Exploring a deep political, historical and economic dynamic, this program sets forth fundamental aspects of what the late, brilliant Sterling and Peggy Seagrave called “The Marcos Dynasty.”
This program excerpts two of their excellent books–which Mr. Emory emphatically recommends. There are links provided with each text excerpt to facilitate the acquisition of the books, which, again, Mr. Emory emphatically recommends.
Recently elected president of the Philippines (with close relatives of former president Duterte as aides), Ferdinand Marcos, Jr.—nicknamed Bong-Bong—has networked with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and renewed an invigorated, anti-China alliance.
Essential for an understanding of the Bong-Bong/Blinken liaison is awareness of Marcos, Jr.’s participation in his dictator father’s phenomenally lucrative recoveries of Golden Lily war gold secreted in the Philippines during World War II.
This subject is covered in the landmark text Gold Warriors by Sterling and Peggy Seagrave.
(FTR #‘s 427, 428, 446, 451, 501, 688, 689, 1106, 1107 & 1108 deal with the subject material of that consummately important book.)
Ferdinand, Sr.’s rise was aided by his “godfather,” Judge Chua, who was his biological father in an out-of-wedlock liaison. This was relatively common in the Philippines and not stigmatized as in many other societies.
Judge Chua’s position in the Chua family gave him great influence. In turn, the clan associations of Chinese in the Philippines were fundamental to the professional and social undertakings of members of that community.
Of great significance is the strong affiliation of the clans with the Kuomintang of Chiang Kai-shek, imparting a fascist ideological orientation to them. This was a major deep political influence on Ferdinand Marcos, Sr., the out-of-wedlock son of the influential Judge Chua.
Next, we present the deep political background that shaped Ferdinand Marcos and an exploration of the manner in which economic class considerations shaped alliances during the Japanese fascist occupation of the Philippines and its aftermath.
In FTR#‘s 905, 970, among other programs, we explored how the U.S. rehabilitated and resuscitated the Japanese fascist infrastructure from that nation’s World War II imperial state.
We have spoken of prominent Japanese fascists Sasakawa Ryoichi and Kodama Yoshio in numerous programs.
Combined with Chiang Kai-shek’s reactionary stance, those rehabilitated Japanese fascists constituted the critical foundation of America’s Cold War in Asia.
The MacArthur team in the Philippines during the Cold War was culled from the collaborationist milieu who worked with the Japanese during the occupation. This included the head of the Japanese occupation government, Jose Laurel, as well as Benigno Aquino Sr. and Manuel Roxas.
Following the ouster of Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. the Philippine government was headed by Cory Aquino, the widow of slain CIA agent Benigno Aquino, Jr. and Salvador Laurel, the son of Jose Laurel.
Collaborator Manuel Roxas was MacArthur’s “favorite son” to manage postwar Philippine government.
The Patreon site continues to develop and take form: The first Zoom Q & A Session is scheduled for 6/5 in the late afternoon/early evening. In addition, the latest talks develop both recent political events and historical trends. Topics of discussion include: the mass shootings in Uvalde Texas and Buffalo, NY; Donald Trump’s successful use of political mythology to develop his campaign and Presidency; the unsavory political connections of Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez; the late Senator Eugene McCarthy’s so-called “Peace Candidacy” in 1968; Mr. Emory’s own experience coming of age during the Vietnam War. Ukrainian television anchor quotes Adolf Eichmann verbatim in this video from UKRAINE 24. This video of Ukraine’s top military medical officer discussing an order to castrate Russian males is an eye-opener. WFMU-FM is podcasting For The Record–You can subscribe to the podcast HERE. Mr. Emory emphatically recommends that listeners/readers get the 32GB flash drive containing all of Mr. Emory’s 43 years on the air, plus a library of old anti-fascist books on easy-to-download PDF files.
A more compact, less pedantic format than the massive For The Record series, the latest Patreon talks focus on “Weaponized Feminism”–the #MeToo political destruction of key Democrats, eclipsing Donald Trump’s explicit sexual predation and misogynism in the wake of Hillary Clinton’s defeat. Discussion of #MeToo manifestations related to the Covid “op” and the full court press against China include a detailed discussion of the Peng Shuai “Psy-Op.” These presentations effectively challenge the conventional wisdom. Ukrainian television anchor quotes Adolf Eichmann verbatim in this video from UKRAINE 24. This video of Ukraine’s top military medical officer discussing an order to castrate Russian males is an eye-opener. WFMU-FM is podcasting For The Record–You can subscribe to the podcast HERE. Mr. Emory emphatically recommends that listeners/readers get the 32GB flash drive containing all of Mr. Emory’s 43 years on the air, plus a library of old anti-fascist books on easy-to-download PDF files.
In FTR#801, we noted that International Olympic Committee head Thomas Bach owed much of his ascent to that position from his long, close association with Adidas. WTA head Steve Simon also has a long association with Adidas. Adidas’ founder was an enthusiastic Nazi, as was his brother and alleged Gestapo agent Rudolf, founder of Puma. Both companies may well be components of the remarkable and deadly Bormann organization. The upcoming Winter Games is being compared to the 1936 Summer Games in Germany. The allegation is more than a little ironic in view of the development of Adidas and the role of the firm in those Olympics. The allegation is also spectacularly ironic in that the media flak for the “Uighur Genocide” meme is Adrian Zenz, whose political heritage is displayed in the picture above, right. WFMU-FM is podcasting For The Record–You can subscribe to the podcast HERE.
George Orwell observed that: “Political language…is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.” We present the first of a series of posts and programs set against the background of Orwell’s observation and the connections highlighted in FTR#801. In that program, we set forth the involvement and close proximity of key players in the Peng Shuai gambit to the forces of international fascism and organized crime. As a “Moon of Alabama” post makes undeniably clear, Peng Shuai did NOT charge Zhang Ghaoli with sexual assault. Her e‑mail to WTA stated exactly that. A simple check of the transcript of Ms. Shuai’s remarks underscores the accuracy of MOA’s breakdown of the event. WFMU-FM is podcasting For The Record–You can subscribe to the podcast HERE.
