FTR #1150 The Space Plane and Covid-19: The Paperclip Legacy, Part 5

This pro­gram com­pletes the line of inquiry we under­took in FTR #‘s 1146, 1147, 1148 and 1149. Most impor­tant­ly, we bring the evo­lu­tion of events and insti­tu­tions up to the present. Lis­ten­ers who digest the pro­grams in the future should bear in mind that these pro­grams were record­ed dur­ing, and the imme­di­ate after­math of, the 2020 GOP con­ven­tion.

After review­ing infor­ma­tion about Nixon con­fi­dante Bebe Rebo­zo and the links of his bank to the dead­ly Bor­mann net­work, we con­tin­ue with the unpub­lished man­u­script from which we read in our last pro­gram. The broad­cast high­lights inter­ac­tions between the Nixon admin­is­tra­tion, Bebe Rebo­zo, a mys­te­ri­ous and alleged­ly orga­nized-crime con­nect­ed com­pa­ny called Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, an even more mys­te­ri­ous sub­sidiary of Resorts Inter­na­tion­al called the Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny and the Dewey, Dulles, Nazi, William Casey milieu that is cen­tral to this dis­cus­sion.

The Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny’s direc­tors are sug­ges­tive of a pos­si­ble Bor­mann link: ” . . . . It did, how­ev­er, name a num­ber of Ger­man and Swiss investors, One of these, for exam­ple, was Dr. Heinz Ros­terg of Lau­sanne, a for­mer ‘prin­ci­pal stock­hold­er’ and direc­tor of the Win­ter­shall potash con­cern; Win­ter­shall was one of the major sub­sidiaries of BASF, the largest sin­gle suc­ces­sor firm to I.G. Far­ben. . . . .”

Allen Dulles

The man­u­script sets forth spec­u­la­tion about the pos­si­bil­i­ty that Mary Carter Paint/Resorts Inter­na­tion­al may have gen­er­at­ed funds that greased the wheels for the release of many Nazi war crim­i­nals. ” . . . . Still unan­swered is the ques­tion of whether the sto­ry of the Dewey-Allen Dulles inter­est in Resorts should have referred to funds, not from the CIA itself, but from its Ger­man-Swiss part­ners in the Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny. Such a hypoth­e­sis might explain some of the many strange coin­ci­dences which sur­round the com­pa­ny’s con­tro­ver­sial his­to­ry. It might, for exam­ple, explain the ‘for­tune in legal fees’ that Mary Carter Paint, on the advice of Thomas Dewey, paid to Allen Dulles’ long­time law part­ner David Peck. (48) The SS-OSS con­nec­tion cer­tain­ly had rea­son to be grate­ful to David Peck. It was on the basis of Peck­’s rec­om­men­da­tion, as chair­man of a three-man advi­so­ry board to review all the Nurem­berg sen­tences, that John J. McCloy com­mut­ed to time served the sen­tence of Sko­rzeny’s post-war employ­er, Baron Alfried Krupp, and eight of his col­leagues, and also ordered Krup­p’s prop­er­ty to be restored. (49) The release of Krupp and oth­er indus­tri­al­ists ful­filled an ear­li­er demand to McCloy from Her­mann Abs, who him­self nar­row­ly escaped pros­e­cu­tion at Nurem­berg. Abs was the first post-war chair­man of BASF, the I.G. Far­ben suc­ces­sor com­pa­ny rep­re­sent­ed among the stock­hold­ers of the Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny. (50) . . . .”

William Casey

The author also engages in spec­u­la­tion about the rela­tion­ship between Resorts Inter­na­tion­al and Cap­i­tal Cities Broad­cast­ing. The lat­ter is the com­pa­ny that bought out ABC in the mid 1980’s and whose largest stock­hold­er was William Casey. ” . . . . Might not the OSS-SS con­nec­tion also throw light on the unex­plained inter­lock between James Cros­by’s com­pa­ny Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, tight­ly con­trolled by the relat­ed and dou­bly inter­mar­ried Cros­by-Mur­phy fam­i­lies, and Cap­i­tal Cities Broad­cast­ing, the major invest­ment of the CIA’s present direc­tor William Casey. (51) Casey would be the log­i­cal per­son to have estab­lished the orig­i­nal con­nec­tion between the Cros­by-Mur­phy fam­i­lies and their mys­te­ri­ous Ger­man-Swiss part­ners. For it was Casey who, in 1944–45, ‘was giv­en over­all oper­a­tional con­trol of [OSS] Ger­man projects,’ and ‘co-ordi­nat­ed . . . the over 150 men’ whom OSS sent into Ger­many. (52) With Dulles, Wis­ner, and For­gan, Casey was also one of the OSS vet­er­ans who lob­bied suc­cess­ful­ly for a CIA which could legit­i­mate­ly uti­lize the resources of the Gehlen Org. (53) . . .”

The “unex­plained inter­lock” between Resorts Inter­na­tion­al and Cap­i­tal Cities is described by the author: ” . . . . James Cros­by’s cousin and broth­er-in-law, Thomas S. Mur­phy, was in 1964, the Exec­u­tive Vice-Pres­i­dent and a direc­tor of Cap­i­tal Cities, as well as a direc­tor of Mary Carter Paint. Low­ell Thomas, a long-time radio broad­cast­er with intel­li­gence con­nec­tions, was a direc­tor of both com­pa­nies. At the time, William Casey was an offi­cer, direc­tor, and major stock­hold­er of Cap­i­tal Cities. . . .”

Trump kept a copy of this by his bed­side for late-night read­ing.

After James Cros­by’s “unex­pect­ed” death in April of 1986, Don­ald Trump–whose oper­a­tions are bankrolled by Deutsche Bank–purchased the com­pa­ny. Fol­low­ing lit­i­ga­tion with Merv Grif­fin, the assets were divid­ed with the tele­vi­sion per­son­al­i­ty. ”  . . . . Real estate devel­op­er Don­ald Trump, who owned two Atlantic City casi­nos, beat out sev­er­al oth­er bid­ders to pur­chase a con­trol­ling stake in the com­pa­ny from Cros­by’s fam­i­ly for $79 mil­lion in July 1987.[26] Trump was appoint­ed chair­man of Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, and said he would com­plete the Taj Mahal in about a year. . . . The two ulti­mate­ly reached a set­tle­ment, which was exe­cut­ed in Novem­ber 1988, with Grif­fin pur­chas­ing the com­pa­ny for $365 mil­lion, and Trump pur­chas­ing the Taj Mahal from the com­pa­ny for $273 mil­lion. . . .”

Pro­gram High­lights Include:

1.–Discussion of Cap­i­tal Cities Broad­cast­ing’s acqui­si­tion of ABC fol­low­ing the CIA’s fil­ing of a “fair­ness doc­trine” com­plaint against the com­pa­ny for their cov­er­age of Bish­op, Bald­win, Rewald, Dilling­ham and Wong. Ron Rewald alleged that he and the firm for which he worked front­ed for CIA. (At the time William Casey was head of CIA and Cap­i­tal Cities largest stock­hold­er.)
2.–The fact that Thomas Dewey, two time GOP can­di­date for Pres­i­dent, was one of the founders of Cap­i­tal Cities. The gen­e­sis of the Nazi branch of the GOP was Dewey’s 1948 cam­paign.
3.–Review of William Casey’s career, includ­ing the posi­tions he held in the Nixon admin­is­tra­tion and his involve­ment with the Black Eagle Trust, which evolved from the Gold­en Lily plun­der acquired by Japan after World War II.
4.–Discussion of Attor­ney Gen­er­al William Bar­r’s back­ground in the CIA, includ­ing his role in George H.W. Bush’s par­don of key play­ers in the Iran-Con­tra scan­dal.
5.–Analysis of Bar­r’s father Don­ald Barr and his work for the OSS in World War II, which may have inter­sect­ed with the machi­na­tions of Dulles, Dono­van, Casey and the Nazi “Oper­a­tion Sun­rise” par­tic­i­pants.
6.–Donald Bar­r’s hir­ing of col­lege dropout Jef­frey Epstein to teach at the Dal­ton School.
7.–Donald Bar­r’s author­ship of a sci­ence fic­tion novel–Space Relations–about a plan­et dom­i­nat­ed by oli­garchs and dri­ven by sex­u­al slav­ery.
8.–Review of a deci­sive strat­a­gem of the Under­ground Reich, enun­ci­at­ed by Army offi­cer Glenn Pinch­back in a let­ter to New Orleans D.A. Jim Gar­ri­son. Pinch­back wrote of a ” . . . . ‘Neo-Nazi plot to enslave Amer­i­ca in the name of anti-Com­mu­nism,’ . . .”
9.–In past pro­grams, we have briefly not­ed that mil­i­tary and [osten­si­bly] civil­ian pro­grams offi­cial­ly involved with “epi­dem­ic pre­ven­tion” might con­ceal clan­des­tine bio­log­i­cal war­fare appli­ca­tions designed to cre­ate epi­demics. The offi­cial dis­tinc­tion between “offen­sive” and “defen­sive” bio­log­i­cal war­fare research is aca­d­e­m­ic. In that con­text, one should note that the offi­cial title of Unit 731, the noto­ri­ous Japan­ese bio­log­i­cal war­fare unit was “the Epi­dem­ic Pre­ven­tion and Water Purifi­ca­tion Depart­ment of the Kwan­tung Army.” Unit 731’s research was incor­po­rat­ed into the U.S. bio­log­i­cal war­fare pro­gram at the end of World War II.
10.–Noteworthy in that gen­er­al con­text is the obser­va­tion by Jonathan King (pro­fes­sor of mol­e­c­u­lar biol­o­gy at MIT), that Pen­ta­gon research into the appli­ca­tion of genet­ic engi­neer­ing to bio­log­i­cal war­fare could be masked as vac­cine research, which sounds “defen­sive.”

