To comprehend the political maelstrom engulfing the country as 2020 and the Trump administration are drawing to a close, it is essential to understand the transnational corporate landscape—the foundation of contemporary power political dynamics.
Beginning with an outgrowth of the pivotally important cartel agreements reached by Standard Oil and I.G. Farben between the World Wars, we note the apparent “gentleman’s agreement” between U.S. and German businessmen not to bomb the Third Reich’s synthetic fuel plants during the Second World War.
Those synthetic fuel plants were a direct outgrowth of the Standard‑I.G. Agreement of 1929, highlighted in—among other programs—FTR #’s 511, and 1108.
That apparent agreement exemplifies and signifies the decisive position of transnational corporate interests in the manifestation of international power politics.
Next, we set forth the dominant position of the remarkable and deadly Bormann capital network in the global “corporocracy.”
In addition to control of the German corporate establishment and interlocked European interests, the Bormann group has been buying share in Blue Chip U.S. stocks for the better part of the last hundred years. This puts the network in a controlling position in the transnational corporate community.
With electronic, computer-controlled buying and selling of equities in the world’s capital markets, a relatively small share of capital ownership in one of the giant transnationals is disproportionally important. Ownership of 2% or more of the stock in one of the world’s giant corporations constitutes a major position, in that when that number of shares is sold at one time, such an event can kick-in an electronic sell-off.
Illustrating the position of the Bormann network in U.S. economic life, we review the fact that Bormann drew funds on three demand accounts in New York banks in August of 1967. Nothing illustrates the nature of transnational corporate power and the position of the remarkable and deadly Bormann group in the corporate pantheon.
We note, in passing, that Bormann’s security director—Gestapo chief Heinrich Muller—worked with CIA and U.S. intelligence in the postwar period.
The Bormann transactions took place in August of 1967. In April and June of the following year, Martin Luther King and Robert F. Kennedy were killed.
Bormann saw Fritz Thyssen as a pipeline to Allen Dulles.
In the concluding portion of the program, we present supplemental information from an unpublished manuscript. The author is well-known to veteran researchers, but will remain anonymous, since the work was never formally published.
In FTR #’s 1149 and 1150, we set forth portions of this manuscript. In this program, we recapitulate those portions of the document, and include discussion of the consummate influence of the I.G. Farben international espionage organization in the U.S. between the World Wars.
In addition to I.G.’s profound relationship with John Foster and Allen Dulles of Sullivan & Cromwell, I.G. has also manifested major influence in Democratic administrations: Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal and JFK’s attenuated postwar administration as well.
Beyond that, the author maintains, correctly in our opinion, that the transnational influence of the I.G. networks and the postwar political influence-buying of CIA and BND constitute a direct extension of the OSS-SS collaboration during the closing stages of World War II.
What was created in US. boardrooms and intelligence headquarters during and immediately after World War II is now morphing into a mass movement.
This is the corporate foundation of the current malaise!
Program Highlights Include: Review of the role of OSS (and later CIA) officers Allen Dulles, William Casey and Frank Wisner in paving the way for the incorporation of Nazi SS cadres into the embryonic CIA; review of the role of 1948 GOP Presidential candidate Thomas Dewey in advising the Mary Carter Paint Company (later named Resorts International) to pay Allen Dulles’s law partner David Peck to advise U.S. High Commissioner for Germany John J. McCloy on the commutation of sentences meted out to Nazi war criminals; review of the role of the Gehlen Org (as part of the then West German BND) in financing Eastern European fascist elements in the U.S.; review of the overlap between Resorts International and William Casey’s Capital Cities Incorporated; review of Casey’s role overseeing OSS activities in Germany during 1944 and 1945.
The beginning of the program consists of analytical review of the capital interests behind BioNTech–the German corporate partner producing a Covid vaccine with Pfizer.
Headed by a German MD couple whose parents were “gastarbeiter” (guest workers), BioNTech has soared exponentially in value since the approval of the vaccine by a number of countries.
A dominant consideration in power politics remains the advisory to “Follow the Money.”
Against the background of I.G. Farben and its successor companies’ dominant position in both the global pharmaceutical and chemical market, as well as its major position within the remarkable and deadly Bormann capital network, the program explores the capitalization of Uğur Şahin and Özlem Türeci’s Ganymed firm and BioNTech.
Of paramount significance in both Ganymed (the couple’s initial commercial venture) and BioNtech are twin brothers Thomas and Andreas Struengmann.
Key points of analysis:
1.–The brothers are major players in the pharmaceutical and biotech market.
2.–They keep a purposefully low professional profile–a professional behavior characteristic of the deadly Bormann network.
3.–Thomas was an important member of the board of Wacker Chemie, a major successor to two I.G. Farben subsidiary companies.
4.–Wacker Chemie has apparently obfuscated its Nazi past.
5.–Andreas initiated his medical career in apartheid South Africa, and the brothers’ Hexal firm began its significant international expansion in that country. (The apartheid regime was an offshoot of the Third Reich.)
6.–Firms that evolved from I.G. Farben figure prominently in the dealings of Hexal, Wacker Chemie and BioNTech (Novartis, the Hoechst division of Sanofi-Aventis.)