As William Faulkner noted: “The past is never dead and buried. It isn’t even past.” In FTR#1209–part of the recently concluded series on “The Narco-Fascism of Chiang Kai-shek and the Kuomintang”–we wrapped up the broadcast with discussion of the seminal influence of Chiang’s drug-dealing regime on associated American national security elements that continued and expanded that narcotics trafficking. A characteristically incisive, informative footnote in Peter Dale Scott’s “American War Machine” further develops the profound operational imprint that the KMT had on post World War II U.S. intelligence networks. Exemplifying the Kuomintang fascist heritage of this milieu is General George Olmstead, in charge of covert “ops” for Albert Wedemeyer, who leaked FDR’s Rainbow Five mobilization plan, as discussed in, among other programs, FTR#1202. This was a consummate act of treason. WFMU-FM is podcasting For The Record–You can subscribe to the podcast HERE.
This program concludes the series.
Introducing the expansion of American experience with Chiang and his Kuomintang fascists into U.S. Cold War policy in Asia, we present Sterling Seagrave’s rumination about Stanley Hornbeck, a State Department flack who became: “. . . . the doyen of State’s Far Eastern Division. . . .”
Hornbeck “ . . . . had only the most abbreviated and stilted knowledge of China, and had been out of touch personally for many years. . . . He withheld cables from the Secretary of State that were critical of Chiang, and once stated that ‘the United States Far Eastern policy is like a train running on a railroad track. It has been clearly laid out and where it is going is plain to all.’ It was in fact bound for Saigon in 1975, with whistle stops along the way at Peking, Quemoy, Matsu, and the Yalu River. . . .”
Next, the program highlights key aspects of the career of Ching-Ling Soong, aka Mme. Sun Yat-sen.
Sister of Ai-Ling (aka Mme. H.H. Kung), Mae-ling (aka Mme. Chiang Kai-shek) and T.V., T.A. and T.L. Soong, she had a long and remarkable career.
For the purposes of this description, we re-print material from FTR#1202.
The fate of the Third Force or Third Option formed by Mme. Sun Yat-sen (nee Ching-ling Soong) and Teng Yen-ta, a persistent critic of Chiang Kai-shek, was predictable.
Disillusioned with Communism after a sojourn in Moscow, Mme. Sun Yat-sen partnered with Teng Yen-ta, who recognized Chiang’s fascism and, yet, felt that the Chinese Communist Party (at that point in time) was overly loyal to Moscow and wasn’t doing enough for the Chinese peasantry.
Both Ching-ling and Teng Yen-ta sought an alternative to both Kuomintang fascism and the Chinese Communist Party.
Finding the democratic socialism proposed by Ching-ling and Teng Yen-ta unacceptable, Chiang had the British and American police authorities arrest him in the International Concession in Shanghai, after which he was tortured for many months.
Ching-ling was reported to have visited Chiang to plead for Teng Yen-ta’s release. Chiang had already dealt with him in characteristic fashion: “ . . . . Days earlier, on November 29, 1931, nearly a year after his arrest, Ten Yen-ta had been taken from his cell at Chiang’s command and was slowly strangled with a wire. The executioner was said to be famous for keeping victims alive for half an hour while he tightened his grip. In his office, Chiang had remained silent while Ching-ling pleaded for a man already dead, enjoying the spectacle of her momentary vulnerability. . . .”
Next, we recount Mme. Sun’s encounter with a Kuomintang/Green Gang agent.
After rebuffing his political approach, Mme. Sun Yat-sen demolished his political persona.
. . . . “Soong: ‘There is only one way to silence me, Mr. Tai. Shoot me or imprison me. If you don’t then it simply means that you admit you are not wrongly accused. But whatever you do, do it openly like me, don’t . . . surround me with spies.’
Tai: ‘I shall call again upon my return from Nanking.
Soong: ‘Further conversations would be useless—the gulf between us is too wide.’
As Tai Ch’i‑tao and his wife left, the old man turned and—his tongue flicking over dry lips (he was a very nervous man)—hissed out a parting bit of venom: ‘If you were anyone but Madame Sun, we would cut your head off.’
Ching-ling smiled. ‘If you were the revolutionaries you pretend to be, you’d cut it off anyway.’. . .”
Information presented by Sterling Seagrave–of which Mr. Emory was not previously aware–indicates that the CCP is more nuanced than Americans have been led to believe.
Although resisting membership in the Communist Party and attempting to re-start the Third Option on the eve of Chiang’s capitulation and flight to Taiwan, Mme. Sun Yat-sen was installed as one of three Vice-Chairmen of the government.
Again, this is not something of which Mr. Emory was aware until reading this book.
“ . . . . Ching-ling sold many of her remaining possessions to support programs of the China Welfare League she had founded. In 1948, with the Chiang regime ready to flee and the Communists on their way to victory, she took part in a last attempt to organize an alternative to both communism and fascism—a new version of the Third Force. It was called the Revolutionary Committee, and Ching-ling was named its honorary chairman. Its constituency was the powerless. . . .”
“ . . . . When the People’s Republic came into existence, Ching-ling became one of the three non-Communist political leaders chosen as Vice-Chairmen of the Central Government in Peking. . . .”
Mme. Sun (Ching-ling Soong) manifested a strongly independent ideological stance, which, while anti-fascist and anti-imperialist, sought (as we have seen) a “Third Force” or “Third Option” between Communism and Chiang’s narco-fascism.
That independence of mind, demonstrated through decades of social struggle, plus outright jealousy on the part of Madame Mao led to defamation and persecution during the disastrous Cultural Revolution, with Mme. Sun narrowly escaping the ravages of the Red Guard.
