairman, Austin App. an associate of former WACL Chairman Roger Pearson, is attempting to debunk the historicity of the SS Holocaust. (23) Another was the right-wing public relations firm of Washington lobbyist Julius Klein, who according to one of Barbie’s CIC handlers, had a “special relationship” with Barbie in Germany at that time. (24) Klein, representing the “Committee for Return of Confiscated German and Japanese Property,” lobbied unsuccessfully for a 1954 bill, introduced by Senator Dirksen, which would have contravened the 1945 German reparations agreement and restored the U.S. properties of I.G. Farben to their German owners. (A surprising supporter of this bill, which was vigorously opposed by the Justice Department, was Secretary of State John Foster Dulles.) . . . .
. . . . Still unanswered is the question of whether the story of the Dewey-Allen Dulles interest in Resorts should have referred to funds, not from the CIA itself, but from its German-Swiss partners in the Paradise Island Bridge Company. Such a hypothesis might explain some of the many strange coincidences which surround the company’s controversial history. It might, for example, explain the “fortune in legal fees” that Mary Carter Paint, on the advice of Thomas Dewey, paid to Allen Dulles’ longtime law partner David Peck. (48) The SS-OSS connection certainly had reason to be grateful to David Peck. It was on the basis of Peck’s recommendation, as chairman of a three-man advisory board to review all the Nuremberg sentences, that John J. McCloy commuted to time served the sentence of Skorzeny’s post-war employer, Baron Alfried Krupp, and eight of his colleagues, and also ordered Krupp’s property to be restored. (49) The release of Krupp and other industrialists fulfilled an earlier demand to McCloy from Hermann Abs, who himself narrowly escaped prosecution at Nuremberg. Abs was the first post-war chairman of BASF, the I.G. Farben successor company represented among the stockholders of the Paradise Island Bridge Company. (50)
Might not the OSS-SS connection also throw light on the unexplained interlock between James Crosby’s company Resorts International, tightly controlled by the related and doubly intermarried Crosby-Murphy families, and Capital Cities Broadcasting, the major investment of the CIA’s present director William Casey. (51) Casey would be the logical person to have established the original connection between the Crosby-Murphy families and their mysterious German-Swiss partners. For it was Casey who, in 1944–45, “was given overall operational control of [OSS] German projects,” and “co-ordinated . . . the over 150 men” whom OSS sent into Germany. (52) With Dulles, Wisner, and Forgan, Casey was also one of the OSS veterans who lobbied successfully for a CIA which could legitimately utilize the resources of the Gehlen Org. (53)
Key elements of discussion and analysis include:
- The corporate masking forged by the Thyssens and their American associates, George Herbert Walker, Prescott Bush, Averill Harriman and Allen Dulles. ” . . . . Thyssen did not need any foreign bank accounts because his family secretly owned an entire chain of banks. He did not have to transfer his Nazi assets at the end of World War II, all he had to do was transfer the ownership documents – stocks, bonds, deeds and trusts–from his bank in Berlin through his bank in Holland to his American friends in New York City: Prescott Bush and Herbert Walker. Thyssen’s partners in crime were the father and father-in-law of a future President of the United States. The allied investigators underestimated Thyssen’s reach, his connections, his motives, and his means. The web of financial entities Thyssen helped create in the 1920’s remained a mystery for the rest of the twentieth century, an almost perfectly hidden underground sewer pipeline for moving dirty money, money that bankrolled the post-war fortunes not only of the Thyssen industrial empire…but the Bush family as well. . . .”