The balance of the program presents analysis of the profound relationship between the Bormann capital network and I.G. Farben.
Forged during the closing days of the war, the close cooperation between corporate “masker” Hermann Schmitz and Bormann, the relationship built on the dominant position of I.G. Farben in the Third Reich and its interrelated military and industrial/commercial campaigns.
” . . . . If there is any doubt in Europe who in the long run won the peace, there is none whatsoever among the former German leaders dwelling in South America. It is a good bet that if Hermann Schmitz were alive today, he would bear witness as to who really won. Schmitz died contented, having witnessed the resurgence of I.G. Farben, albeit in altered corporate forms, a money machine that continues to generate profits for all the old I.G. shareholders and enormous international power for the German cadre directing the workings of the successor firms. . . . He was the master manipulator, the corporate and financial wizard, the magician, who could make money appear and disappear, and reappear again. His whole existence was legerdemain, played out on the gameboard of I.G. Farben and his beloved Germany. . . Their [Schmitz and Bormann] association was close and trusting over the years, and it is the considered opinion of those in their circle that the wealth possessed by Hermann Schmitz was shifted to Switzerland and South America, and placed in trust with Bormann, the legal heir to Hitler. [Hermann] Schmitz’s wealth—largely I.G. Farben bearer bonds converted to the Big Three successor firms, shares in Standard Oil of New Jersey (equal to those held by the Rockefellers), as well as shares in the 750 corporations he helped Bormann establish during the last year of World War II—has increased in all segments of the modern industrial world. The Bormann organization in South America utilizes the voting power of the Schmitz trust along with their own assets to guide the multinationals they control, as they keep steady the economic course of the Fatherland. . . . ”
After the war, the three main successor firms to I.G.–Hoechst (now a division of Sanofi-Aventis), Bayer and BASF rose to a pinnacle of sales and R & D dominance.
Program Highlights Include: Review of Dorothy Thompson’s 1940 analysis of the Third Reich blueprint for world political domination, predicated on world economic domination (including the exploitation of decisive cartel relationships with the Wall Street elite; an account of Bertelsmann’s forthcoming purchase of Simon & Schuster, making this “former” publishing house for the SS a “Titan” in English-language publishing; a synoptic review of the scenario presented in the Nazi tract Serpent’s Walk.
Concluding the discussion contained in part of FTR #1147 and all of FTR #1148, we finish the presentation of a very important article by the brilliant Peter Dale Scott, written almost 35 years ago. With the GOP convention in full swing as these programs were being recorded, the symbiosis between Allen Dulles and the Nazi SS is fundamental to understanding not only the genesis of the U.S. intelligence establishment, but how that institution is inextricably linked with the Republican Party.
The link to this article permits the listener/reader to download (for free) the entire issue of Covert Action Quarterly. Mr. Emory strongly recommends that they do so, as the other articles in this excellent issue will supplement the analysis beautifully.
Due to the length and complexity of this article, we are not transcribing it, but will summarize important points of information.
Key Points of Analysis:
1.–Dulles’s negotiations with the SS preceded by months the official story of the contact between U.S. intelligence and the Gehlen team. ” . . . . It is interesting to note that Gehlen knew of Wolff’s contacts with Dulles s early as January 1945, the month in which they were initiated. From this same period he began to consolidate his networks for survival after Hitler’s downfall, which is to say he already expected to reach a modus vivendi with the Americans. In April 1945, one month before the war ended, Dulles asked Frank Wisner to begin talks with Gehlen, who was not taken into U.S. custody until May 20. On the Gehlen side, a plan ‘to gain contact with the Americans’ was approved on April 9. . . .”
2.–Dulles’s negotiations with the SS, involving Walter Rauff–who devised the mobile gas chambers used on the Eastern Front–were conducted as part of Operation Sunrise. ” . . . . Despite the [U.S.] Army interrogator’s pleas that Rauff ‘is considered a menace if ever set free, and failing actual elimination, is recommended for life-long internment,’ Dulles kep his bargain and Rauff was released. According to usually reliable intelligence sources. Dulles then employed Rauff on anti-communist operations in Italy, which was Rauff’s specialty under the Nazis. . . .”
3.–Although the Vatican was deeply involved with the SS/OSS negotiations, Dulles’ team was the primary component. ” . . . It was Dulles’s contacts, not the Vatican, who handled the smuggling of Nazis. According to top secret State Department documents, the Italian police provided the false passports for allied agents; the visas came from the Argentine consulate in the allied intelligence unit based at Trieste;and the embarkation paperwork was handled by a U.S. State Department officer in Genoa. Genoa, incidentally was Rauff’s area of jurisdiction. All of them worked for Dulles. . . .”