“ . . . . During the Red Guard rampages of the 1960’s, the job of protecting Madame Sun became nerve-racking. Posters appeared denouncing her, and it was not safe for her to go anywhere. . . .”
“ . . . . In the summer of 1966, Premier Chou En-lai was forced to warn the Red Guards to cease their verbal attacks on Madame Sun, and to stop putting up posters accusing her of being a bourgeois reactionary. On September 21, 1966, in Shanghai where the Red Guard movement frequently got out of control, a mob stormed Ching-ling’s house on the Avenue Joffre and looted it. Ching-ling was not in Shanghai at the time. She let the incident pass without comment. Her chief adversary was the wife of Chairman Mao, who apparently resented the fact that Ching-ling was always mentioned as the woman of highest rank in China.
“ . . . . When the Red Guard movement abated, and Madame Mao and the celebrated Gang of Four were tried in a people’s court as counterrevolutionaries, Ching-ling’s life settled back into a tranquil twilight. . . .”
“ . . . . On May 16, 1981, Soong Ching-ling was named honorary President of China. . . . She succumbed to leukemia on May 29, 1981, in her Peking home. . . . But, in an interview once with writer Han Suyin, Ching-ling put into words the legacy she had learned most bitterly from the time of the Soongs:
The Soong Dynasty concludes with an epilogue which is noteworthy in several respects. The prose is of a character that one does not see anymore. Eloquent, poignant, passionate and yet, at the same time, bitingly, ironically humorous, Seagrave’s writing is remarkable in, and of, itself.
Beyond the prose, the epilogue is remarkable for the elaborate historical metaphor that it presents: discussion of the corruption and brutality of the late Manchu Dynasty and the Dowager Empress, whom Seagrave refers to as “The Old Buddha.” (He later published a volume about her reign titled The Dragon Lady.)
Seagrave’s discussion of the Dowager Empress’s intrigues and brutal murder of the Pearl Concubine constitutes a metaphor for the lethal, consummately corrupt government of Chiang Kai-shek and his puppet masters, the Soongs.
As foreign armies were approaching Peking during the Boxer Rebellion, “The Old Buddha” made arrangements to flee the palace known as The Forbidden City, donning a disguise and taking the Emperor with her.
When the Emperor sought to remain in Peking to negotiate with the foreign armies and enlisted the assistance of his favorite consort—the Pearl Concubine—in order to persuade the Dowager Empress.
The Pearl Concubine had resisted conforming to the will of the Dowager Empress, and “The Old Buddha” took this occasion to eliminate this element of resistance to her palace intrigues, a longtime obstacle to her political orders.
“ . . . . The Pearl Concubine had been a thorn in the Dowager’s side, interfering with palace intrigues by giving independent advice to the Emperor. It was time to dispose of her. The Dowager bellowed orders. Two eunuchs seized the Pearl Concubine. In terror, the Emperor went to his knees and begged for her life. But the eunuchs carried the struggling girl to the narrow well by the Palace of Peace and Longevity, turned her upside down in her shimmering cocoon of silks, and flung her shrieking into its maw. Because the well was so narrow, the eunuchs jumped on her to force her down. . . . .”
Sterling Seagrave then sets forth the murderous nature of the late Manchu rule of the Dowager Empress—a metaphor for the bloody corruption of Chiang’s fascist government.
“ . . . . The Forbidden City is a graveyard of souls, drowned, beheaded, throttled, flayed alive, to silence them in the interests of state. Here, murder was not an act of passion but an instrument of rule. Judicial murder. Imperial murder. Silence by assassination. To stifle those who would interfere, who would object, who would question, who would say no. . . .”
Sterling Seagrave then pivots to the Soong family: “ . . . . The others passed through life like a team of pickpockets through a carnival crowd, doing what they did best, while the rubes watched geeks bite heads off live chickens. There are those who insist that May-ling remained innocent throughout by virtue of her tunnel vision. It is not for me to say, except that these people also believe in virgin birth.
“They were a family that could stand together in front of a mirror (Ching-ling missing from the group by choice), all casting reflections except Ai-ling. She cast no reflection at all. What medieval conclusion can we draw? . . . .”
Seagrave concludes with a reference to Harry Truman’s launching of an FBI investigation of the Soong family. (We discussed this in FTR#1205 .)
“ . . . . Of all the people who might have acted, I wondered why Harry Truman did nothing. . . . . Perhaps he concluded that so many prominent people were involved it would not be good for the nation as they say. So nearly everyone stayed silent. Nobody spoke for the victims. Who, then, will speak for the concubine in the well? . . .”
The program reviews the death threats and intimidation that the authors of Gold Warriors received over the publication of this and other books.
“. . . . Many people told us this book was historically important and must be published—then warned us that if it were published, we would be murdered. An Australian economist who read it said, ” I hope they let you live.” He did not have to explain who “they” were. . . .
“. . . .
We have been threatened with murder before. When we published The Soong Dynasty we were warned by a senior CIA official that a hit team was being assembled in Taiwan to come murder us. He said, ‘I would take this very seriously, if I were you.’ We vanished for a year to an island off the coast of British Columbia. While we were gone, a Taiwan hit team arrived in San Francisco and shot dead the Chinese-American journalist Henry Liu.
When we published The Marcos Dynasty we expected trouble from the Marcos family and its cronies, but instead we were harassed by Washington. Others had investigated Marcos, but we were the first to show how the U.S. Government was secretly involved with Marcos gold deals. We came under attack from the U.S. Treasury Department and its Internal Revenue Service, whose agents made threatening midnight phone calls to our elderly parents. Arriving in New York for an author tour, one of us was intercepted at JFK airport, passport seized, and held incommunicado for three hours. Eventually the passport was returned, without a word of explanation. When we ran Freedom of Information queries to see what was behind it, we were grudgingly sent a copy of a telex message, on which every word was blacked out, including the date. The justification given for this censorship was the need to protect government sources, which are above the law.