FTR #1149 The Space Plane and Covid-19: The Paperclip Legacy, Part 4

Con­clud­ing the dis­cus­sion con­tained in part of FTR #1147 and all of FTR #1148,  we fin­ish the pre­sen­ta­tion of a very impor­tant arti­cle by the bril­liant Peter Dale Scott, writ­ten almost 35 years ago. With the GOP con­ven­tion in full swing as these pro­grams were being record­ed, the sym­bio­sis between Allen Dulles and the Nazi SS is fun­da­men­tal to under­stand­ing not only the gen­e­sis of the U.S. intel­li­gence estab­lish­ment, but how that insti­tu­tion is inex­tri­ca­bly linked with the Repub­li­can Par­ty.

The link to this arti­cle per­mits the listener/reader to down­load (for free) the entire issue of Covert Action Quar­ter­ly. Mr. Emory strong­ly rec­om­mends that they do so, as the oth­er arti­cles in this excel­lent issue will sup­ple­ment the analy­sis beau­ti­ful­ly.

Due to the length and com­plex­i­ty of this arti­cle, we are not tran­scrib­ing it, but will sum­ma­rize impor­tant points of infor­ma­tion.

Key Points of Analy­sis:

1.–Dulles’s nego­ti­a­tions with the SS pre­ced­ed by months the offi­cial sto­ry of the con­tact between U.S. intel­li­gence and the Gehlen team. ” . . . . It is inter­est­ing to note that Gehlen knew of Wolf­f’s con­tacts with Dulles s ear­ly as Jan­u­ary 1945, the month in which they were ini­ti­at­ed. From this same peri­od he began to con­sol­i­date his net­works for sur­vival after Hitler’s down­fall, which is to say he already expect­ed to reach a modus viven­di with the Amer­i­cans. In April 1945, one month before the war end­ed, Dulles asked Frank Wis­ner to begin talks with Gehlen, who was not tak­en into U.S. cus­tody until May 20. On the Gehlen side, a plan ‘to gain con­tact with the Amer­i­cans’ was approved on April 9. . . .”
2.–Dulles’s nego­ti­a­tions with the SS, involv­ing Wal­ter Rauff–who devised the mobile gas cham­bers used on the East­ern Front–were con­duct­ed as part of Oper­a­tion Sun­rise. ” . . . . Despite the [U.S.] Army inter­roga­tor’s pleas that Rauff ‘is con­sid­ered a men­ace if ever set free, and fail­ing actu­al elim­i­na­tion, is rec­om­mend­ed for life-long intern­ment,’ Dulles kep his bar­gain and Rauff was released. Accord­ing to usu­al­ly reli­able intel­li­gence sources. Dulles then employed Rauff on anti-com­mu­nist oper­a­tions in Italy, which was Rauf­f’s spe­cial­ty under the Nazis. . . .”
3.–Although the Vat­i­can was deeply involved with the SS/OSS nego­ti­a­tions, Dulles’ team was the pri­ma­ry com­po­nent. ” . . . It was Dulles’s con­tacts, not the Vat­i­can, who han­dled the smug­gling of Nazis. Accord­ing to top secret State Depart­ment doc­u­ments, the Ital­ian police pro­vid­ed the false pass­ports for allied agents; the visas came from the Argen­tine con­sulate in the allied intel­li­gence unit based at Trieste;and the embarka­tion paper­work was han­dled by a U.S. State Depart­ment offi­cer in Genoa. Genoa, inci­den­tal­ly was Rauf­f’s area of juris­dic­tion. All of them worked for Dulles. . . .”

Sup­ple­ment­ing the infor­ma­tion in the Peter Dale Scott arti­cle, we present infor­ma­tion about Men­gele’s work in Paraguay in con­junc­tion with the CIA and Pen­ta­gon: ” . . . . In the last named coun­try, the son of a Bavar­i­an cav­al­ry offi­cer, Pres­i­dent Stroess­ner, coop­er­ates with the Unit­ed States mil­i­tary author­i­ties and the CIA, as he does with Bor­mann and his rep­re­sen­ta­tives. Dur­ing the Viet­nam war, Pres­i­dent Stroess­ner per­mit­ted the U.S. Army Chem­i­cal Corps and the CIA to send in teams of 2,500 men to car­ry out field tests, in the Mat­to Grosso jun­gle, of chem­i­cals for use in Viet­nam. In one instance, sev­er­al Amer­i­can sol­diers became casu­al­ties when they acci­den­tal­ly were sprayed with the gas. They were tak­en to a Paraguayan mil­i­tary field hos­pi­tal; the doc­tor who treat­ed them was Josef Men­gele, now a Paraguayan cit­i­zen and an offi­cer in the Paraguayan Army Med­ical Corps. Under Men­gele’s treat­ment, all sol­diers recov­ered. None, of course, knew the true iden­ti­ty of their med­ical bene­fac­tor. . . .”

Of para­mount impor­tance in the con­text of this pre­sen­ta­tion, is the fact that it was William Casey who was in charge of OSS oper­a­tions in Ger­many in late 1944 and 1945, as Dulles, Dono­van, and the SS were forg­ing their alliance!! This places Casey’s role in the Cru­sade For Free­dom and the deriv­a­tive Rea­gan cam­paign and admin­is­tra­tion in per­spec­tive.

Plac­ing the co-evo­lu­tion of the Cru­sade For Free­dom, the GOP and the Gehlen “Org” in con­text, we note that:

1.–The Gehlen orga­ni­za­tion was a direct exten­sion of the Third Reich’s nation­al secu­ri­ty estab­lish­ment, coa­lesc­ing with the approval of a Ger­man chain of com­mand that was still in effect after the for­mal con­clu­sion of hos­til­i­ties.
2.–The OUN/B, Iron Guard, Croa­t­ian Ustachis and oth­er East­ern Euro­pean fas­cist groups were part of the Gehlen orga­ni­za­tion. They were the pri­ma­ry ele­ments in the GOP’s Eth­nic Her­itage Out­reach Coun­cil.
3.–This places William Casey’s cen­tral role in the GOP Nazi branch as an ele­ment in the per­pet­u­a­tion of the Third Reich’s nation­al secu­ri­ty estab­lish­ment.

Next, we review analy­sis of the Cru­sade For Freedom–the covert oper­a­tion that brought Third Reich alum­ni into the coun­try and also sup­port­ed their gueril­la war­fare in East­ern Europe, con­duct­ed up until the ear­ly 1950’s. Con­ceived by Allen Dulles, over­seen by Richard Nixon, pub­licly rep­re­sent­ed by Ronald Rea­gan and real­ized in con­sid­er­able mea­sure by William Casey, the CFF ulti­mate­ly evolved into a Nazi wing of the GOP.

While serv­ing as chair­man of the Repub­li­can Nation­al Com­mit­tee, the elder George Bush shep­herd­ed the Nazi émi­gré com­mu­ni­ty into posi­tion as a per­ma­nent branch of the Repub­li­can Par­ty.

Note that the rise of the Rea­gan admin­is­tra­tion was essen­tial­ly the ascent of the Naz­i­fied GOP, embod­ied in the CFF milieu. Rea­gan (spokesman for CFF) was Pres­i­dent; George H.W. Bush (for whom CIA head­quar­ters is named) was the Vice Pres­i­dent; William Casey (who han­dled the State Depart­ment machi­na­tions to bring these peo­ple into the Unit­ed States) was Rea­gan’s cam­paign man­ag­er and lat­er his CIA direc­tor.

Cen­tral to under­stand­ing the merg­ing of the U.S. with Nazi Ger­many in an anti-Sovi­et alliance–is the under­stand­ing of what glob­al­iza­tion real­ly is and how it pre­cip­i­tat­ed fas­cism and the Sec­ond World War.