Supplementing the information in the Peter Dale Scott article, we present information about Mengele’s work in Paraguay in conjunction with the CIA and Pentagon: ” . . . . In the last named country, the son of a Bavarian cavalry officer, President Stroessner, cooperates with the United States military authorities and the CIA, as he does with Bormann and his representatives. During the Vietnam war, President Stroessner permitted the U.S. Army Chemical Corps and the CIA to send in teams of 2,500 men to carry out field tests, in the Matto Grosso jungle, of chemicals for use in Vietnam. In one instance, several American soldiers became casualties when they accidentally were sprayed with the gas. They were taken to a Paraguayan military field hospital; the doctor who treated them was Josef Mengele, now a Paraguayan citizen and an officer in the Paraguayan Army Medical Corps. Under Mengele’s treatment, all soldiers recovered. None, of course, knew the true identity of their medical benefactor. . . .”
Of paramount importance in the context of this presentation, is the fact that it was William Casey who was in charge of OSS operations in Germany in late 1944 and 1945, as Dulles, Donovan, and the SS were forging their alliance!! This places Casey’s role in the Crusade For Freedom and the derivative Reagan campaign and administration in perspective.
Placing the co-evolution of the Crusade For Freedom, the GOP and the Gehlen “Org” in context, we note that:
1.–The Gehlen organization was a direct extension of the Third Reich’s national security establishment, coalescing with the approval of a German chain of command that was still in effect after the formal conclusion of hostilities.
2.–The OUN/B, Iron Guard, Croatian Ustachis and other Eastern European fascist groups were part of the Gehlen organization. They were the primary elements in the GOP’s Ethnic Heritage Outreach Council.
3.–This places William Casey’s central role in the GOP Nazi branch as an element in the perpetuation of the Third Reich’s national security establishment.
Next, we review analysis of the Crusade For Freedom–the covert operation that brought Third Reich alumni into the country and also supported their guerilla warfare in Eastern Europe, conducted up until the early 1950’s. Conceived by Allen Dulles, overseen by Richard Nixon, publicly represented by Ronald Reagan and realized in considerable measure by William Casey, the CFF ultimately evolved into a Nazi wing of the GOP.
While serving as chairman of the Republican National Committee, the elder George Bush shepherded the Nazi émigré community into position as a permanent branch of the Republican Party.
Note that the rise of the Reagan administration was essentially the ascent of the Nazified GOP, embodied in the CFF milieu. Reagan (spokesman for CFF) was President; George H.W. Bush (for whom CIA headquarters is named) was the Vice President; William Casey (who handled the State Department machinations to bring these people into the United States) was Reagan’s campaign manager and later his CIA director.
Central to understanding the merging of the U.S. with Nazi Germany in an anti-Soviet alliance–is the understanding of what globalization really is and how it precipitated fascism and the Second World War.
Also central to an understanding of the realization of the consummate manifestation of both globalization and fascism/Nazism–is analysis of the machinations of the Bush family. The heroic Justice Department investigator (later author) John Loftus delineated the Bush family’s role in the laundering of Nazi funds between the Thyssen Bank in Berlin, the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart, N.V. and the Union Bank in the U.S.
The networking of the Bush family with the Thyssens, and the Rockefellers, in turn, is inextricably linked with the coalescence and operation of the remarkable and deadly Bormann flight capital network, highlighted in FTR #305, among other programs.
Of paramount importance is the role of the two institutions in which Prescott Bush served–Brown Brothers Harriman and the Union Bank–as a fundamental vehicle for laundering money from the consummately powerful Rockefeller family and related interests in Nazi Germany. ” . . . . But what did the Bush family know about their Nazi connection and when did they know it? As senior managers of Brown Brothers Harriman, they had to have known that their American clients, such as the Rockefellers, were investing heavily in German corporations, including Thyssen’s giant Vereinigte Stahlwerke. As noted historian Christopher Simpson repeatedly documents, it is a matter of public record that Brown Brother’s investments in Nazi Germany took place under the Bush family stewardship. . . . It should be recalled that in January 1937, he hired Allen Dulles to ‘cloak’ his accounts. But cloak from whom? Did he expect that happy little Holland was going to declare war on America? The cloaking operation only makes sense in anticipation of a possible war with Nazi Germany. If Union Bank was not the conduit for laundering the Rockefeller’s Nazi investments back to America, then how could the Rockefeller-controlled Chase Manhattan Bank end up owning 31% of the Thyssen group after the war? It should be noted that the Thyssen group (TBG) is now the largest industrial conglomerate in Germany, and with a net worth of more than $50 billion dollars, one of the wealthiest corporations in the world. TBG is so rich it even bought out the Krupp family, famous arms makers for Hitler, leaving the Thyssens as the undisputed champion survivors of the Third Reich. Where did the Thyssens get the start-up money to rebuild their empire with such speed after World War II? . . . . A fortune this size could only have come from the Thyssen profits made from rearming the Third Reich, and then hidden, first from the Nazi tax auditors, and then from the Allies. The Bushes knew perfectly well that Brown Brothers was the American money channel into Nazi Germany, and that Union Bank was the secret pipeline to bring the Nazi money back to America from Holland. The Bushes had to have known how the secret money circuit worked because they were on the board of directors in both directions: Brown Brothers out, Union Bank in. . . .”