During one harassing phone call from a U.S. Treasury agent, he said he was sitting in his office watching an interview we had done for a Japanese TV network—an interview broadcast only in Japanese, which we had never seen. After publishing The Yamato Dynasty, which briefly mentioned the discovery that is the basis for Gold Warriors, our phones and email were tapped. We know this because when one of us was in a European clinic briefly for a medical procedure, the head nurse reported that “someone posing as your American doctor” had been on the phone asking questions.
When a brief extract of this book was published in the South China Morning Post in August 2001, several phone calls from the editors were cut off suddenly. Emails from the newspaper took 72 hours to reach us, while copies sent to an associate nearby arrived instantly. In recent months, we began to receive veiled death threats.
What have we done to provoke murder? To borrow a phrase from Jean Ziegler, we are “combating official amnesia.” We live in dangerous times, like Germany in the 1930’s when anyone who makes inconvenient disclosures about hidden assets can be branded a “terrorist” or a “traitor. . . .”
Despite the best efforts of the American and Japanese governments to destroy, withhold, or lose documentation related to Golden Lily, we have accumulated thousands of documents, conducted thousands of hours of interviews, and we make all of these available to readers of this book on two compact discs, available from our website www.bowstring.net [no longer online–D.E.] so they can make up their own minds. We encourage others with knowledge of these events to come forward. When the top is corrupt, the truth will not come from the top. It will emerge in bits and pieces from people like Jean Ziegler and Christophe Meili, who decided they had to ‘do something.’ As a precaution, should anything odd happen, we have arranged for this book and all its documentation to be put up on the Internet at a number of sites. If we are murdered, readers will have no difficulty figuring out who ‘they’ are. . . .”
Sterling’s fears about Opus Dei and his and Peggy’s proximity to Spain–the seat of that organization’s power turned out to be prescient. On Christmas Day of 2011, he narrowly escaped assassination while returning home. He felt that the attempt on his life may well have been motivated by the publication of the Spanish language edition of Gold Warriors.
. . . . Seagrave will be remembered warmly by Verso staff for his lively correspondence. In a 2011 email, he described an attempt on his life that followed the Spanish publication of Gold Warriors:
“A hired thug tried to murder me on the serpentine road leading up to our isolated house on the ridge overlooking Banyuls-sur-Mer, and nearly succeeded. (We’ve had several serious death threats because of our books.) The road was very narrow in places, with tarmac barely the width of my tires. At 10 pm Christmas night, in 2011, after visiting Peggy at a clinic in Perpignan, as I turned the final hairpin, I clearly saw a guy sitting on a cement block path leading up to a shed for the uphill vineyard. He was obviously waiting for me because we were the only people living up there on that mountain shoulder. He jumped up, raised a long pole, and unfurled a black fabric that totally blocked the narrowest turn ahead of me. I tried to swerve to avoid him (not knowing whether he also had a gun), and my right front drive wheel went off the tarmac and lost traction in the rubble.
The car teetered and then plunged down through a steep vineyard on my right side, rolling and bouncing front and rear, 100 meters into a ravine where it finally came to rest against a tree. Thanks to my seatbelt and air bag, I survived. I don’t know how many concussions I got on the way down, but I managed to squeeze out the driver’s door and fell onto the rubble. I got up on my left hand and knees, but my right shoulder caved in. (Turned out later that I had fractured my right shoulder, and all the ligaments there had torn loose.) I passed out and remained unconscious for 14 hours. After 12 hours, a vigneron driving up the next morning saw my wrecked car and body.
He called the Gendarmerie on his portable, and I was hoisted out unconscious by a chopper and flown to an old Victorian-era hospital in Perpignan where they did nothing but keep me doped on morphine for two weeks — no X‑rays or serious medical care. Finally, friends in Banyuls got me (and Peggy) transferred to a clinic on the beach there, where Peggy and I shared a room while we both recovered. I got my right shoulder ligaments fixed by an excellent surgeon in Perpignan. (Peggy did not know it then but she had an early stage of cancer.) I still have a hairline fracture in my right shoulder.
I attribute the event to staying too long in one place, so the spooks eventually tracked me down. We had been living for years on a sailboat, moving from Holland to Britain to Portugal to Spain and finally to France, where we found — in Catalonia — an ideal village at the Mediterranean end of the Pyrenees. In retrospect, I’m sorry I agreed to move ashore for Peggy’s sake, and sold the beautiful 43-foot boat I had built from a bare hull. It was very comfortable, but Peggy wanted a house. We never did find the right house in Banyuls — so we spent 18 years restoring a 13th century Templar ruin on the shoulder of the mountain. Made me an easy target. Definitely a bad decision. I think it was the Spanish edition of Gold Warriors that made me the easy target.
In FTR#‘s 1107, 1108 and 1111, we set forth the highly suspicious circumstances surrounding the death (and probable murder) of author Iris Chang. A ringing endorsement by Ms. Chang graces the cover of Gold Warriors.
Ms. Chang’s signature work–The Rape of Nanking–detailed one of the initial events in Japan’s looting of China during World War II, an act which the U.S. signed off on and profited from in the postwar years.
At the time of her altogether suspicious death, she was working on a book about the Bataan Death March, at the very time that survivors of that event and other Japanese World War II atrocities were suing Japanese zaibatsus that had employed U.S. POW’s as slave labor.
The suit was rebuffed by U.S. courts.
When Mr. Emory interviewed Sterling Seagrave in 2009, he declined to discuss Ms. Chang’s death, which he, too, believed to be murder.
This program undertakes a speculative look at the life and family history of Barack Obama, analyzed in the context of the American Deep State.
It was under Obama that the “pivot to Asia” took place, with his then Vice-President Joe Biden now pursuing the anti-China policy with a consuming vigor.