Also cen­tral to an under­stand­ing of the real­iza­tion of the con­sum­mate man­i­fes­ta­tion of both glob­al­iza­tion and fascism/Nazism–is analy­sis of the machi­na­tions of the Bush fam­i­ly. The hero­ic Jus­tice Depart­ment inves­ti­ga­tor (lat­er author) John Lof­tus delin­eat­ed the Bush fam­i­ly’s role in the laun­der­ing of Nazi funds between the Thyssen Bank in Berlin, the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart, N.V. and the Union Bank in the U.S.

The net­work­ing of the Bush fam­i­ly with the Thyssens, and the Rock­e­fellers, in turn, is inex­tri­ca­bly linked with the coa­les­cence and oper­a­tion of the remark­able and dead­ly Bor­mann flight cap­i­tal net­work, high­light­ed in FTR #305, among oth­er pro­grams.

Of para­mount impor­tance is the role of the two insti­tu­tions in which Prescott Bush served–Brown Broth­ers Har­ri­man and the Union Bank–as a fun­da­men­tal vehi­cle for laun­der­ing mon­ey from the con­sum­mate­ly pow­er­ful Rock­e­feller fam­i­ly and relat­ed inter­ests in Nazi Ger­many. ” . . . . But what did the Bush fam­i­ly know about their Nazi con­nec­tion and when did they know it? As senior man­agers of Brown Broth­ers Har­ri­man, they had to have known that their Amer­i­can clients, such as the Rock­e­fellers, were invest­ing heav­i­ly in Ger­man cor­po­ra­tions, includ­ing Thyssen’s giant Vere­inigte Stahlw­erke. As not­ed his­to­ri­an Christo­pher Simp­son repeat­ed­ly doc­u­ments, it is a mat­ter of pub­lic record that Brown Brother’s invest­ments in Nazi Ger­many took place under the Bush fam­i­ly stew­ard­ship. . . . It should be recalled that in Jan­u­ary 1937, he hired Allen Dulles to ‘cloak’ his accounts. But cloak from whom? Did he expect that hap­py lit­tle Hol­land was going to declare war on Amer­i­ca? The cloak­ing oper­a­tion only makes sense in antic­i­pa­tion of a pos­si­ble war with Nazi Ger­many. If Union Bank was not the con­duit for laun­der­ing the Rockefeller’s Nazi invest­ments back to Amer­i­ca, then how could the Rock­e­feller-con­trolled Chase Man­hat­tan Bank end up own­ing 31% of the Thyssen group after the war? It should be not­ed that the Thyssen group (TBG) is now the largest indus­tri­al con­glom­er­ate in Ger­many, and with a net worth of more than $50 bil­lion dol­lars, one of the wealth­i­est cor­po­ra­tions in the world. TBG is so rich it even bought out the Krupp fam­i­ly, famous arms mak­ers for Hitler, leav­ing the Thyssens as the undis­put­ed cham­pi­on sur­vivors of the Third Reich. Where did the Thyssens get the start-up mon­ey to rebuild their empire with such speed after World War II? . . . . A for­tune this size could only have come from the Thyssen prof­its made from rearm­ing the Third Reich, and then hid­den, first from the Nazi tax audi­tors, and then from the Allies. The Bush­es knew per­fect­ly well that Brown Broth­ers was the Amer­i­can mon­ey chan­nel into Nazi Ger­many, and that Union Bank was the secret pipeline to bring the Nazi mon­ey back to Amer­i­ca from Hol­land. The Bush­es had to have known how the secret mon­ey cir­cuit worked because they were on the board of direc­tors in both direc­tions: Brown Broth­ers out, Union Bank in. . . .”

Fur­ther solid­i­fy­ing the con­ti­nu­ity between the Third Reich, the Gehlen Org and the GOP, we note that, while it was the BND (the intel­li­gence ser­vice of the Fed­er­al Repub­lic) the “Org” was financ­ing the East­ern Euro­pean fas­cist groups that were part of the Eth­nic Her­itage Out­reach Coun­cil.

Flesh­ing out infor­ma­tion about the BND financ­ing of groups linked to the Anti-Bol­she­vik Bloc of Nations, we present sup­ple­men­tal infor­ma­tion from an unpub­lished man­u­script. The author is well-known to vet­er­an researchers, but will remain anony­mous, since the work was nev­er for­mal­ly com­plet­ed or pub­lished.

Pro­vid­ing back­ground to dis­cus­sion of the rela­tion­ship between the milieu of Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, Nixon, his bank­ing asso­ciate Bebe Rebo­zo and William Casey, we note that Rebo­zo’s bank­ing of funds from the dead­ly Bor­mann net­work, the insti­tu­tion that Mr. Emory feels will prove to be the deci­sive ele­ment on this earth.

Con­tin­u­ing with dis­cus­sion from the unpub­lished man­u­script ref­er­enced above, the broad­cast high­lights inter­ac­tions between the Nixon admin­is­tra­tion, Bebe Rebo­zo, a mys­te­ri­ous and alleged­ly orga­nized-crime con­nect­ed com­pa­ny called Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, an even more mys­te­ri­ous sub­sidiary of Resorts Inter­na­tion­al called the Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny and the Dewey, Dulles, Nazi, William Casey milieu that is cen­tral to this dis­cus­sion.

Note that Don­ald Trump was a suit­or for the own­er­ship of Resorts Inter­na­tion­al (after the 1986 death of James Cros­by), ulti­mate­ly pur­chas­ing the Taj Mahal Casi­no from the firm after a law­suit with tele­vi­sion star Merv Grif­fin.

FTR #1147 & FTR #1148 The Space Plane and Covid-19: The Paperclip Legacy, Parts 2 and 3

Record­ed as the 2020 GOP con­ven­tion was in full swing against the back­ground of esca­lat­ing vio­lence in the streets of Amer­i­can cities, these pro­grams set forth his­to­ry fun­da­men­tal to the devel­op­ment of the mod­ern GOP and Nazi/SS ele­ments that were incor­po­rat­ed into the foun­da­tion of the U.S. intel­li­gence sys­tem at the end of World War II. Those ele­ments, in turn, are inex­tri­ca­bly linked with the GOP.

Before that dis­cus­sion, how­ev­er, the pro­gram high­lights yet anoth­er ele­ment in the Wall Street/Third Reich/Swiss polit­i­cal and cor­po­rate maneu­ver­ing that set the stage for post­war Transat­lantic fas­cism.

Once again, Allen Dulles and his con­nec­tions are front and cen­ter. With Bernie Sanders and AOC gar­ner­ing rhetor­i­cal grav­i­tas from the so-called pro­gres­sive sec­tor, there has been dis­cus­sion of for­mer Vice Pres­i­dent Hen­ry Wal­lace and his high­ly pro­gres­sive polit­i­cal agen­da. The nature of the dis­cus­sion has cen­tered on Wal­lace’s polit­i­cal defen­es­tra­tion by what has been termed “the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty’s Estab­lish­ment.”

In fact, Wal­lace’s polit­i­cal demise was due to his own indis­cre­tion. His broth­er-in-law was Charles Brug­gmann, the Swiss ambas­sador to the Unit­ed States. With the mas­sive invest­ment in the Swiss econ­o­my by Third Reich finance and indus­try and with key hold­ing com­pa­nies in Switzer­land dom­i­nat­ing sig­nif­i­cant ele­ments of the Ger­man-Amer­i­can cor­po­rate rela­tion­ship, Brug­gmann had a vest­ed inter­est in keep­ing Nazi Ger­many abreast of U.S. plans and did so through the Abwehr and Allen Dulles.

” . . . . Both orga­ni­za­tions received a mass of high-val­ue intel­li­gence via the Swiss ambas­sador to Wash­ing­ton, Dr. Charles Brug­gmann. Yet Brug­gmann was no spy: his source was his broth­er-in-law, Hen­ry Wallace—who hap­pened to be the Vice Pres­i­dent of the Unit­ed States. Wal­lace was a pop­u­lar, left-wing New Deal­er; privy to many of America’s most impor­tant secrets, he was also noto­ri­ous­ly indis­creet. . . .”

Allen Dulles

In addi­tion to com­mu­ni­cat­ing the Trea­sury Depart­men­t’s plans to de-indus­tri­al­ize Ger­many to pre­vent future wars, the Bruggmann/Abwehr/Dulles axis was instru­men­tal in betray­ing Oper­a­tion Safe­haven, the plan to inter­dict the Nazi flight cap­i­tal pro­gram that crys­tal­lized as the Bor­mann flight cap­i­tal pro­gram.