Further solidifying the continuity between the Third Reich, the Gehlen Org and the GOP, we note that, while it was the BND (the intelligence service of the Federal Republic) the “Org” was financing the Eastern European fascist groups that were part of the Ethnic Heritage Outreach Council.
Fleshing out information about the BND financing of groups linked to the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, we present supplemental information from an unpublished manuscript. The author is well-known to veteran researchers, but will remain anonymous, since the work was never formally completed or published.
Providing background to discussion of the relationship between the milieu of Resorts International, Nixon, his banking associate Bebe Rebozo and William Casey, we note that Rebozo’s banking of funds from the deadly Bormann network, the institution that Mr. Emory feels will prove to be the decisive element on this earth.
Continuing with discussion from the unpublished manuscript referenced above, the broadcast highlights interactions between the Nixon administration, Bebe Rebozo, a mysterious and allegedly organized-crime connected company called Resorts International, an even more mysterious subsidiary of Resorts International called the Paradise Island Bridge Company and the Dewey, Dulles, Nazi, William Casey milieu that is central to this discussion.
Note that Donald Trump was a suitor for the ownership of Resorts International (after the 1986 death of James Crosby), ultimately purchasing the Taj Mahal Casino from the firm after a lawsuit with television star Merv Griffin.
Fleshing out the deep politics underlying the life and death of Park Won-soon, this program builds on the foundation of first two programs in the series. Park Won-soon’s criticism of Japan’s colonial occupation of Korea, his advocacy of reconciliation between the two Koreas and his suit against the leadership of the fascist Shincheonji mind control cult (overlapped with the Unification Church), all bear on the political and economic dynamics of the Second World War, the Cold War, the Korean War, and the cartel arrangements that constitute a critical, though largely invisible, underpinning of the events of the Twentieth and Twenty-First centuries.
Essential to an understanding of these overlapping events is the landmark text Gold Warriors by Peggy and Sterling Seagrave. (FTR #‘s 427, 428, 446, 451, 501, 688, 689, 1106, 1107 & 1108 deal with the subject material of that consummately important book.)
Indeed, one cannot properly analyze the partition of Korea after World War II, the Korean War and the Cold War as separate events. They are interconnected and, in turn, are outgrowths of the complex politics of the Second World War and the actions and attitudes of Chiang Kai-shek’s narco-fascist dictatorship.
Although nominally a member of the Allied nations, Chiang’s Kuomintang government was primarily concerned with fending off Mao Tse-Tung’s communist armies and worked with the invading Japanese in critical areas. In particular, the Kuomintang’s profound involvement with the narcotics trade helped drive its trading with the Japanese.
The program begins with the obituary of general Paik Sun-yup of Korea, whose service in the Imperial Japanese Army during World War II has been a focal point of controversy in South Korea. General Sun-yup embodied the ongoing controversy in Korea over Japan’s occupation and the subsequent unfolding of events leading up to, and including the Korean War.
Again, the Japanese occupation of Korea was a major focal point of Park Won-soon’s criticism. “. . . . In 1941, he joined the army of Manchukuo, a puppet state that imperial Japan had established in Manchuria, and served in a unit known for hunting down Korean guerrillas fighting for independence . . .”
A little known factor in the development of the Korean partition and Cold War politics in Asia was the involvement of Chiang Kai-shek, his wife (the former Mei-Ling Soong, sister of Chiang’s finance minister T.V. Soong–the wealthiest man in the world at the time) and advisers in the Cairo Conference of 1943 and the subsequent Tehran Conference with Stalin and Churchill.
According to Colonel L. Fletcher Prouty, who flew the Kuomintang interests to Tehran from Cairo, Chiang and company were a driving force in setting the stage for war in Korea and Indochina.
While in Okinawa during Japan’s surrender in World War II, Colonel Prouty was witness to the early commitment of decisive military resources to the wars that were to take place in Korea and Indochina/Vietnam. ” . . . . I was on Okinawa at that time, and during some business in the harbor area I asked the harbormaster if all that new material was being returned to the States. His response was direct and surprising: ‘Hell, no! They ain’t never goin’ to see it again. One-half of this stuff, enough to equip and supply at least a hundred and fifty thousand men, is going to Korea, and the other half is going to Indochina.’ In 1945, none of us had any idea that the first battles of the Cold War were going to be fought by U.S. military units in those two regions beginning in 1950 and 1965–yet that is precisely what had been planned, and it is precisely what happened. Who made that decision back in 1943–45? . . . .”
To appreciate Chiang’s influence in the Cairo and Tehran conferences, it is important to understand that he was “working both sides of the street” in World War II.
American military supplies flown over the Hump and/or sent along the Burma Road at great risk and cost to Allied servicemen found their way into the hands of the Japanese, courtesy of KMT general Ku Chu-tung and his organized crime brother.
General Ku Chu-Tung commanded a devastating operation against the Chinese Communist New Fourth Army, illustrating why the Seagraves called him “one of the most hated men in China.”
Although obscured by the sands of time and propagandized history, Ku-Chu Tung’s actions illustrate why General Joseph Stilwell held Chiang Kai-Shek in contempt. Stillwell not only (correctly) viewed Chiang Kai-Shek as a fascist, but (correctly) saw him as an impediment to optimizing Chinese resistance to the hated Japanese invaders.