(We note, also, Avril Haines, who was Obama’s Deputy Director of Central Intelligence, then worked as a paid consultant for Peter Thiel’s Palantir firm, was a key participant in Event 201, served as a key member of Biden’s transition team and, ultimately, became Director of National Intelligence, a position from which she helped initiate the momentum to legitimize the “Lab-Leak Theory” of the origin of Covid.)
The central element in our analysis is the professional and political circumstances surrounding the Obama family’s involvement in Indonesia in the immediate aftermath of the slaughter.
The available information suggests that the benign interpretation of the Obama family’s circumstances is not accurate.
Those circumstances are encapsulated: Key Points of Discussion nd Analysis Include: Lolo Soetoro’s work as a civilian employee of the Indonesian Army at the East-West Institute in Hawaii (headed up at the time by Howard Jones, for years U.S. Ambassador to Indonesia); Soetoro’s meeting of (Stanley) Ann Dunham at the East-West Institute; Soetoro’s return to Indonesia in 1966; Soetoro’s work for the Indonesian army following the coup; Soetoro’s work for Unocal and Mobil, two of the key oil companies in Indonesia that faced possible nationalization by Sukarno; Ann Dunham’s work for USAID and Ford Foundation in Indonesia (both common covers for CIA work abroad); Soetoro’s account of having seen a man killed in “bloody” fashion; the dubious nature of claims by the Obama clan that Ms. Dunham learned of the slaughter that had just taken place through quiet asides and innuendo (numerous press accounts available through U.S. media outlets had reported the massacre); Ann Dunham’s subsequent work for the Ford Foundation in Indonesia, under Peter Geithner (whose son Timothy Geithner became Obama’s Secretary of the Treasury); Barack Obama’s work for the Business International Corporation between college and graduate school (the company has, in the past, served as a “corporate cover” for CIA employees); Obama’s biological father’s meeting of Ann Dunham in a Russian language class at the University of Hawaii in 1960, after entering the U.S. under a joint CIA-State Department program initiated under the auspices of Tom Mboya in Kenya (later assassinated because of his perceived/alleged links to CIA).
We are of the opinion that Obama is part of a Deep State, trans-generational intelligence network and his stewardship of the “pivot to Asia,” Avril Haines key position in the events surrounding the full-court press against China, and “Delaware Joe” [Biden]‘s pursuit of a vigorous anti-China policy are part of the straight railway line of Asian policy described by Stanley Hornbeck: “. . . . the doyen of State’s Far Eastern Division. . . . [Hornbeck] had only the most abbreviated and stilted knowledge of China, and had been out of touch personally for many years. . . . He withheld cables from the Secretary of State that were critical of Chiang, and once stated that ‘the United States Far Eastern policy is like a train running on a railroad track. It has been clearly laid out and where it is going is plain to all.’ It was in fact bound for Saigon in 1975, with whistle stops along the way at Peking, Quemoy, Matsu, and the Yalu River. . . .”
The program begins with discussion of the formation of the World Anti-Communist League in Taiwan under Chiang Kai-shek.
Key Points of Discussion and Analysis Include: Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang and their support for the Indonesian coup, including staging attacks on the Chinese embassy in Jakarta; Taiwan as the site for the merging of the Asian People’s Anti-Communist League with the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations to form the World Anti-Communist League; the role of Adrian Zenz in the fabrication of the Uighur genocide meme; Zenz’s association with the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, a derivative of the Captive Nations Committee, a subsidiary of the OUN/B and deeply involved with the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations; the role of elements of the Azov Battalion and Pravy Sektor in the “pro-democracy” movement in Hong Kong; the adoption by the “pro-Democracy movement” of a permutation of the “Glory to Ukraine, Glory to The Heroes” salute of the OUN/B; review of the networking between Ruzy Nazar and the Pan-Turkist and Nazi deep political forces at work in Xinjiang province; review of Nazar’s representation of the ABN at WACL’s conference in Dallas, Texas.
Following discussion of the formation of WACL, the program highlights the importance of the Indonesian oil companies to the U.S. and their Indonesian satraps.
Introducing the expansion of American experience with Chiang and his Kuomintang fascists into U.S. Cold War policy in Asia, we present Sterling Seagrave’s rumination about Stanley Hornbeck, a State Department flack who became: “. . . . the doyen of State’s Far Eastern Division. . . .”
Hornbeck “ . . . . had only the most abbreviated and stilted knowledge of China, and had been out of touch personally for many years. . . . He withheld cables from the Secretary of State that were critical of Chiang, and once stated that ‘the United States Far Eastern policy is like a train running on a railroad track. It has been clearly laid out and where it is going is plain to all.’ It was in fact bound for Saigon in 1975, with whistle stops along the way at Peking, Quemoy, Matsu, and the Yalu River. . . .”
This program chronicles the U.S. coup in Indonesia. In our landmark series of interviews with Jim DiEugenio, we noted that President Kennedy’s assassination put the railway described by Stanley Hornbeck back on schedule in Indonesia, as it had been put back on schedule in Vietnam.
“ . . . . The United States was part and parcel of the operation at every stage, starting well before the killings started, until the last body dropped and the last political prisoner emerged from jail, decades later, tortured, scarred, and bewildered. . . . the U.S. government helped spread the propaganda that made the killing possible, and engaged in constant conversations with the Army to make sure the military officers had everything they needed, from weapons to kill lists. . . . knowing full well that the method being employed to make this possible was to round up hundreds of thousands of people around the country, stab or strangle them, and throw their corpses into rivers. . . . Up to a million Indonesians, maybe more, were killed as part of Washington’s global anticommunist crusade. The U. S. government expended significant resources over years engineering the conditions for a violent clash, and then, when the violence broke out, assisted and guided its longtime partners to carry out the mass murder of civilians as a means of achieving US geopolitical goals. . . .”
