Dave Emory’s entire lifetime of work is available on a flash drive that can be obtained here.  (The flash drive includes the anti-fascist books available on this site.)
COMMENT: In numerous broadcasts, we have covered the sad reality that in post World War II Japan , as in post World War II Germany , the public perception that the forces of fascism were eradicated is a deliberately cultivated political myth .
Interested researchers are emphatically encouraged to read Gold Warriors  by Sterling and Peggy Seagrave. Covering the Japanese equivalent of the Bormann flight capital network, the volume is a heroic, masterful analysis and penetration of the Asian wing of the cartel system that spawned fascism, as well as the realities of the post-World War II Japanese political and economic landscape. (FTR #‘s 290 , 426 , 427 , 428 , 446 , 451 , 501 , 509 , 689  deal with the subject of the Golden Lily program successfully implemented by the Japanese to loot Asia, as well as the restoration of Japanese fascists to positions of prominence in postwar Japan.)
In addition to his laudable stimulus program for Japan’s moribund economy, Japanese prime minister Abe has–much less laudably–embarked on a program of militarism, perhaps to use the Ronald Reagan formula of “military Keynesianism” to suplement the stimulus.
In a recent campaign appearance, Abe adviser Masahisa Sato read from the journal of a Japanese Kamikaze pilot, who died crashing his plane into an American ship during World War II.
With Japan equipped with the potential to develop nuclear weapons  and with chief Japanese strategic rival China a nuclear power, this kind of revanchist, atavistic saber-rattling bodes poorly for the future of Asia and the world.
An all-out war between Japan and China would devastate both China and Asia. It would result in the annihilation of Japan and the extermination of its people.
Updating this post, we learn that a Korean court  has ruled that Mitsubishi must reimburse some Korean nationals for forced labor during World War II. (See text excerpts below.) Note what the response was  when U.S. POW’s attempted to obtain compensation for their forced labor.
EXCERPT: Masahisa Sato stood in a ballroom under a giant Japanese flag, reading to the after-work crowd from a letter a World War II kamikaze pilot sent his young daughter.
“Don’t see yourself as a fatherless child. I will always be looking out for your safety,” Mr. Sato quoted the pilot as writing before he flew his plane into a U.S. ship off the Philippines in 1944, with his daughter’s favorite doll in the cockpit.
As the audience fell silent, Mr. Sato declared, his voice hoarse: “We have people we want to protect. We must have the resolve to hand this nation to the next generation.”
Mr. Sato is no fringe militaristic crank. He is a top defense adviser to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and a member of Japan’s parliament running for re-election on Sunday. The vote will help determine the extent of Mr. Abe’s grip on power—and his ability to push through an agenda to transform Japan’s military to an extent unseen since the bitter defeat nearly 70 years ago.
“We see the votes Mr. Sato receives as the proxy for our party’s hard-fought national-security strategy,” Shigeru Ishiba, a ruling-party official, told voters at the rally. “We must revive a strong Japan. We have just a few years to make that happen.”
The election is considered likely to ratify a surprisingly swift Japanese embrace of a more muscular military, as regional tensions, shifting attitudes and generational change erode postwar pacifism. . . .
. . . . His Liberal Democratic Party is expected to score a comfortable election win, giving him a strong mandate. Mr. Abe, who himself isn’t running, remains very popular, with an approval rating above 60%. . . .
. . . . On Wednesday, just four days before the vote, Mr. Abe took his campaign to the front lines of Japan’s territorial dispute with China, making a highly unusual trip to two outer islands of Okinawa. He rallied troops at an air force radar site and boarded a coast guard cutter assigned to patrol the contentious waters. “I intend to lead the way in efforts to protect our territorial land, water and sky till the very end,” Mr. Abe said in a speech to coast guard officials. . . .
. . . . “Defense of Japan White Paper” released July 9 spotlighted continuing debates among lawmakers and bureaucrats about the need for amphibious forces and the capability to launch pre-emptive strikes against enemy bases when attacks on Japan are thought imminent. The government has already taken steps to expand ballistic-missile defense systems and promote weapons exports. . . .
. . . . His hawkish rhetoric worries neighbors once victimized by Japan’s aggression. The tensions involve lingering disagreements over the interpretation of Japan’s wartime role. Since Mr. Abe took power, China and South Korea, in particular, have bitterly complained about visits made by Mr. Abe’s top aides to a controversial Tokyo war shrine and about remarks Mr. Abe made seeming to question whether Japan invaded anybody. . . .
EXCERPT: In a verdict expected to intensify tensions with Japan, a South Korean court on Tuesday ordered Mitsubishi Heavy Industries to compensate five South Koreans who were forced to work in the company’s factories during the period of Japanese colonial rule of Korea, which ended with World War II.
The high court in Busan, a port city in southeastern South Korea, ordered the company to pay $71,800 to each of the five Koreans.
It was the second such ruling against a Japanese company this month. On July 10, the Seoul High Court ordered the Nippon Steel and Sumitomo Metal Corporation to pay $89,800 to each of four South Korean plaintiffs to compensate them for forced labor. Nippon Steel and Mitsubishi each said they planned to appeal.
The Busan court said in its ruling that Mitsubishi forced the South Korean plaintiffs to “toil in poor conditions in Hiroshima and yet failed to pay wages,” and “did not provide proper shelters or food after the dropping of an atomic bomb” there in 1945. All five plaintiffs are now deceased; their families represented them in court.
The two rulings were the first in favor of South Koreans in a 16-year legal battle waged in Japan and South Korea, and they could prompt similar lawsuits from other victims or their families. At least 1.2 million Koreans were forced to work for Japan’s war efforts in Japan, China and elsewhere, historians here said. Some 300 Japanese companies still in operation are believed to have used forced labor during the colonial period from 1910 to 1945, according to officials in the South Korean capital, Seoul. . . .