Collaborating with Kodama Yoshio, the Japanese crime boss and Admiral of the Imperial Japanese Navy, the Ku brothers swapped U.S. lend lease supplies for drugs.
It is important to note the role of the Black Dragon Society in the ascent of Kodama Yoshio. Black Dragon, along with Black Ocean, are key Japanese ultra-nationalist societies and the apparent forerunners of the Unification Church and, possibly the overlapping Shincheonji cult that was sued by Park Won-soon.
Kodama played a key role in the Unification Church, as discussed in FTR #‘s 291 and 970.
Acquiring key strategic raw materials for the Imperial Japanese Naval Air Force, Kodama bought many of these directly from the chief of Kuomintang secret service, General Tai Li, who was paid directly in heroin.
Before turning to the subject of the Korean War and its decisive influence on the disposition of global wealth and the resuscitation of the global cartel system, we recount the assassination of Kim Koo, an important Korean patriot, whose advocacy of reunification for Korea placed him in the crosshairs of American Cold War strategists. (Park Won-soon was called a “commie” for advocating reconciliation between the Koreas.) ” . . . . In June 1949, General Kim Chang-Yong, Rhee’s close advisor and Chief of Korea’s Counter-Intelligence Corps (CIC)—founded by and patterned after the CIA—conspired with American intelligence officers and a young lieutenant to assassinate Kim Koo. On June 26, 1949, while the seventy-three-year-old Kim was resting in his second-floor bedroom, Lieutenant Ahn Do hi walked past three policemen standing guard outside, entered the house, proceeded to Kim’s bedroom, and shot him to death. . . .”
On the eve of the outbreak of the Korean War, John Foster Dulles was in Seoul with Kodama Yoshio. It is not known just what they were doing, but Foster directly foreshadowed the impending (and allegedly unanticipated) North Korean invasion in a speech just before the commencement of hostilities.
Kodama recruited thousands of yakuza soldiers and Japanese World War II veterans to fight for South Korea, dressed in Korean uniforms.
Next, we highlight the 1951 “Peace” Treaty between the Allies and Japan, an agreement which falsely maintained that Japan had not stolen any wealth from the nations it occupied during World War II and that the (already) booming nation was bankrupt and would not be able to pay reparations to the slave laborers and “comfort women” it had pressed into service during the conflict.
Japan was not bankrupt at all when John Foster Dulles negotiated the Treaty. U.S. bombing left critical infrastructure intact, and the infusion of war loot helped boost the 1951 Japanese economy above its pre-World War II peak.
Foster Dulles’s role in the 1951 Peace Treaty with Japan, his curious presence in Seoul with Kodama Yoshio on the eve of the outbreak of the Korean War, his prescient foreshadowing of the conflict just before the North Korean invasion and the role of these events in shaping the post World War II global economic and political landscapes may well have been designed to help jumpstart the Japanese and German economies.
The Korean War did just that. ” . . . . A substantial infusion of money into this new Federal Republic economy resulted from the Korean War in 1950. The United States was not geared to supplying all its needs for armies in Korea, so the Pentagon placed huge orders in West Germany and in Japan; from that point on, both nations winged into an era of booming good times. . . .”
Indeed, John Foster Dulles’s world view enunciated a philosophy altogether consistent with those aims: ” . . . . He churned out magazine and newspaper articles asserting that the ‘dynamic’ countries of the world–Germany, Italy, and Japan–‘feel within themselves potentialities which are suppressed’ . . .”
Those economies, the cartels that dominated them and the Dulles brothers Cold War strategic outlook are dominant factors in the deep politics underlying the life, and death, of Park Won-soon.
Reviewing past material in order to refresh and reinforce understanding of the historical context and foundation of the recent Jim DiEugenio interviews, this program reviews information relevant to the concept of the Christian West. “The Christian West” is explained in the description for AFA #37: ” . . . . When it became clear that the armies of the Third Reich were going to be defeated, it opened secret negotiations with representatives from the Western Allies. Representatives on both sides belonged to the transatlantic financial and industrial fraternity that had actively supported fascism. The thrust of these negotiations was the establishment of The Christian West. Viewed by the Nazis as a vehicle for surviving military defeat, ‘The Christian West’ involved a Hitler-less Reich joining with the U.S., Britain, France and other European nations in a transatlantic, pan-European anti-Soviet alliance. In fact, The Christian West became a reality only after the cessation of hostilities. The de-Nazification of Germany was aborted. Although a few of the more obvious and obnoxious elements of Nazism were removed, Nazis were returned to power at virtually every level and in almost every capacity in the Federal Republic of Germany. . . .”
Against the background of Allen and John Foster Dulles’ long, overlapping careers as lawyers for Sullivan & Cromwell, as well as government operatives, we note the decisive role of cartels in precipitating fascism and the position in the political and macro-economic landscape of the events stemming from that.