Key Points of Discussion and Analysis Include: The Johnson Administration’s determination to wage a “major war against Indonesia; the inability of U.S. strategic planners to comprehend Indonesia’s status of non-alignment in the Cold War outside of the “either with us or against us” operational paradigm that was institutionalized in U.S. foreign and national security under the Dulles brothers during the Eisenhower administration; Pakistan’s ambassador to Paris sent a letter to foreign minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto: “ . . . . Western intelligence agencies were organizing a ‘premature communist coup.’ Indonesia, the NATO officer told him, ‘was ready to fall into the Western lap like a rotten apple.’. . .” The enthusiastic coverage of the Indonesian slaughter in the Western press, exemplified by The New York Times’ C.L. Sulzberger, who penned the piece “When a Nation Runs Amok”; the cultural chauvinism tinged with racism of the Western press coverage, embodied by Sulzberger’s piece: “ . . . . the killings occurred in ‘violent Asia, where life is cheap . . . . hidden behind their [Indonesians] smile is that strange Malay streak, that inner, frenzied blood-lust which has given to other languages one of their few Malay words: amok . . . .”; The fact that the main point of irritation in the U.S. about the PKI (Indonesia’s Communist Party) was not that they were undemocratic or trying to seize power through subversion, but that they “were popular;” the role of U.S. plantation managers and corporate personnel in submitting names to the Indonesian army and its allies for liquidation; Historian John Roosa’s encapsulation of the results of the slaughter: “ . . . . Almost overnight the Indonesian government went from being a fierce voice for cold war neutrality and anti-imperialism to a quiet, compliant partner of the US world order. . . .”; New York Times columnist James Reston’s characterization of the coup and resulting slaughter as “A Gleam of Light in Asia” that outweighed U.S. setbacks in Vietnam; he—by now—longstanding and well-recognized American tactic of “making the economy scream;” Suharto’s deliberate engineering of hyperinflation in order to restrict the supply of fundamentals needed by people to sustain their lives; “The U.S. government was intentionally destabilizing the economy;” Robert Kennedy’s criticism of the Indonesian coup; U.S. corporations finding Indonesia “open for business”; a business conference sponsored by James Linen, President of Time-Life (it was Time-Life that was–to a considerable extent–the eyes and ears of the U.S. on both Chiang Kai-shek and the assassination of J.F.K.; The slaughter that took place on the island of Bali, something of an iconic tropical paradise; analysis of the significance of machetes being used in the slaughter of scores of thousands on the beautiful Bali beaches–the machete is not a blade used by the Balinese, who use a thinner, domestic cutting tool caused the klewang; Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang and their support for the Indonesian coup, including staging attacks on the Chinese embassy in Jakarta; Taiwan as the site for the merging of the Asian People’s Anti-Communist League with the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations to form the World Anti-Communist League.
Epitomizing and encapsulating the coup was the butchery that transpired on the Island of Bali and its aftermath in the contemporary luxury resort economy that prevails there:
” . . . . Then he [Wayan Badra] heard what was happening on the beaches. They were bringing people from the city to the east to kill them on the sand. It was public property there, and empty at night. The bodies were abandoned there. . . . they found a field of bodies. . . .They began looking through bones, picking up skulls. . . . There were just ‘too many skulls, too many skeletons. . . . In total, at least 5 percent of the population of Bali was killed—that is, eighty thousand people . . . .”
” . . . . Wayan Bandra, the Hindu priest, lives on the street where he grew up, in Seminyak, Southwest Bali. But the neighborhood has changed drastically. The same beach he used to walk on for forty minutes every morning, as he headed to school down in Kuta, is certainly not empty. It’s packed wall to wall with luxury resorts and ‘beach clubs,’ a very common type of business on the island, where foreigners can sip cocktails all day, and take a dip in a pool, right on the sand. It’s the same sand, of course, where the military brought people from Kerobokan, a few miles east, to kill them at night. . . .”
” . . . . . . . . Over the years, Wayan Badra and his neighbors have found bones and skulls in the sand . . . . As the elder priest for this village, he takes it upon himself to give the bodies a proper Hindu funeral. . . .”
Introducing the expansion of American experience with Chiang and his Kuomintang fascists into U.S. Cold War policy in Asia, we present Sterling Seagrave’s rumination about Stanley Hornbeck, a State Department flack who became: “. . . . the doyen of State’s Far Eastern Division. . . .”
Hornbeck “ . . . . had only the most abbreviated and stilted knowledge of China, and had been out of touch personally for many years. . . . He withheld cables from the Secretary of State that were critical of Chiang, and once stated that ‘the United States Far Eastern policy is like a train running on a railroad track. It has been clearly laid out and where it is going is plain to all.’ It was in fact bound for Saigon in 1975, with whistle stops along the way at Peking, Quemoy, Matsu, and the Yalu River. . . .”
Next, we visit one of the stops on Hornbeck’s straight railway line:
A consummately important study of Vietnam War crimes was authored by Nick Turse. A review by the U.S. Naval Institute can be taken as an advisory in this regard.
Mr. Turse performs the remarkable feat of unsparingly searing presentation of the war crimes that were standard operating procedure for much of the American (and allied) forces in Vietnam by tracing the foundation of those crimes from the technocratic approach to military strategy pursued by the Pentagon and Robert McNamara, through the re-socialization and re-programming of young, often teen-aged, recruits to turn them into reflexive killers, chronicling the massive firepower available to U.S. forces, and documenting the recalcitrant attitude of the officer corps and General Staff, who were unwilling to countenance the professional and ideological damage that would result from presentation and adjudication of the truth.
In addition, Mr. Turse–while avoiding self-righteous posturing–highlights the doctrinaire racism of many U.S. combatants, who committed war crimes behind the “MGR”–the “Mere Gook Rule.”