” . . . . How­ev­er this effort required the coop­er­a­tion of OSS agents already on the ground, and in Switzer­land this was problematical—since one of the sus­pects of Oper­a­tion Safe­haven was Allen Dulles him­self, because of his exten­sive cor­po­rate con­nec­tions and his links with var­i­ous Nazi groups. Despite this dif­fi­cul­ty, the inves­ti­ga­tion nec­es­sar­i­ly focused on the gold deal­ings under­tak­en by Swiss banks. This became of major con­cern to Swiss ambas­sador Brug­gmann once he learned of Oper­a­tion Safe­haven trough his indis­creet broth­er-in-law, Vice Pres­i­dent Hen­ry Wal­lace. The expo­sure of the explic­it links between Swiss banks and Nazi Ger­many would be a major poten­tial embar­rass­ment to the Swiss gov­ern­ment once the war over; accord­ing­ly the Swiss Secret Ser­vice alert­ed Allen Dulles about the Safe­haven inves­ti­ga­tion into his affairs. . . .”

The rest of FTR #1147 and all of FTR #1148 access­es a very impor­tant arti­cle by the bril­liant Peter Dale Scott, writ­ten almost 35 years ago. With the GOP con­ven­tion in full swing as these pro­grams were being record­ed, the sym­bio­sis between Allen Dulles and the Nazi SS is fun­da­men­tal to under­stand­ing not only the gen­e­sis of the U.S. intel­li­gence estab­lish­ment, but how that insti­tu­tion is inex­tri­ca­bly linked with the Repub­li­can Par­ty.

The link to this arti­cle per­mits the listener/reader to down­load (for free) the entire issue of Covert Action Quar­ter­ly. Mr. Emory strong­ly rec­om­mends that they do so, as the oth­er arti­cles in this excel­lent issue will sup­ple­ment the analy­sis beau­ti­ful­ly.

Due to the length and com­plex­i­ty of this arti­cle, we are not tran­scrib­ing it, but will sum­ma­rize impor­tant points of infor­ma­tion.

Key Points of Analy­sis:

1.–Joseph Men­gele, the SS “Angel of Death” of Auschwitz infamy, was net­worked with oth­er SS war crim­i­nals who grav­i­tat­ed seam­less­ly into the ser­vice of the Gehlen “Org” and the CIA. His where­abouts were known to U.S. intel­li­gence, who masked them from Nurem­berg pros­e­cu­tors. Back­ground on Men­gele, his oper­a­tional links with the Kaiser Wil­helm Insti­tute and his posi­tion in the eugen­ics milieu, see, among oth­er pro­grams, FTR #‘s 664 and 908.  ” . . . . the response of Telford Tay­lor, U.S. Chief of Coun­sel for War Crimes at Nurem­berg was “to advise our records show Dr. Menger­le [sic] is dead as of Octo­ber 1946.” (At the time of Gen­er­al Tay­lor’s let­ter, U.S. Army Coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence knew both of Men­gele’s sur­vival and even his loca­tion, in the small Bavar­i­an vil­lage of Aut­en­reid.) . . . .”
2.–One of the net­works with which Men­gele oper­at­ed was the Estrel­la firm. ” . . . . Alfons Sassen, the rep­re­sen­ta­tive of the Broth­er­hood [Kam­er­aden­werk] Busi­ness enter­prise known as “Estrel­la.” It is said too that Sassen is financed by Dr. Josef Men­gele, who con­trols now such funds as remain liq­uid from the sale of Euro­pean loot. . . . [Klaus Bar­bie] set up a com­pa­ny called Estrel­la, osten­si­bly deal­ing in quin­quina bark. Although no records exist in the pub­lic reg­istry in La Paz, at least one Boli­vian arms deal­er still remem­bers it as a weapons trad­ing com­pa­ny. . . .”
3.–Mengele may have been incor­po­rat­ed into the U.S. bio­log­i­cal war­fare pro­gram, although me main­tained res­i­dence in Latin Amer­i­ca. ” . . . . Could Mengele–not even a polit­i­cal police­man (like Rauff and Bar­bie), but a doc­tor with a pen­chant for lethal exper­i­ments on human guinea pigs–could even Men­gele have been saved s a result of a secret deal between Dulles and the SS? . . . . we have since been told that his col­league in the Auschwitz human exper­i­ments, Wal­ter Schreiber, was shield­ed by the Amer­i­cans from a Pol­ish con­vic­tion in absen­tia, so that he could help guide the post­war research­es of the U.S. Air Force in bac­te­ri­o­log­i­cal war­fare. . . That Men­gele’s escape and immu­ni­ty were arranged by the Unit­ed States, like those of Schreiber and so many oth­ers, will seem more prob­a­ble once we have stud­ied the incred­i­ble post­war careers of [Klaus] Bar­bie, [Friedrich] Schwend and [Wal­ter] Rauff . . . .”
4.–Allen Dulles’s suc­cess­ful nego­ti­a­tions with the SS were fun­da­men­tal to his goal of estab­lish­ing the post­war CIA as a vehi­cle for the per­pet­u­a­tion of the SS under CIA/Gehlen aus­pices: ” . . . . But they [Allen Dulles and OSS chief William Dono­van] also knew that, just as the OSS was the best hope for the sur­vival of the SS cadres, so in a sense these cadres were their high­est trump card in the impend­ing con­test for the OSS’s own insti­tu­tion­al home for the post­war Gehlen Org. In 1948 Dulles, by now a civil­ian, helped write the memo per­suad­ing Tru­man to take on the Gehlen Org, on Gehlen’s own terms. . . .”
5.–Dulles’s nego­ti­a­tions with the SS pre­ced­ed by months the offi­cial sto­ry of the con­tact between U.S. intel­li­gence and the Gehlen team.
6.–Dulles’s nego­ti­a­tions with the SS, involv­ing Wal­ter Rauff–who devised the mobile gas cham­bers used on the East­ern Front–were con­duct­ed as part of Oper­a­tion Sun­rise. ” . . . . Despite the [U.S.] Army inter­roga­tor’s pleas that Rauff ‘is con­sid­ered a men­ace if ever set free, and fail­ing actu­al elim­i­na­tion, is rec­om­mend­ed for life-long intern­ment,’ Dulles kept his bar­gain and Rauff was released. Accord­ing to usu­al­ly reli­able intel­li­gence sources. Dulles then employed Rauff on anti-com­mu­nist oper­a­tions in Italy, which was Rauf­f’s spe­cial­ty under the Nazis. . . .”
7.–Although the Vat­i­can was deeply involved with the SS/OSS nego­ti­a­tions, Dulles’ team was the pri­ma­ry com­po­nent. ” . . . It was Dulles’s con­tacts, not the Vat­i­can, who han­dled the smug­gling of Nazis. Accord­ing to top secret State Depart­ment doc­u­ments, the Ital­ian police pro­vid­ed the false pass­ports for allied agents; the visas came from the Argen­tine con­sulate in the allied intel­li­gence unit based at Trieste;and the embarka­tion paper­work was han­dled by a U.S. State Depart­ment offi­cer in Genoa. Genoa, inci­den­tal­ly was Rauf­f’s area of juris­dic­tion. All of them worked for Dulles. . . .”

FTR 1146 The Space Plane and Covid-19: The Paperclip Legacy, Part 1

This series of pro­grams should be digest­ed against the back­ground of a very impor­tant devel­op­ment that has not gen­er­at­ed much dia­logue or atten­tion. A new branch of the mil­i­tary has been created–the Space Force, join­ing the Army, Navy and Air Force (the Marines are tech­ni­cal­ly part of the Navy.)

As peo­ple lis­ten to the dis­cus­sion of the space plane, this should be borne in mind.

The pro­gram begins on an inter­roga­to­ry note. In numer­ous pro­grams, we have cov­ered Project HAARP–a  mil­i­tary envi­ron­men­tal mod­i­fi­ca­tion tech­nol­o­gy. HAARP came online a quar­ter of a cen­tu­ry ago, and should be con­sid­ered in the con­text of a treaty that was con­clud­ed between the U.S. and the for­mer Sovi­et Union in the 1970s that explic­it­ly banned envi­ron­men­tal mod­i­fi­ca­tion for mil­i­tary pur­pos­es.

(Pro­grams fea­tur­ing infor­ma­tion about HAARP include five inter­views with Nick Begich: FTR #‘s 1, 30, 79, 101, 128.)

Mr. Emory had been expect­ing envi­ron­men­tal mod­i­fi­ca­tion war­fare to be employed as part of the full-court press against Chi­na. That coun­try has been beset by enor­mous flood­ing, that some crit­ics see as desta­bi­liz­ing that coun­try’s pol­i­tics. ” . . . . ‘I believe that the Chi­nese pub­lic will ques­tion Bei­jing from this year’s con­tin­u­ous nat­ur­al and man-made dis­as­ters, and even ques­tion China’s gov­er­nance mod­el and its effec­tive­ness,’ said Wu Qiang, an inde­pen­dent polit­i­cal ana­lyst in Bei­jing. . . . Of course, microwaves from space could also, poten­tial­ly, be a weapon. . . . ”

A top secret mil­i­tary project has been under­way for years–a space plane that can stay aloft for long peri­ods of time. This devel­op­ment should be seen against the back­ground of Don­ald Trump’s new Space Force–a nov­el branch of the mil­i­tary.