- The role in this corporate shell game of Baron Heinrich Thyssen-Bornemisza, who married into the Hungarian nobility and whose daughter Francesca married Karl von Hapsburg. ” . . . . Fritz Thyssen joined the Nazis in 1923; his younger brother married into Hungarian nobility and changed his name to Baron [Heinrich] Thyssen-Bornemisza. The Baron later claimed Hungarian as well as Dutch citizenship. In public, he pretended to detest his Nazi brother, but in private they met at secret board meetings in Germany to coordinate their operations. If one brother were threatened with loss of property, he would transfer his holdings to the other. To aid his sons in their shell game, August Thyssen had established three different banks during the 1920’s — The August Thyssen Bank in Berlin, the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart in Rotterdam, and the Union Banking Corporation in New York City. To protect their corporate holdings, all the brothers had to do was move the corporate paperwork from one bank to the other. This they did with some regularity. When Fritz Thyssen ‘sold’ the Holland-American Trading Company for a tax loss, the Union Banking Corporation in New York bought the stock. Similarly, the Bush family invested the disguised Nazi profits in American steel and manufacturing corporations that became part of the secret Thyssen empire. . . .”
- The dual role of Allen Dulles as corporate lawyer and collaborator with the Thyssens, Bushes, Shroeders et al and his work as the head of the Bern (Switzerland) OSS office. ” . . . . If the investigators realized that the US intelligence chief in postwar Germany, Allen Dulles, was also the Rotterdam bank’s lawyer, they might have asked some very interesting questions. They did not know that Thyssen was Dulles’ client as well. Nor did they ever realize that it was Allen Dulles’s other client, Baron Kurt Von Schroeder who was the Nazi trustee for the Thyssen companies which now claimed to be owned by the Dutch. The Rotterdam Bank was at the heart of Dulles’ cloaking scheme, and he guarded its secrets jealously. . . . As soon as Berlin fell to the allies, it was time to ship the documents back to Rotterdam so that the ‘neutral’ bank could claim ownership under the friendly supervision of Allen Dulles, who, as the OSS intelligence chief in 1945 Berlin, was well placed to handle any troublesome investigations. . . .”
- Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands–SS officer, I.G. Farben spy and nominal head of the Dutch “resistance” supervised a mission to retrieve potentially incriminating documents from the August Thyssen Bank in Berlin: ” . . . . Prince Bernhard commanded a unit of Dutch intelligence, which dug up the incriminating corporate papers in 1945 and brought them back to the “neutral” bank in Rotterdam. The pretext was that the Nazis had stolen the crown jewels of his wife, Princess Juliana, and the Russians gave the Dutch permission to dig up the vault and retrieve them. Operation Juliana was a Dutch fraud on the Allies who searched high and low for the missing pieces of the Thyssen fortune. . . .”
- Both the head of the Rotterdam Bank, who discovered the true Nazi ownership of his institution traveled to New York to protest to Prescott Bush. He was found dead of a “heart attack.” ” . . . . In 1945, the former Dutch manager of the Rotterdam bank resumed control only to discover that he was sitting on a huge pile of hidden Nazi assets. In 1947, the manager threatened to inform Dutch authorities, and was immediately fired by the Thyssens. The somewhat naive bank manager then fled to New York City where he intended to talk to Union Bank director Prescott Bush. As Gowen’s Dutch source recalled, the manager intended ‘to reveal [to Prescott Bush] the truth about Baron Heinrich and the Rotterdam Bank, [in order that] some or all of the Thyssen interests in the Thyssen Group might be seized and confiscated as German enemy property.’ The manager’s body was found in New York two weeks later. . . .”
- Both of the Dulles brothers were in a position to influence the operations of the Alien Property Custodian during World War II: ” . . . . “The Alien Property Custodian, Leo Crowley, was on the payroll of the New York J. Henry Schroeder Bank where Foster and Allen Dulles both sat as board members. Foster arranged an appointment for himself as special legal counsel for the Alien Property Custodian while simultaneously representing [German] interests against the custodian. . . .”
- A similar fate befell Eddie Roever, a Dutch reporter who attempted to interview Baron Heinrich Thyssen-Bornemisza in 1996. ” . . . . Similarly, in 1996 a Dutch journalist Eddy Roever went to London to interview the Baron, who was neighbors with Margaret Thatcher. Roever’s body was discovered two days later. Perhaps, Gowen remarked dryly, it was only a coincidence that both healthy men had died of heart attacks immediately after trying to uncover the truth about the Thyssens. . . .”