“ ‘An important addition to Vietnam war studies . . . . Turse’s study is not anti-veteran, anti-military, or anti-American. It does not allege that the majority of U.S. military personnel in South Vietnam committed crimes. . . .” Proceedings (U.S. Naval Institute).
Nick Turse traces the strategic use of overwhelming firepower and de facto countenancing of civilian casualties owes much to the tactical approach of Japanese forces during World War II in China: “ . . . . These efforts were commonly known as ‘pacification,’ but their true aim was to depopulate the contested countryside. ‘The people are like water and the army is like fish.’ Mao Zedong, the leader of the Chinese Communist revolution, had famously written. American planners grasped his dictum, and also studied the ‘kill-all, burn-all, loot-all’ scorched earth campaigns that the Japanese army launched in rural China during the 1930s and early 1940s for lessons on how to drain the ‘sea.’ Not surprisingly the idea of forcing peasants out of their villages was embraced by civilian pacification officials and military officers alike. . . .”
The accounts of many G.I.’s about war crimes appear to be largely representative of the conduct of U.S. forces: “ . . . . While we have only fragmentary evidence about the full extent of civilian suffering in South Vietnam, enough similar accounts exist so that roughly the same story could have been told in a chapter about Binh Dinh Province in the mid-1960’s, or Quang Tri Province in the early 1970s, among others. The incidents in this chapter were unbearably commonplace throughout the conflict and are unusual only in that they were reported in some form or recounted by witnesses instead of vanishing entirely from the historical record.”
Turse notes that racism–embodied in the “MGR” (Mere Gook Rule)—contributed fundamentally to the slaughter perpetrated by the U.S. in Vietnam. “ . . . . In 1971, Major Gordon Livingston, a West Point graduate who served as regimental surgeon with the 11th Armored Cavalry Regiment, testified before members of Congress about the ease with which Americans killed Vietnamese. ‘Above 90 percent of the Americans with whom I had contact in Vietnam,’ said Dr. Livingston, treated the Vietnamese as subhuman snd with ‘nearly universal contempt.’ . . . .”
Turse’s very important and profoundly disturbing book encapsulates the American policy in Vietnam. Speaking of the Phoenix assassination program: “ . . . . Phoenix was a program run amok, but it was also the logical result of a military campaign driven by the body count and run under the precept of the mere-gook rule. For the Vietnamese the American war was an endless gauntlet of potential calamities . . . . the range of disasters was nearly endless.
While no exact figures are available, there can be little question that such events occurred in shocking numbers. They were the very essence of the war: crimes that went on all the time, all over South Vietnam, for years and years. When you consider this along with the tallies of dead, wounded, and displaced, the scale of the suffering becomes almost unimaginable—almost as unimaginable as the fact that somehow, in the United States all that suffering was more or less ignored as it happened and then written out of history even more thoroughly in the decades since. . . .”
Stanley Hornbeck referred to U.S. Far Eastern policy as a railroad track, proceeding on a straight line. Sterling Seagrave noted that ” . . . . It was in fact bound for Saigon in 1975, with whistle stops along the way at Peking, Quemoy, Matsu, and the Yalu River. . . .”
The reference to the Yalu River is in consideration of a key incident in the Korean War. General Douglas MacArthur was warned by military intelligence professionals not to approach the Yalu River during his advance through North Korea, lest the Chinese enter the conflict.
MacArthur ignored the warning of the military intelligence professionals with the ultimate result that they forecast: Chinese forces entered the conflict and routed the forces under MacArthur’s command.
During the precipitous retreat of the American and U.N. forces, it appears that the U.S. used biological warfare against the Chinese and North Korea.
In numerous programs and lectures, we have discussed the important, devastatingly successively mind control programs engaged in by the military and CIA. Those programs were developed in reaction to downed American airmen who–after captivity–gave testimony that they had been involved in biological warfare attacks against China and North Korea during the war.
A superb book about Unit 731–the Japanese biological warfare unit during World War II–had a chapter in the British edition that was omitted in the American edition. (Sadly, the books are out of print, although both the British and American editions are available through used-book services. Mr. Emory heartily encourages listeners to obtain the book. Even the American edition–missing this key chapter–is worthwhile. Hopefully, a publisher will obtain the rights to the book and re-issue it. If so, we will enthusiastically promote the work.)
The chapter in the UK edition chronicles the investigation into the allegations of American BW use during the Korean War, including circumstantial evidence that Unit 731 veterans and methodology may well have been used in the alleged campaign. That chapter is altogether objective, avoiding ideological bias toward either side in the conflict.
Because of that, we found the omission of this chapter from the U.S. edition to be significant. As the brilliant Peter Dale Scott noted: “The cover-up obviates the conspiracy.” It is a matter of public record that Unit 731’s files were incorporated into the U.S. biological warfare program, and veterans of the Unit bequeathed their expertise to the Americans in exchange from immunity from prosecution for war crimes.
It is a matter of public record that Unit 731’s files were incorporated into the U.S. biological warfare program, and veterans of the Unit bequeathed their expertise to the Americans in exchange from immunity from prosecution for war crimes.
FTR#1172 presents the scientific credentials of the International Scientific Commission investigating the allegations of biological warfare, which are impressive and their conclusions are credible.
The introduction of FTR#1173 consists of reading and analysis of Tom O’Neill’s presentation of the career of one of the CIA’s most important MK-Ultra mind control operatives, which occurred in the immediate aftermath of the Korean War–1954.
Note that Jimmie Shaver was serving in the Air Force. Personnel from that branch were involved in the allegations of BW waged by the U.S. Those allegations were the rationale for the U.S. mind control programs, developed to combat Chinese “brainwashing” which was alleged to have precipitated the basis for the testimony by USAF.
Louis Jolyon West was Jack Ruby’s psychiatrist, and presented the untenable hypothesis that Ruby killed Oswald because he had a brief psychomotor epileptic event in the basement of the Dallas jail. In fact, the evidence suggests strongly that West had helped to erase Ruby’s memory of having killed Oswald.