It should also be seen against the back­ground of envi­ron­men­tal war­fare: HAARP came online 25 years ago and the U.S/U.S.S.R treaty was con­clud­ed more than forty years ago.

Just con­sid­er the advances in mil­i­tary aviation–the Wright broth­ers flew in 1903. Just look at how far mil­i­tary avi­a­tion had advanced by 1928 and, sub­se­quent­ly 1948. It is rea­son­able to assume that envi­ron­men­tal war­fare tech­nol­o­gy has advanced cor­re­spond­ing­ly.

The space plane is involved with tech­no­log­i­cal advances devel­oped by William Brown of Raytheon and Wern­her von Braun, the SS offi­cer and war crim­i­nal who head­ed the Amer­i­can space pro­gram. ” . . . . In the 1960s, Brown went on to work with NASA’s Wern­her von Braun on con­vert­ing microwave beams into elec­tri­cal cur­rent. The con­cept had par­tic­u­lar rel­e­vance for pow­er­ing future space­craft — but also promised a way to har­ness the pow­er of sun­light, up to 10 times more potent above the atmos­phere and its dust, for use on earth. . . Of course, microwaves from space could also, poten­tial­ly, be a weapon. . . . the U.S. Air Force revealed some of the satel­lite pay­loads and exper­i­ments it will car­ry aloft this month [May of 2020], includ­ing one that will try con­vert­ing the sun’s ener­gy into a form that can be sent to Earth . [Such as light­ning strikes?–D.E.] . . .”

Mr. Emory notes that, in ear­ly 2020, the space plane con­clud­ed a long, clas­si­fied mis­sion of more than a year in dura­tion. Short­ly after, North­ern Cal­i­for­nia expe­ri­enced the first Feb­ru­ary on record with no rain­fall at all–and this after what had been a nor­mal rainy sea­son.

After North­ern Cal­i­for­nia was bom­bard­ed with light­ning strikes, the Bay Area was enveloped with record wild­fires, expe­ri­enc­ing some of the worst air qual­i­ty in the world. This prompt­ed sev­er­al points of inquiry:

1.–Might the total absence of rain­fall in Feb­ru­ary and, per­haps, the high­ly unusu­al num­ber of light­ning strikes be linked to the space plane and advances in envi­ron­men­tal war­fare?
2.–With Covid-19’s effects exac­er­bat­ed by dirty air, might this be a har­bin­ger of a dra­mat­ic wors­en­ing of the “Plan­dem­ic” in the fall?
3.–Might the space plane and advances in envi­ron­men­tal war­fare be involved in Chi­na’s record flood­ing?
4.–The space plane’s mis­sions are opaque: ” . . . . [Secure World Foun­da­tion’s Bri­an] Weeden’s main con­cerns about the X‑37B are that it puts stuff in space and doesn’t tell any­one. ‘On the pre­vi­ous mis­sion they deployed three small satel­lites from the X‑37B and did­n’t even cat­a­log them until after it had land­ed and those satel­lites had decayed from orbit,’ he said. ‘That’s the sort of non-trans­par­ent and poten­tial­ly irre­spon­si­ble behav­ior the U.S. has crit­i­cized the Rus­sians and Chi­nese for in the past.’ . . .”

Mr. Emory’s mus­ings should also be con­sid­ered in the con­text of the the­sis set forth in L‑2.

Much of the pro­gram details the incor­po­ra­tion of the Nazi rock­et pro­gram’s mil­i­tary commander–Walter Dornberger–and SS Major Wern­her von Braun into the U.S. V‑2 pro­gram Project Her­mes (con­tract­ed for by Gen­er­al Elec­tric in Novem­ber of 1944.)

Dorn­berg­er and von Braun were in touch with G.E. in Decem­ber of 1944, months before the sur­ren­der of Nazi Ger­many! They sub­se­quent­ly went to work for G.E. and Project Her­mes!

Key points of analy­sis and dis­cus­sion include:

1.–The over­whelm­ing prob­a­bil­i­ty that the G.E./Dornberger/von Braun liai­son was arranged on the Ger­man end by SS Gen­er­al Hans Kamm­ler, who had over­all super­vi­so­ry con­trol of the Nazi rock­et pro­gram.
2.–The prob­a­bil­i­ty that the arrange­ments were facil­i­tat­ed in Lis­bon by Sigis­mund von Braun–the broth­er of Wern­her von Braun and an agent for the SD. The Sichere­its­di­enst (SD) was the SS intel­li­gence ser­vice.
3.–The prob­a­bil­i­ty that Sigis­mund von Braun’s Lis­bon sojourn and arrange­ment for the G.E./Dornberger/von Braun liai­son was also facil­i­tat­ed by Ernst von Weisza­ck­er, Nazi Ger­many’s ambas­sador to the Vat­i­can.

Sub­se­quent pro­grams in this series will cen­ter on OSS agent and Sul­li­van & Cromwell attor­ney Allen Dulles’s trea­so­nous liai­son with the Nazi SS and col­lab­o­ra­tion with the Vat­i­can to incor­po­rate the SS into the The Gehlen “Org” and the CIA.

In all prob­a­bil­i­ty, it was Allen Dulles who estab­lished con­tact with Kammler/Dornber and the von Braun broth­ers, also with prob­a­ble Vat­i­can com­plic­i­ty.

In FTR #511, we not­ed that AEG–German Gen­er­al Elec­tric (which made elec­tri­cal com­po­nents for the V‑2)–was 30% owned by Amer­i­can G.E. Gen­er­al Elec­tric was not only a client of Sul­li­van & Cromwell, but was formed by it.

Pro­gram High­lights Include:

1.–Review of Sul­li­van & Cromwell’s deci­sive posi­tion in the Amer­i­can cor­po­rate pan­theon.
2.–Review of Wern­her von Braun’s work for the SS and the fact that he was a war crim­i­nal.
3.–Review of Allen Dulles’s trea­so­nous deal­ings with Prince Max Egon von Hohenlohe–an emis­sary of SD for­eign intel­li­gence chief Wal­ter Schel­len­berg.

FTR #1142 Deep Politics and the Death of Park Won-Soon, Part 3

Flesh­ing out the deep pol­i­tics under­ly­ing the life and death of Park Won-soon, this pro­gram builds on the foun­da­tion of first two pro­grams in the series. Park Won-soon’s crit­i­cism of Japan’s colo­nial occu­pa­tion of Korea, his advo­ca­cy of rec­on­cil­i­a­tion between the two Kore­as and his suit against the lead­er­ship of the fas­cist Shin­cheon­ji mind con­trol cult (over­lapped with the Uni­fi­ca­tion Church), all bear on the polit­i­cal and eco­nom­ic dynam­ics of the Sec­ond World War, the Cold War, the Kore­an War, and the car­tel arrange­ments that con­sti­tute a crit­i­cal, though large­ly invis­i­ble, under­pin­ning of the events of the Twen­ti­eth and Twen­ty-First cen­turies.

Essen­tial to an under­stand­ing of these over­lap­ping events is the land­mark text Gold War­riors by Peg­gy and Ster­ling Sea­grave. (FTR #‘s 427, 428, 446, 451, 501, 688, 689, 1106, 1107 & 1108 deal with the sub­ject mate­r­i­al of that con­sum­mate­ly impor­tant book.)

Indeed, one can­not prop­er­ly ana­lyze the par­ti­tion of Korea after World War II, the Kore­an War and the Cold War as sep­a­rate events. They are inter­con­nect­ed and, in turn, are out­growths of the com­plex pol­i­tics of the Sec­ond World War and the actions and atti­tudes of Chi­ang Kai-shek’s nar­co-fas­cist dic­ta­tor­ship.

Although nom­i­nal­ly a mem­ber of the Allied nations, Chi­ang’s Kuom­intang gov­ern­ment was pri­mar­i­ly con­cerned with fend­ing off Mao Tse-Tung’s com­mu­nist armies and worked with the invad­ing Japan­ese in crit­i­cal areas. In par­tic­u­lar, the Kuom­intang’s pro­found involve­ment with the nar­cotics trade helped dri­ve its trad­ing with the Japan­ese.

The pro­gram begins with the obit­u­ary of gen­er­al Paik Sun-yup of Korea, whose ser­vice in the Impe­r­i­al Japan­ese Army dur­ing World War II has been a focal point of con­tro­ver­sy in South Korea. Gen­er­al Sun-yup embod­ied the ongo­ing con­tro­ver­sy in Korea over Japan’s occu­pa­tion and the sub­se­quent unfold­ing of events lead­ing up to, and includ­ing the Kore­an War.

Again, the Japan­ese occu­pa­tion of Korea was a major focal point of Park Won-soon’s crit­i­cism. “. . . . In 1941, he joined the army of Manchukuo, a pup­pet state that impe­r­i­al Japan had estab­lished in Manchuria, and served in a unit known for hunt­ing down Kore­an guer­ril­las fight­ing for inde­pen­dence . . .”