- Of paramount importance is the role of the two institutions in which Prescott Bush served–Brown Brothers Harriman and the Union Bank–as a fundamental vehicle for laundering money from the consummately powerful Rockefeller family and related interests in Nazi Germany. ” . . . . But what did the Bush family know about their Nazi connection and when did they know it? As senior managers of Brown Brothers Harriman, they had to have known that their American clients, such as the Rockefellers, were investing heavily in German corporations, including Thyssen’s giant Vereinigte Stahlwerke. As noted historian Christopher Simpson repeatedly documents, it is a matter of public record that Brown Brother’s investments in Nazi Germany took place under the Bush family stewardship. . . . It should be recalled that in January 1937, he hired Allen Dulles to ‘cloak’ his accounts. But cloak from whom? Did he expect that happy little Holland was going to declare war on America? The cloaking operation only makes sense in anticipation of a possible war with Nazi Germany. If Union Bank was not the conduit for laundering the Rockefeller’s Nazi investments back to America, then how could the Rockefeller-controlled Chase Manhattan Bank end up owning 31% of the Thyssen group after the war? It should be noted that the Thyssen group (TBG) is now the largest industrial conglomerate in Germany, and with a net worth of more than $50 billion dollars, one of the wealthiest corporations in the world. TBG is so rich it even bought out the Krupp family, famous arms makers for Hitler, leaving the Thyssens as the undisputed champion survivors of the Third Reich. Where did the Thyssens get the start-up money to rebuild their empire with such speed after World War II? . . . . A fortune this size could only have come from the Thyssen profits made from rearming the Third Reich, and then hidden, first from the Nazi tax auditors, and then from the Allies. The Bushes knew perfectly well that Brown Brothers was the American money channel into Nazi Germany, and that Union Bank was the secret pipeline to bring the Nazi money back to America from Holland. The Bushes had to have known how the secret money circuit worked because they were on the board of directors in both directions: Brown Brothers out, Union Bank in. . . .”
- Note that Paul Manning also came across the Bush, Thyssen, Netherlands link: ” . . . . Several decades after the war, investigative reporter Paul Manning, Edward R. Murrow’s colleague, stumbled across the Thyssen interrogations in the US National Archives. Manning intended to write a book about Nazi money laundering. Manning’s manuscript was a dagger at Allen Dulles’ throat: his book specifically mentioned the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart by name, albeit in passing. . . .”
5. Placing the co-evolution of the Crusade For Freedom, the GOP and the Gehlen “Org” in context, we note that:
- The Gehlen organization was a direct extension of the Third Reich’s national security establishment, coalescing with the approval of a German chain of command that was still in effect after the formal conclusion of hostilities.
- The OUN/B, Iron Guard, Croatian Ustachis and other Eastern European fascist groups were part of the Gehlen organization. They were the primary elements in the GOP’s Ethnic Heritage Outreach Council.
- This places William Casey’s central role in the GOP Nazi branch as an element in the perpetuation of the Third Reich’s national security establishment.
“The Secret Treaty of Fort Hunt” by Carl Oglesby; Covert Action Quarterly; #35 (Fall 1990).
. . . . Gehlen met with Admiral Karl Doenitz, who had been appointed by Hitler as his successor during the last days of the Third Reich. Gehlen and the Admiral were now in a U.S. Army VIP prison camp in Wiesbaden; Gehlen sought and received approval from Doenitz too!44
In other words, the German chain of command was still in effect, and it approved of what Gehlen was doing with the Americans. . . . As Gehlen was about to leave for the United States, he left a message for Baun with another of his top aides, Gerhard Wessel: “I am to tell you from Gehlen that he has discussed with [Hitler’s successor Admiral Karl] Doenitz and [Gehlen’s superior and chief of staff General Franz] Halder the question of continuing his work with the Americans. Both were in agreement.“Hohne and Zolling, op. cit., n. 14, p. 61. . . .