West’s work with Ruby helped to keep the train of U.S. Far Eastern policy running on track.
The broadcast sets forth the murder of Chere Jo Horton, a three-year-old girl whose mutilation, rape and murder were pinned on 29-year-old Jimmie Shaver.
An obvious victim of mind control, apparently implemented in considerable measure by Louis Jolyon West, Shaver was programmed to take responsibility for the killing, despite enormous contradictions in the evidence.
O’Neill’s discussion of West, Shaver, the mind control programs and the Manson Family “op” is part of what appears to be a domestic Phoenix Program, designed to win “hearts and minds” in the U.S. during the Vietnam War.
Key Points of Discussion and analysis include:
1.–Shaver’s unusual behavior and demeanor at the initial scene of the crime: ” . . . . He was shirtless, covered in blood and scratches. Making no attempt to escape, he let the search party walk him to the edge of the highway. Bystanders described him as ‘dazed’ and ‘trance-like’ . . . .”
2.–Shaver’s apparent lack of awareness of the immediate circumstances of the crime: ” ‘What’s going on here?’ he asked. He didn’t seem drunk, but he couldn’t say where he was, how he’d gotten there, or whose blood was all over him. Meanwhile, the search party found Horton’s body in the gravel pit. Her neck was broken, her legs had been torn open, and she’s been raped. . . .”
3.–” . . . . Around four that morning, an Air Force marshal questioned Shaver and two doctors examined him, agreeing he wasn’t drunk. One later testified that he ‘was not normal . . . . he was very composed outside, which I did not expect him to be under these circumstances.’ . . .”
4.–Shaver didn’t recognize his own wife when she came to visit him. ” . . . . When his wife came to visit, he didn’t recognize her. . . .”
5.–Initially, he believed someone else committed the crime. ” . . . . He gave his first statement at 10:30 a.m., adamant that another man was responsible: he could summon an image of a stranger with blond hair and tattoos. . . .”
6.–Eventually, he signed a statement taking responsibility: ” . . . . After the Air Force marshal returned to the jailhouse, however, Shaver signed a second statement taking full responsibility. Though he still didn’t remember anything, he reasoned that he must have done it. . . .”
7.–Enter Jolly West: ” . . . . Two months later, in September, Shaver’s memories still hadn’t returned. The base hospital commander told Jolly West to perform an evaluation: was he legally sane at the time of the murder? Shaver spent the next two weeks under West’s supervision . . . While Shaver was under–with West injecting more truth serum to ‘deepen the trance’–Shaver recalled the events of that night. He confessed to killing Horton. . . .”
8.–West was a defense witness who, instead, appears to have aided the prosecution: ” . . . . At the trial, West argued that Shaver’s truth-serum confession was more valid than any other. And West was testifying for the defense . . . .”
9.–Shaver’s behavior at the trial is further suggestive of mind control: ” . . . . One newspaper account said he ‘sat through the strenuous sessions like a man in a trance,’ saying nothing, never rising to stretch or smoke, though he was a known chain-smoker. ‘Some believe it’s an act,’ the paper said, ‘others believe his demeanor is real. . . .”
10.–Shaver’s medical records at Lackland Air Force base had vanished. ” . . . . But, curiously, all the records for patients in 1954 had been maintained, with one exception: the file for last names beginning with ‘Sa’ through ‘St’ had vanished. . . .”
11.–West posed leading questions to Shaver, who denied having ever taken the victim’s clothes off. ” . . . . West had used leading questions to walk the entranced Shaver through the crime. ‘Tell me about when you took your clothes off, Jimmy,’ he said. And trying to prove that Shaver had repressed memories: ‘Jimmy, do you remember when something like this happened before?’ Or: ‘After you took her clothes off, what did you do?’ ‘I never did take her clothes off,’ Shaver said. . . .”
12.–The interview was divided into thirds, the middle third of which was not recorded! ” . . . . The interview [with Shaver] was divided into thirds. The middle third, for some reason, wasn’t recorded. When the record picked up, the manuscript said, ‘Shaver is crying. He has been confronted with all the facts repeatedly.’ . . .”
Next, we review Luce’s beatification of Chiang Kai-shek in Life magazine, portraying the Generalissimo as a Christian martyr: “ . . . . Chiang Kai-shek has heretofore shown himself a man of remarkable courage and resolution. . . . He is a converted Methodist who has now for solace the examples of tribulation in the Christian bible. . . .”
Adding further depth to the Luce/Time Inc. meme of Chiang Kai-shek as an iconic Christian is his “brothel-hopping” behavior with his fellow Christian convert, Tu Yueh-sheng.
“ . . . . At the opposite end of the Shanghai social scale, Big-eared Tu enjoyed visiting the famous Blue Villa and cruising the other Green Gang brothels in the Blue Chamber District with a young, ill-tempered bravo by the name of Chiang Kai-shek. . . .”
he prostitutes in the brothels were subjects of the brutal practice of footbinding;
“ . . . . Since this netherworld consumed so much of Chiang’s and Tu’s attention, it requires a closer look. The Chinese brothels, almost without exception, were staffed by girls with bound feet—the ideal being less than three inches long. These were objects of extraordinary sexual excitement, and enjoyed a central role in any noisy evening. . . .”
More about the practice of footbinding, long-since forbidden in China.
“ . . . . Footbinding usually began at age four. A ten-foot long two-inch bandage was wrapped around the toes to force them in against the sole. Each day the bandage was tightened until the foot was folded under with only the big toe sticking out, a shape called the ‘Golden Lotus’ because it resembled a lotus pod with the petals removed. Flesh rotted and fell off, sometimes a toe or two, and the foot oozed pus, until the process of deformation was complete after two years, at which point the feet were practically dead. . . .”
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