A lit­tle known fac­tor in the devel­op­ment of the Kore­an par­ti­tion and Cold War pol­i­tics in Asia was the involve­ment of Chi­ang Kai-shek, his wife (the for­mer Mei-Ling Soong, daugh­ter of Chi­ang’s finance min­is­ter T.V. Soong–the wealth­i­est man in the world at the time) and advis­ers in the Cairo Con­fer­ence of 1943 and the sub­se­quent Tehran Con­fer­ence with Stal­in and Churchill.

Accord­ing to Colonel L. Fletch­er Prouty, who flew the Kuom­intang inter­ests to Tehran from Cairo, Chi­ang and com­pa­ny were a dri­ving force in set­ting the stage for war in Korea and Indochi­na.

While in Oki­nawa dur­ing Japan’s sur­ren­der in World War II, Colonel Prouty was wit­ness to the ear­ly com­mit­ment of deci­sive mil­i­tary resources to the wars that were to take place in Korea and Indochina/Vietnam. ” . . . . I was on Oki­nawa at that time, and dur­ing some busi­ness in the har­bor area I asked the har­bor­mas­ter if all that new mate­r­i­al was being returned to the States. His response was direct and sur­pris­ing: ‘Hell, no! They ain’t nev­er goin’ to see it again. One-half of this stuff, enough to equip and sup­ply at least a hun­dred and fifty thou­sand men, is going to Korea, and the oth­er half is going to Indochi­na.’ In 1945, none of us had any idea that the first bat­tles of the Cold War were going to be fought by U.S. mil­i­tary units in those two regions begin­ning in 1950 and 1965–yet that is pre­cise­ly what had been planned, and it is pre­cise­ly what hap­pened. Who made that deci­sion back in 1943–45? . . . .”

To appre­ci­ate Chi­ang’s influ­ence in the Cairo and Tehran con­fer­ences, it is impor­tant to under­stand that he was “work­ing both sides of the street” in World War II.

Amer­i­can mil­i­tary sup­plies flown over the Hump and/or sent along the Bur­ma Road at great risk and cost to Allied ser­vice­men found their way into the hands of the Japan­ese, cour­tesy of KMT gen­er­al Ku Chu-tung and his orga­nized crime broth­er.

Gen­er­al Ku Chu-Tung com­mand­ed a dev­as­tat­ing oper­a­tion against the Chi­nese Com­mu­nist New Fourth Army, illus­trat­ing why the Sea­graves called him “one of the most hat­ed men in Chi­na.”

Although obscured by the sands of time and pro­pa­gan­dized his­to­ry, Ku-Chu Tung’s actions illus­trate why Gen­er­al Joseph Stil­well held Chi­ang Kai-Shek in con­tempt. Still­well not only (cor­rect­ly) viewed Chi­ang Kai-Shek as a fas­cist, but (cor­rect­ly) saw him as an imped­i­ment to opti­miz­ing Chi­nese resis­tance to the hat­ed Japan­ese invaders.

Col­lab­o­rat­ing with Kodama Yoshio, the Japan­ese crime boss and Admi­ral of the Impe­r­i­al Japan­ese Navy, the Ku broth­ers swapped U.S. lend lease sup­plies for drugs.

It is impor­tant to note the role of the Black Drag­on Soci­ety in the ascent of Kodama Yoshio. Black Drag­on, along with Black Ocean, are key Japan­ese ultra-nation­al­ist soci­eties and the appar­ent fore­run­ners of the Uni­fi­ca­tion Church and, pos­si­bly the over­lap­ping Shin­cheon­ji cult that was sued by Park Won-soon.

Kodama played a key role in the Uni­fi­ca­tion Church, as dis­cussed in FTR #‘s 291  and 970.

Acquir­ing key strate­gic raw mate­ri­als for the Impe­r­i­al Japan­ese Naval Air Force, Kodama bought many of these direct­ly from the chief of Kuom­intang secret ser­vice, Gen­er­al Tai Li, who was paid direct­ly in hero­in.

Before turn­ing to the sub­ject of the Kore­an War and its deci­sive influ­ence on the dis­po­si­tion of glob­al wealth and the resus­ci­ta­tion of the glob­al car­tel sys­tem, we recount the assas­si­na­tion of Kim Koo, an impor­tant Kore­an patri­ot, whose advo­ca­cy of reuni­fi­ca­tion for Korea placed him in the crosshairs of Amer­i­can Cold War strate­gists. (Park Won-soon was called a “com­mie” for advo­cat­ing rec­on­cil­i­a­tion between the Kore­as.) ” . . . . In June 1949, Gen­er­al Kim Chang-Yong, Rhee’s close advi­sor and Chief of Korea’s Counter-Intel­li­gence Corps (CIC)—founded by and pat­terned after the CIA—conspired with Amer­i­can intel­li­gence offi­cers and a young lieu­tenant to assas­si­nate Kim Koo. On June 26, 1949, while the sev­en­ty-three-year-old Kim was rest­ing in his sec­ond-floor bed­room, Lieu­tenant Ahn Do hi walked past three police­men stand­ing guard out­side, entered the house, pro­ceed­ed to Kim’s bed­room, and shot him to death. . . .”

On the eve of the out­break of the Kore­an War, John Fos­ter Dulles was in Seoul with Kodama Yoshio. It is not known just what they were doing, but Fos­ter direct­ly fore­shad­owed the impend­ing (and alleged­ly unan­tic­i­pat­ed) North Kore­an inva­sion in a speech just before the com­mence­ment of hos­til­i­ties.

Kodama recruit­ed thou­sands of yakuza sol­diers and Japan­ese World War II vet­er­ans to fight for South Korea, dressed in Kore­an uni­forms.

Next, we high­light the 1951 “Peace” Treaty between the Allies and Japan, an agree­ment which false­ly main­tained that Japan had not stolen any wealth from the nations it occu­pied dur­ing World War II and that the (already) boom­ing nation was bank­rupt and would not be able to pay repa­ra­tions to the slave labor­ers and “com­fort women” it had pressed into ser­vice dur­ing the con­flict.

Japan was not bank­rupt at all when John Fos­ter Dulles nego­ti­at­ed the Treaty. U.S. bomb­ing left crit­i­cal infra­struc­ture intact, and the infu­sion of war loot helped boost the 1951 Japan­ese econ­o­my above its pre-World War II peak.

Fos­ter Dulles’s role in the 1951 Peace Treaty with Japan, his curi­ous pres­ence in Seoul with Kodama Yoshio on the eve of the out­break of the Kore­an War, his pre­scient fore­shad­ow­ing of the con­flict just before the North Kore­an inva­sion and the role of these events in shap­ing the post World War II glob­al eco­nom­ic and polit­i­cal land­scapes may well have been designed to help jump­start the Japan­ese and Ger­man economies.

The Kore­an War did just that. ” . . . . A sub­stan­tial infu­sion of mon­ey into this new Fed­er­al Repub­lic econ­o­my result­ed from the Kore­an War in 1950. The Unit­ed States was not geared to sup­ply­ing all its needs for armies in Korea, so the Pen­ta­gon placed huge orders in West Ger­many and in Japan; from that point on, both nations winged into an era of boom­ing good times. . . .”

Indeed, John Fos­ter Dulles’s world view enun­ci­at­ed a phi­los­o­phy alto­geth­er con­sis­tent with those aims: ” . . . . He churned out mag­a­zine and news­pa­per arti­cles assert­ing that the ‘dynam­ic’ coun­tries of the world–Germany, Italy, and Japan–‘feel with­in them­selves poten­tial­i­ties which are sup­pressed’ . . .”

Those economies, the car­tels that dom­i­nat­ed them and the Dulles broth­ers Cold War strate­gic out­look are dom­i­nant fac­tors in the deep pol­i­tics under­ly­ing the life, and death, of Park Won-soon.