Program Highlights Include: American recruitment of Nazi Eastern Front intelligence officers in August of 1944 (far earlier than generally supposed); The Gehlen “Org“ ‘s incorporation into the CIA with the consent of a Nazi chain of command that was still in existence; the role in the Gehlen Org of Eastern European fascist organizations including the OUN/B, the Romanian Iron Guard, the Croatian Ustachi, the Bulgarian National Front and the SS Baltic Legion; the incorporation of those same Gehlen-controlled Eastern European fascists into the GOP via the Crusade For Freedom (CFF); the pivotal role of Gehlen/Nazi/CFF personnel in the postwar GOP (Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, William Casey and George H.W. Bush); the re-institution of Nazis in the “New” Federal Republic of Germany; the control of the “New” Federal Republic of Germany by an underground Nazi fuehringsring and a command center in Madrid; the role of Canadian nickel interests in John Foster Dulles’ cobbling together of I.G. Farben; Garrison investigative target Clay Shaw’s networking with Canadian nickel interests; the role of both Dulles brothers in frustrating the interdiction of the Bormann flight capital program; the [apparently successful] negotiations between OSS chief William Donovan, his aide Allen Dulles and representative of the SS to realize the Christian West concept; the role of Crusade For Freedom personnel in the assassination of President Kennedy; Garrison investigative target Clay Shaw’s friendship with Nazi Finance Minister Hjalmar Schacht; Foster Dulles’ professional intimacy with Schacht; Shaw’s links to Permindex and the SS-linked Schroeder banking empire; the decisive role of Allen Dulles, George Herbert Walker (W’s great grandfather and the grandfather of George H.W. Bush), Prescott Bush, Sr. (the father of George H.W. Bush and the grandfather of W) in laundering U.S. capital investment in Nazi Germany and the return of those Nazi monies to the U.S.; Nazi steel magnate Fritz Thyssen’s close relationship to: Allen Dulles, Prescott Bush, Martin Bormann and the Schroeder banking interests; Allen Dulles’ “go-to” relationship with Senator Prescott Bush (senior) while serving as head of the CIA.
In FTR #370, we discussed the Bormann flight capital organization and its links to the Bush and Thyssen families. In the aftermath of the Jim DiEugenio interviews, we were impressed by the nature of Clay Shaw’s connections to the same milieu. ” . . . . But what did the Bush family know about their Nazi connection and when did they know it? As senior managers of Brown Brothers Harriman, they had to have known that their American clients, such as the Rockefellers, were investing heavily in German corporations, including Thyssen’s giant Vereinigte Stahlwerke. . . . It should be recalled that in January 1937, he hired Allen Dulles to ‘cloak’ his accounts. But cloak from whom? . . . . The cloaking operation only makes sense in anticipation of a possible war with Nazi Germany. If Union Bank was not the conduit for laundering the Rockefeller’s Nazi investments back to America, then how could the Rockefeller-controlled Chase Manhattan Bank end up owning 31% of the Thyssen group after the war? It should be noted that the Thyssen group (TBG) is now the largest industrial conglomerate in Germany, and with a net worth of more than $50 billion dollars, one of the wealthiest corporations in the world. TBG is so rich it even bought out the Krupp family, famous arms makers for Hitler, leaving the Thyssens as the undisputed champion survivors of the Third Reich. Where did the Thyssens get the start-up money to rebuild their empire with such speed after World War II? The enormous sums of money deposited into the Union Bank prior to 1942 are the best evidence that Prescott Bush knowingly served as a money launderer for the Nazis. Remember that Union Banks’ books and accounts were frozen by the U.S. Alien Property Custodian in 1942 and not released back to the Bush family until 1951. At that time, Union Bank shares representing hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of industrial stocks and bonds were unblocked for distribution. Did the Bush family really believe that such enormous sums came from Dutch enterprises? . . . . A fortune this size could only have come from the Thyssen profits made from rearming the Third Reich, and then hidden, first from the Nazi tax auditors, and then from the Allies. The Bushes knew perfectly well that Brown Brothers was the American money channel into Nazi Germany, and that Union Bank was the secret pipeline to bring the Nazi money back to America from Holland. The Bushes had to have known how the secret money circuit worked because they were on the board of directors in both directions: Brown Brothers out, Union Bank in. . . .”