. . . . And the whole concept of the deal he was about to offer his conquerors had been approved by a Nazi chain of command that was still functioning despite what the world thought and still does think was the Nazis’ unconditional surrender.47
. . . . His FHO was connected in this role with a number of secret fascist organizations in the countries to Germany’s east. These included Stepan Bandera’s “B Faction” of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN/B),15 Romania’s Iron Guard,16 the Ustachis of Yugoslavia,17 the Vanagis of Latvia18 and, after the summer of 1942, “Vlassov’s Army,“19 the band of defectors from Soviet Communism marching behind former Red hero General Andrey Vlassov. Later on in the war, Gehlen placed one of his top men in control of Foreign Armies West, which broadened his power; and then after Admiral Wilhelm Canaris was purged and his Abwehr intelligence service cannibalized by the SS, Gehlen became in effect Nazi Germany’s over-all top intelligence chief. . . . .
6a. We review analysis of the Crusade For Freedom–the covert operation that brought Third Reich alumni into the country and also supported their guerilla warfare in Eastern Europe, conducted up until the early 1950’s. Conceived by Allen Dulles, overseen by Richard Nixon, publicly represented by Ronald Reagan and realized in considerable measure by William Casey, the CFF ultimately evolved into a Nazi wing of the GOP.
. . . . Frustration over Truman’s 1948 election victory over Dewey (which they blamed on the “Jewish vote”) impelled Dulles and his protégé Richard Nixon to work toward the realization of the fascist freedom fighter presence in the Republican Party’s ethnic outreach organization. As a young congressman, Nixon had been Allen Dulles’s confidant. They both blamed Governor Dewey’s razor-thin loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote. When he became Eisenhower’s vice president in 1952, Nixon was determined to build his own ethnic base. . . .
. . . . Vice President Nixon’s secret political war of Nazis against Jews in American politics was never investigated at the time. The foreign language-speaking Croatians and other Fascist émigré groups had a ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern European ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA domestic subsidies to Fascist ‘freedom fighters’ during the 1950’s and the leadership of the Republican Party’s ethnic campaign groups. The motive for the under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats. . . .
. . . . In 1952, Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican National Committee. Displaced fascists, hoping to be returned to power by an Eisenhower-Nixon ‘liberation’ policy signed on with the committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the SS. They flooded into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration program. As Vice President, he even received Eastern European Fascists in the White House. . .
6b. More about the composition of the cast of the CFF: Note that the rise of the Reagan administration was essentially the ascent of the Nazified GOP, embodied in the CFF milieu. Reagan (spokesman for CFF) was President; George H.W. Bush (for whom CIA headquarters is named) was the Vice President; William Casey (who handled the State Department machinations to bring these people into the United States) was Reagan’s campaign manager and later his CIA director.
. . . . As a young movie actor in the early 1950s, Reagan was employed as the public spokesperson for an OPC front named the ‘Crusade for Freedom.’ Reagan may not have known it, but 99 percent for the Crusade’s funds came from clandestine accounts, which were then laundered through the Crusade to various organizations such as Radio Liberty, which employed Dulles’s Fascists. Bill Casey, who later became CIA director under Ronald Reagan, also worked in Germany after World War II on Dulles’ Nazi ‘freedom fighters’ program. When he returned to New York, Casey headed up another OPC front, the International Rescue Committee, which sponsored the immigration of these Fascists to the United States. Casey’s committee replaced the International Red Cross as the sponsor for Dulles’s recruits. Confidential interviews, former members, OPC; former members, British foreign and Commonwealth Office. . . .
. . . . . It was Bush who fulfilled Nixon’s promise to make the ‘ethnic emigres’ a permanent part of Republican politics. In 1972, Nixon’s State Department spokesman confirmed to his Australian counterpart that the ethnic groups were very useful to get out the vote in several key states. Bush’s tenure as head of the Republican National Committee exactly coincided with Laszlo Pasztor’s 1972 drive to transform the Heritage Groups Council into the party’s official ethnic arm. The groups Pasztor chose as Bush’s campaign allies were the émigré Fascists whom Dulles had brought to the United States. . . .
Uncle Sam and The Swastika
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