The Deep Politics of Lyme Disease

“Bit­ten, The Secret His­to­ry of Lyme Dis­ease and Bio­log­i­cal Weapons” chron­i­cles the career of Willy Burgdor­fer, a Swiss-born expert on tick and flea-borne dis­eases who spent most of his career research­ing those areas as a U.S. bio­log­i­cal war­fare sci­en­tist. Author Kris
New­by presents sub­stan­tive evi­dence that the dis­ease stems from BW research done by Burgdor­fer and asso­ciates. (Burgdor­fer was the sci­en­tist who “dis­cov­ered” the organ­ism that caus­es Lyme Dis­ease.) Burgdor­fer­’s entree into the Amer­i­can bio­log­i­cal war­fare pro­gram result­ed from his pro­fes­sion­al rela­tion­ship with long time men­tor and patron Rudolf Geigy. Geigy belonged to a fam­i­ly whose busi­ness, J.R. Geigy AG, was a Swiss chem­i­cal firm mar­ket­ing dyes and insec­ti­cides. ” . . . . Dur­ing the war, it [Geigy] pro­duced insec­ti­cides and, most notably, the icon­ic ‘polar red’ dye that col­ored the back­ground of Nazi swasti­ka flags. . . .” The pos­si­bil­i­ty that Geigy was an oper­a­tive of the far-flung I.G. Far­ben espi­onage appa­ra­tus is one to be seri­ous­ly con­tem­plat­ed. His role in plac­ing young sci­en­tists in orga­ni­za­tions that were part of the U.S. BW pro­gram also sug­gests a pos­si­ble role as an agent of Paper­clip. ” . . . . ‘The Swiss are above sus­pi­cion,’ said Geigy, who lat­er in his life wrote a thin­ly fic­tion­al­ized novel­la, ‘Siri, Top Secret’, that describes the spy activ­i­ties he observed dur­ing his trav­els. It’s not known if Geigy par­tic­i­pat­ed in these activ­i­ties, but he did help place young researchers in insti­tu­tions that sup­port­ed the U.S. bioweapons pro­grams. . . .” In 2001, a Swiss com­mis­sion found deep com­plic­i­ty on the part of Geigy and its car­tel part­ners: ” . . . .The ICE [Inde­pen­dent Com­mis­sion of Experts] con­clud­ed that the chem­i­cal firms’ boss­es in Switzer­land ‘pos­sessed a high lev­el of detailed knowl­edge about the polit­i­cal and eco­nom­ic sit­u­a­tion in Nazi Ger­many... [and] incor­po­rat­ed their knowl­edge... into their eco­nom­ic plan­ning and used it as a basis for deci­sion-mak­ing’ . . . ‘Geigy main­tained par­tic­u­lar­ly good rela­tions with Claus Unge­wit­ter, the Reich com­mis­sion­er for chem­i­cals.’ . . .“All three Swiss firms [Geigy, San­doz and Ciba] were indict­ed in the Unit­ed States in 1942 because of their col­lab­o­ra­tion with I.G. Far­ben and the Third Reich. ” . . . . Those indict­ed includ­ed . . . . Far­ben affil­i­ates the Amer­i­can Ciba, San­doz and Geigy. . . A long list of oth­er co-con­spir­a­tors includ­ed the Swiss Ciba, San­doz and Geigy com­pa­nies with Cincin­nati Chem­i­cal works, their joint­ly owned Amer­i­can con­cern . . . .”

Repost: The REAL Memorial Day

Due to the shel­ter-in-place restric­tions, it is not pos­si­ble for Mr. Emory to do his annu­al Memo­r­i­al Day marathon pro­gram­ming about the deci­sive con­nec­tions between Amer­i­can indus­try and finance and the Axis pow­ers of World War II. How­ev­er, we re-post the descrip­tion and pro­gram links from last year’s spe­cial for view­ing and use of the listening–and reading–audience: “In the decades since the end of the Sec­ond World War, much has been writ­ten about the war and fas­cism, the dri­ving force behind the aggres­sion that pre­cip­i­tat­ed that con­flict. Unfor­tu­nate­ly, much of what has been said and writ­ten has failed to iden­ti­fy and ana­lyze the caus­es, nature and method­ol­o­gy of fascism—German Nation­al Social­ism or “Nazism” in par­tic­u­lar. A deep­er, more accu­rate analy­sis was pre­sent­ed in pub­lished lit­er­a­ture, par­tic­u­lar­ly vol­umes pub­lished dur­ing, or in the imme­di­ate after­math of, the Sec­ond World War. . . . . Fas­cism (Nazism in par­tic­u­lar) was an out­growth of glob­al­iza­tion and the con­struc­tion of inter­na­tion­al monop­o­lies (car­tels). Key to under­stand­ing this phe­nom­e­non is analy­sis of the Webb-Pomerene act, leg­is­lat­ed near the end of the First World War. A loop­hole in the Anti-trust leg­is­la­tion of 1914, it effec­tive­ly legal­ized the for­ma­tion of cartels—international monopolies—for firms that were barred from domes­tic monop­o­lis­tic prac­tices. Decry­ing what they viewed as exces­sive and restric­tive “reg­u­la­tion” here in the Unit­ed States, U.S.-based transna­tion­al cor­po­ra­tions invest­ed their prof­its from the indus­tri­al boom of the 1920’s abroad, pri­mar­i­ly in Japan and Ger­many. This process might well be viewed as the real begin­ning of what is now known as “glob­al­iza­tion.” This rein­vest­ment of the prof­its of the Amer­i­can indus­tri­al boom of the 1920’s in Japan­ese and Ger­man strate­gic heavy indus­try was the cap­i­tal that drove the engines of con­quest that sub­dued both Europe and Asia dur­ing World War II. On Sun­day, we will high­light the Amer­i­can-Ger­man indus­tri­al axis and its var­i­ous man­i­fes­ta­tions. On Mon­day, we will explore the Amer­i­can-Japan­ese indus­tri­al axis.”

FTR #1123 The Past Is Prologue: Further Reflections on the Covid-19 Outbreak and the Genesis of the Military-Medical Complex

In this pro­gram we high­light impor­tant ele­ments in the devel­op­ment of the amal­gam of forces that, in our opin­ion, helped to pre­cip­i­tate the Covid-19 “Bio-Psy-Op.”

In Mis­cel­la­neous Archive Show M31, we exam­ined the mil­i­tary inquiry into the killing of Wehrma­cht Cor­po­ral Johannes Kun­ze, whose anti-Nazi sen­ti­ments were pun­ished by his fel­low pris­on­ers with mur­der. In the inquest, it became clear that Amer­i­can offi­cers had per­mit­ted their Ger­man POW coun­ter­parts to screen the mail of their fel­low pris­on­ers, which pro­vid­ed them the means to iden­ti­fy and kill Cor­po­ral Kun­ze.

The mil­i­tary pros­e­cu­tor in the case–Leon Jaworski–exercised what was polite­ly termed judi­cial restraint, and did not inves­ti­gate the U.S. offi­cers whose con­duct led direct­ly to the mur­der of Kun­ze.

Jawors­ki lat­er par­tic­i­pat­ed in tri­als of Third Reich alum­ni accused of war crimes, includ­ing the tri­al of Dachau med­ical per­son­nel, some of whom, after exper­i­ment­ing on con­cen­tra­tion camp inmates, were award­ed con­tracts to work for the U.S. under Project Paper­clip. Again, he appar­ent­ly exer­cised “judi­cial restraint.”

“. . . . Col. Leon Jawors­ki, who will be in charge of the tri­al, esti­mates that at least 5,000 Jews died at Dachau from ordi­nary mis­treat­ment and tor­ture, while any­where between 1,000 and 3,000 died as a result of med­ical exper­i­ments per­formed upon them. . . .”

The grue­some Dachau med­ical exper­i­ments:

1.–Were per­formed by five doc­tors who were on the Project Paper­clip pay­roll by the time Jawors­ki man­i­fest­ed judi­cial restraint: ” . . . . Five doc­tors work­ing at the cen­ter start­ing in the fall of 1945 were on the list: Theodor Ben­zinger, Siegried Ruff, Kon­rad Schafer, Her­mann Beck­er-Frey­seng, and Oskar Schroder. Instead of fir­ing these physi­cians sus­pect­ed of heinous war crimes, the cen­ter kept the doc­tors in its employ and the list was clas­si­fied. . . .”
2.–Involved tri­als by four of the Paper­clip recruits of two process­es aimed at puri­fy­ing sea­wa­ter for drink­ing, with grue­some results for the Dachau “Unter­men­schen”: “. . . . Dr. Oskar Schroder, head of the Luft­waffe Med­ical Corps, was thrilled. Kon­rad Schafer had ‘devel­oped a process which actu­al­ly pre­cip­i­tat­ed the salts from the sea water,’ Schroder lat­er tes­ti­fied. . . . The effec­tive­ness of both the Schafer process and the Berka method would be test­ed on the Unter­men­schen at Dachau. A Luft­waffe physi­cian named Her­mann Beck­er-Frey­seng was assigned to assist Dr. Schafer, and to coau­thor with him a paper doc­u­ment­ing the results of the con­test. The senior doc­tor advis­ing Beck­er-Frey­seng and Schafer in their work was Dr. Siegfried Ruff. . . .”
3.–Were filmed and screened for SS chief Hein­rich Himm­ler by the fifth Paper­clip recruit, Dr. Theodor Ben­zinger: ” . . . .This was the same Dr. Ben­zinger who had over­seen for Himm­ler the film screen­ing at the Reich Air Min­istry, in Berlin, of Dachau pris­on­ers being mur­dered in med­ical exper­i­ments. . . .”
4.–Became part of an exper­i­men­tal con­tin­u­um, in which the Nazi research on Aeromed­ical Med­i­cine per­formed at the Kaiser Wil­helm Insti­tute pro­ceed­ed unin­ter­rupt­ed under U.S. Army Air Force com­mand: ” . . . . The Army Air Forces Aero Med­ical Cen­ter in Hei­del­berg  . . . only a few months pri­or . . .  had been the Kaiser Wil­helm Insti­tute for Med­ical Research, a bas­tion of Nazi sci­ence where chemists and physi­cists worked on projects for the Reich’s war machine. At its front entrance, the Reich’s flag came down and the U.S. Flag went up. Pho­tographs of Hitler were pulled from the walls and replaced by framed pho­tographs of Army Air Forces gen­er­als in mil­i­tary pose. Most of the fur­ni­ture stayed the same. In the din­ing room, Ger­man wait­ers in white servers’ coats pro­vid­ed table ser­vice at meal­times. A sin­gle 5” X 8” req­ui­si­tion receipt, dat­ed Sep­tem­ber 14, 1945, made the tran­si­tion offi­cial: ‘This prop­er­ty is need­ed by U.S. Forces, and the req­ui­si­tion is in pro­por­tion to the resources of the coun­try.’ The mis­sion state­ment of the project, clas­si­fied Top Secret, was suc­cinct: ‘the exploita­tion of cer­tain uncom­plet­ed Ger­man avi­a­tion med­ical research projects.’ Dr. [Huber­tus] Strughold [who was the top researcher in the Dachau projects] was put in charge of hir­ing doc­tors, ‘all of whom are con­sid­ered author­i­ties in a par­tic­u­lar field of med­i­cine.’ . . . .”