Exemplifying the grotesque, orgiastic hagiography to which the media have been subjecting us since George H.W. Bush died is a reputed conversation between the dying George H.W. Bush and Dubya, as reported by James Baker. After speaking to other offspring and relatives, the dying Poppy reportedly spoke with Shrub, who allegedly said: “I’ll see you in Heaven, Dad!” Supposedly, Poppy spoke no more before going on to his Eternal Reward. If, in fact, such a rendezvous does take place, we do not expect it to occur in the Celestial Hereafter. Exemplifying the murderous realities of George H.W. Bush’s tenure on earth is his supervision of the Afghan Mujahadin and the birth of Al-Qaeda: “ . . . . More to the point, now, in the Afghanistan War, Vice President Bush’s interests and Osama bin Laden’s converged. In using bin Laden’s Arab Afghans as proxy warriors against the Soviets, Bush advocated a policy that was fully in line with American interests at that time. But he did not consider the long-term implications of supporting a network of Islamic fundamentalist rebels. . . . . Specifically, as Vice President in the mid-eighties, Bush supported aiding the mujahideen in Afghanistan through the Maktab al-Khidamat (MAK) or Services Offices, which sent money and fighters to the Afghan resistance in Peshawar. ‘Bush was in charge of the covert operations that supported the MAK,’ says John Loftus, a Justice Department official in the eighties. ‘They were essentially hiring a terrorist to fight terrorism. . . . Cofounded by Osama bin Laden and Abdullah Azzam, the MAK was the precursor to bin Laden’s global terrorist network, Al Qaeda. It sent money and fighters to the Afghan resistance in Peshawar, Pakistan, and even the United States to bring thousands of warriors to Afghanistan to fight the Soviet Union. The MAK was later linked to the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center in New York through an office in Brooklyn known as the Al-Kifah Refugee Center. It is not clear how much contact he had with bin Laden, but Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman, the ‘Blind Sheikh,’ who masterminded the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center, also appeared in Peshawar on occasion. . . . ”
This program supplements and recapitulates both FTR #912 and AFA #39. In turn, several other, overlapping programs should be examined to flesh out one’s understanding of the phenomena discussed here, including: FTR #‘s 606, 682 and 686, as well as AFA #16.
Central to our analysis is a look at an excerpt from testimony before a House appropriations subcommittee that was drawing up the defense budget for the following year. (The hearings were in 1969.) The testimony discusses the possibility of using genetic engineering to produce a disease that would be “refractory” to the immune system. This is virtually the clinical definition of AIDS. It is worth noting that the project was funded, and just such a disease—AIDS—appeared in just the time frame posited. It is also worth noting that, in the 2002 edition of A Higher Form of Killing, this passage is omitted!!
. . . As long ago as 1962, forty scientists were employed at the U.S. Army biological warfare laboratories on full-time genetics research. ‘Many others,’ it was said, ‘appreciate the implications of genetics for their own work.’ The implications were made more specific that genetic engineering could solve one of the major disadvantages of biological warfare, that it is limited to diseases which occur naturally somewhere in the world. ‘Within the next 5 to 10 years, it would probably be possible to make a new infective micro-organism which could differ in certain important respects from any known disease-causing organisms. Most important of these is that it might be refractory to the immunological and therapeutic processes upon which we depend to maintain our relative freedom from infectious disease.’ The possibility that such a ‘super germ’ may have been successfully produced in a laboratory somewhere in the world in the years since that assessment was made is one which should not be too readily cast aside. . .
Purebred Northern Europeans possess a hereditary immunity to infection by HIV, a gene (CCR5Delta 32) that conferred immunity to the Black Death, long believed to have been bubonic plague. Bubonic plague was a major focal point of Third Reich biological weapons research, stemming from SS chief Heinrich Himmler’s interest in that disease.
Disguised as a cancer research program, Nazi Germany’s plague research was presided over by Kurt Blome, the deputy surgeon general of the Third Reich. Blome went to work for the U.S. under Project Paperclip (also known as Operation Paperclip.) We wonder if the Nazi research into bubonic plague and the emergence of an immune-destroying disease to which only pure-bred Northern Europeans–“Aryans”–were immune might have been the outgrowth of Nazi-inspired U.S. biological weapons research stemming from Paperclip?
Another development in that context is noteworthy:
When the U.S. officially “gave up” biological warfare research, Fort Detrick–the military’s top bw research facility, was officially turned over to the National Cancer Institute’s Viral Cancer Research Project. Featuring veterans of the U.S. biological warfare research program, the NCI’s VCP was implemented by Litton Bionetics, a biotechnology subsidiary of Litton Industries, a major defense contractor. The National Cancer Institute’s Viral Cancer Research Project was at the epicenter of U.S. research into AIDS. We strongly suspect that this was a recapitulation of the Third Reich’s use of “cancer research.”
In both FTR #912 and AFA #39, we highlighted Bayer’s projected purchase of Monsanto.
We engage in a line of inquiry that is speculative in nature, evaluating the possibility that companies descended from the I.G. Farben German chemical cartel may absorb Monsanto, the firm noted for its development of genetically modified organisms.
Specifically, Bayer and BASF figured in the reported maneuvering for Monsanto. The deal has passed American anti-trust regulators, with BASF purchasing some $9 billion in former Bayer assets to permit the deal to go forward.
Against the background of the remarkable Bormann capital network’s effective control of the firms that descended from I.G. Farben, we ruminate about the possibility of genetically engineered binary pathogens being included in the food supply available to much of the world’s population.
Available information highlights possible Underground Reich maneuvering to gain control of firms marketing foodstuffs to middle, lower middle and working class people. This speculation, in turn, is set against the background of information strongly suggesting that AIDS was deliberately developed.
In the context of the purchase of food-producing companies, we note J.A.B Holdings and it’s associated Reimann family.
They are owned by a secretive group of German billionaires, mostly related to each other. This group owns (outright or majority) a rather shocking number of major American brands, including Peets Coffee, Panera Bread, Jimmy Choo Shoes, Dougwe Eberts Coffee, and Krispy Kreme Donuts! They appear to be making a major move to dominate the U.S., and perhaps global, coffee industry.