This “judi­cial restraint” direct­ly antic­i­pates his work for the War­ren Com­mis­sion, his work as Water­gate Spe­cial Pros­e­cu­tor (and a VERY spe­cial pros­e­cu­tor he was) and his work head­ing the “inves­ti­ga­tion” into the Korea-gate scan­dal.

Fol­low­ing Pres­i­dent Kennedy’s assas­si­na­tion, Jawors­ki became both a War­ren Com­mis­sion coun­sel and, with Judge Robert Storey, head­ed the Texas Court of Inquiry, the Texas judi­cial body charged with inves­ti­gat­ing JFK’s mur­der. As dis­cussed in the linked Guns of Novem­ber, Part 3, Jawors­ki sat on the board of direc­tors of the M.D. Ander­son Fund, a doc­u­ment­ed CIA domes­tic fund­ing con­duit. 

In an ear­li­er pro­fes­sion­al incar­na­tion, Storey–as Colonel Robert Storey–passed along the word that the de-Naz­i­fi­ca­tion edict was to be “relaxed” dur­ing the Nurem­berg tri­als. ” . . . . Colonel Robert Storey, the U.S. exec­u­tive tri­al coun­sel at the Inter­na­tion­al Mil­i­tary Tri­bunal and a senior aide to Robert Jack­son, has ‘passed the word down that the denaz­i­fi­ca­tion direc­tive was to be relaxed,’ . . . .”

Two key War­ren Com­mis­sion mem­bers were Allen Dulles–whose Nazi links stretch back before World War II and for decades thereafter–and John J. McCloy, for­mer U.S. High Com­mis­sion­er for Ger­many and com­plic­it in the “reha­bil­i­ta­tion” of many heinous Nazis and the employ­ment of many of them by U.S. intel­li­gence.

With peo­ple like McCloy and Dulles on the U.S. “inves­ti­ga­tion” and Storey and Jawors­ki head­ing the Texas “inves­ti­ga­tion” (and Jawors­ki work­ing with the War­ren Com­mis­sion as well), it is not sur­pris­ing that the Nazi and fas­cist links to the JFK assas­si­na­tion did not emerge into pub­lic view.

It seems prob­a­ble that the selec­tion of the com­po­si­tion of both the War­ren Com­mis­sion and the Texas Court of Inquiry was shaped, in part, by the per­ceived neces­si­ty of con­ceal­ing the many Nazis under the Amer­i­can bed.

 In numer­ous pro­grams, we have accessed the bril­liant, con­sum­mate­ly impor­tant work of Ed Haslsm. Ed has devel­oped a com­pelling the­sis link­ing: research into a can­cer-caus­ing mon­key virus con­t­a­m­i­nat­ing the polio vac­cine; a soft-tis­sue can­cer epi­dem­ic; the devel­op­ment of AIDS; the assas­si­na­tion of JFK and the devel­op­ment of a bio­log­i­cal war­fare weapon.

Ed not­ed the pres­ence in the research milieu in New Orleans of Colonel Jose Rivera, a bio­log­i­cal war­fare spe­cial­ist and mem­ber of Dou­glas MacArthur’s staff.  In light of the incor­po­ra­tion of Japan’s Unit 731 into the U.S. bio­log­i­cal war­fare estab­lish­ment, we view this as very sig­nif­i­cant. 

We con­clude with dis­cus­sion of the super­vi­sion of Ft. Det­rick per­son­nel of Dr. Kurt Blome, the Deputy Sur­geon Gen­er­al of the Third Reich and anoth­er indi­vid­ual incor­po­rat­ed into the U.S. bio­log­i­cal war­fare estab­lish­ment.

We have dis­cussed Blome in, among oth­er pro­grams, FTR # 1012 and AFA #39.

(We mis­stat­ed that both Erich Traub and Blome over­saw the Ser­ra­tia marcess­cens exper­i­ments. It was only Blome.

Both Blome and Traub report­ed direct­ly to Reichs­fuhrer SS Hein­rich Himm­ler dur­ing World War II.

The Impeachment Psy-Op: Vichy France (the Democrats) Versus Nazi Germany (The GOP)

The pic­ture at right embod­ies every­thing that is going in Ukraine, and has gone on since the Maid­an coup. THIS is what the impeach­ment pro­ceed­ings are all about–restoring mil­i­tary aid to this ulti­mate, obscene man­i­fes­ta­tion of the Inter­mar­i­um Con­ti­nu­ity (detailed in a four pro­gram For The Record series)– while con­vinc­ing Amer­i­cans that Rus­sia is a mil­i­tary threat that must be dealt with.

What Were John Foster Dulles and Kodama Yoshio Doing in Seoul on the Eve of the Outbreak of the Korean War?

In our last post, we high­light­ed the 1951 “Peace” Treaty between the Allies and Japan, an agree­ment which false­ly main­tained that Japan had not stolen any wealth from the nations it occu­pied dur­ing World War II and that the (already) boom­ing nation was bank­rupt and would not be able to pay repa­ra­tions to the slave labor­ers and “com­fort women” it had pressed into ser­vice dur­ing the con­flict. In the con­text of the fan­tas­tic sums loot­ed by Japan under the aus­pices of Gold­en Lily and the incor­po­ra­tion of that wealth with Nazi Gold to form the Black Eagle Trust, that 1951 treaty and the advent of the Kore­an War raise some inter­est­ing, unre­solved ques­tions. One of the prin­ci­pal fig­ures in the loot­ing of occu­pied Asia dur­ing World War II was the remark­able Kodama Yoshio. Net­worked with the pow­er­ful Yakuza Japan­ese orga­nized crime milieu, the Black Drag­on soci­ety (the most pow­er­ful of the patri­ot­ic and ultra-nation­al­ist soci­eties), the Impe­r­i­al Japan­ese mil­i­tary and the Roy­al fam­i­ly of Emper­or Hiro­hi­to, Kodama loot­ed the Chi­nese under­world and traf­ficked in nar­cotics with Chi­ang Kai-shek’s fas­cist nar­co-dic­ta­tor­ship. We can but won­der about Kodama Yosh­io’s pres­ence along with 1951 “Peace” Treaty author John Fos­ter Dulles at nego­ti­a­tions in Seoul on the eve of the out­break of the Kore­an War. ” . . . . In Octo­ber of 1949, the Peo­ple’s Repub­lic of Chi­na came into being. Eight months lat­er, in June of 1950, the Kore­an War broke out. Just before the war began, Kodama [Yoshio] accom­pa­nied John Fos­ter Dulles to nego­ti­a­tions in Seoul. The Dulles par­ty also includ­ed Kodama’s pro­tege Machii Hisayu­ki, boss of the Kore­an yakuza in Japan. Efforts to dis­cov­er under Free­dom of Infor­ma­tion what Kodama and Machii did dur­ing the trip with Dulles have run into a stone wall. In the MacArthur Memo­r­i­al archive we dis­cov­ered a per­son­al let­ter from Kodama to Gen­er­al MacArthur offer­ing to pro­vide thou­sands of yakuza and for­mer Japan­ese Army sol­diers to fight along­side Amer­i­can sol­diers in Korea. Accord­ing to sources in Korea and Japan, the offer was accept­ed and these men joined the Allied force on the Penin­su­la, pos­ing as Kore­an sol­diers. . . . ”