They also own part of 3G, the massive Brazilian holding company (with one of the three heads having the last name Lemann, and the other having Hermann as a middle name). (This is a focal point of FTR #912.)
3G owns Inbev (dominant player in the world’s liquor industry), Heinz, Kraft, and Burger King, who they quickly moved to Canada and merged with Tim Hortons, a massive Canadian restaurant chain, for tax breaks. They also own the largest logistics/railroad company in South America and its largest retail shopping company. So, between their interests in JAB and 3G, this one family has their tentacles into a ridiculous amount of commerce.
Like many German corporate citizens, they make their headquarters in Luxembourg.
Is this Bormann money “gulping up companies like a giant amoeba?”
Note how secretive the Reimann family and their operation is: ” . . . . The lack of involvement is allegedly part of the family policy, which also includes signing a codex on one’s 18th birthday pledging to stay out of the public as much as possible, thus making them one of the most private billionaire families. . . .”
Program Highlights Include:
1.–JAB Holding’s apparent move to dominate the coffee market.
2.–Review of the career of Franz Liesau Zacharias.
3.–As discussed in AFA #39, the Nazis began researching toxic agents on apes and then moved on to humans—inmates in concentration camps. AIDS results from a monkey virus that eventually jumped to humans as well. Does the progression in the Nazi death camps of testing on apes to testing on humans have any relationship with the progression of a simian virus to infection of humans? Might the creation of AIDS have stemmed from Nazi research? Is it an accident that the hereditary immunity from HIV infection is only present in the white race, and [according to some sources] Northern Europeans in particular? Is it an accident that people of African extraction are particularly susceptible to HIV infection?
4.–Dr. Franz Liesau Zaccharias was the Abwehr agent who obtained the apes for the Nazi medical experiments. He was badly wanted by Western intelligence after the war. Why?! Western intelligence agencies certainly didn’t need anyone to teach them how to obtain apes from Africa. Experimenting on animals is not a war crime. The suspicion here is that he had discovered something of value during his primate work. Evidence also suggests that he remained part of The Underground Reich.
5.–Among the diseases that Liesau Zacharias’ animals were used for testing was “the plague”! Did the Nazis note that some people appeared to be immune to infection with plague? Were tissue and/or sera samples taken and preserved for further study? Was this in any way connected to the eventual evolution of the CCR5-delta 32 gene as a hereditary protection against infection by HIV? Is it possible that Liesau Zacharias was actually targeted for recruitment by the U.S. for Project Paperclip? Did Liesau Zacharias experience an outbreak of immunodeficiency among his primates awaiting shipment to Germany? Might such an outbreak have been due to SIV? Did Liesau Zacharias take tissue and sera samples from infected primates? Might such a development have been related to his importance to the Allies?
As the title indicates, this program examines manifestations of fascism around the world.
In Europe, we analyze:
1.-The recapitulation of Nazi and fascist elements in the current Bulgarian coalition government of Boyko Borisov. (Bulgaria was a Nazi ally in World War II.)
2.-The vitality of “regionalism”–a political/economic doctrine that advocates the secession of key prosperous regions from nation states.
3.-Analysis of regionalism as an application of globalist economic theory to Euorope.
4.-The history of regionalism’s advoacy by Third Reich veteran theoreticians.
5.-Edward Snowden and Julian Assange’s support for Catalan secession from Spain.
6.-The success of the AfD in German elections.
7.-AfD politician Alexander Gauland’s statement that Germans should be proud of what that country’s soldiers accomplished in World War II.
8.-The Austrian Freedom Party’s projected success in upcoming elections. The party was formed in 1956 by Third Reich veterans as a vehicle for re-introducing Austrian Nazis into the country’s political life.
In Latin America, we examine:
1.-The verdict that Argentine AMIA bombing investigator Alberto Nisman’s death was a murder, not a suicide.
2.-Review of the AMIA bombing investigation.
3.-The discovery of a cache of Nazi artifacts, including devices used for determining racial purity. Hitler apparently posed with some of the artificats.
4.-The role of Nisman’s widow as the judge investigating the Nazi artifact case.
5.-Operational links between American Nazi Christopher Cantwell and the Koch Brothers-funded Ludwig Von Mises Institute in Brazil.
In the United States, we detail:
1.-How Breitbart actively promoted Neo-Nazism, while downplaying what it was actually doing.
2.-How white supremacist and Nazi elements are successfully using YouTube to mainstream fascist and racist views.
In the Middle East, we highlight:
1.-Benjamin Netanyahu’s political connections with the Thyssen/Krupp firm, one of the lynchpins of the Bormann capital network.
2.-Yair Netanyahu’s attribution of his father’s political difficulties to sabotage by an international Jewish conspiracy.
3.-Ronald Regan’s 1981 citation of Ibn Khaldun as a key advocate for supply-side economics.
4.-Review of the Muslim Brotherhood’s embrace of the views of Ibn Khaldun.