In these programs, we continue our discussion of Nick Turse’s 2008 tome The Complex: How the Military Invades Our Everyday Lives.
Writing in his novel Tropic of Cancer, Henry Miller wrote: ” . . . . America is the very incarnation of Doom. And she will lead the rest of the world into the Bottomless Pit. . . .” (The quote was included in his Forgive My Grief books by pioneering JFK assassination researcher Penn Jones.
Epitomizing Miller’s observation is what Mr. Emory terms the resonant synthesis of video games and military training and training technology:
“. . . . Certainly, the day is not far off when most potential U.S. troops will have grown up playing commercial video games that were created by the military as training simulators; will be recruited, at least in part, through video games; will be tested, post-enlistment, on advanced video game systems; will be trained using simulators, which will later be turned into video games, or on reconfigured versions of the very same games used to recruit them or that they played kids; will be taught to pilot vehicles using devices resembling commercial video game controllers; and then, after a long day of real-life war-gaming head back to their quarters to kick back and play the latest PlayStation or Xbox games created with or sponsored by their own, or another, branch of the armed forces.
More and more toys are now poised to become clandestine combat teaching tools, and more and more simulators are destined to be tomorrow’s toys. And what of America’s children and young adults in all this? How will they be affected by the dazzling set of military training devices now landing in their living rooms and on their PCs, produced by video game giants under the watchful eyes of the Pentagon? After all, what these games offer is less a matter of simple military indoctrination and more like a near immersion in a virtual world of war, where armed conflict is not the last, but the first—and indeed the only—resort. . . .”
A concrete example of that “resonant synthesis” is the battle of 73 Easting:
“. . . . Just days into the ground combat portion of the Gulf War, the Battle of 73 Easting pitted American armored vehicles against a much larger Iraqi tank force. The U.S. troops, who had trained using the SIMNET system, routed the Iraqis. Within days, the military began turning the actual battle into a digital simulation for use with SIMNET. Intensive debriefing sessions with 150 veterans of the battle were undertaken. Then DARPA personnel went out onto the battlefield with the veterans, surveying tank tracks and burned-out Iraqi vehicles, as the veterans walked them through each individual segment of the clash. Additionally, radio communications, satellite photos, and ‘black boxes’ from U.S. tanks were used to gather even more details. Nine months after the actual combat took place, a digital recreation of the Battle of 73 Easting was premiered for high-ranking military personnel. Here was the culmination of Thorpe’s efforts to create a networked system that would allow troops to train for future wars using the new technology combined with accurate historical data. . . .”
Placing Henry Miller’s quote into an ironically-relevant context, a popular video game “Doom” quickly was adapted to Martine Corps training purposes:
“. . . . In late 1993, with the green glow of Gulf War victory already fading, id Software introduced the video game Doom. Gamers soon began modifying shareware copies of this ultraviolent, ultrapopular first person shooter, prompting id to release editing software the next year. The ability to customize Doom caught the attention of members of the Marine Corps Modeling and Simulation Management Office who had been tasked by the corps’ Commandant Charles Krulak with utilizing “‘computer (PC)-based war games”‘to help the marines ‘develop decision making skills, particularly when live training time and opportunities are limited.’
“Acting on Krulak’s directive, the marines’ modeling crew nixed Doom’s fantasy weapons and labyrinthine locale and, in three months’ time, developed Marine Doom, a game that included only actual Marine Corps weaponry and realistic environments. Krulak liked what he saw and, in 1997, approved the game. . . .”
Next, Turse discusses Pentagon plans to operate in urban slums in the Third World. Mr. Emory notes that many combat veterans of this country’s long counter-insurgency wars in Afghanistan and Iraq are joining the increasingly militarized police forces in this country.
Pentagon strategy as discussed here by Turse may, eventually be realized, to an extent, in the U.S., particularly in the event of an economic collapse.
More about Pentagon plans for urban warfare in slums, ostensibly in the developing world:
” . . . . As both the high-tech programs and the proliferating training facilities suggest, the foreign slum city is slated to become the bloody battlespace of the future. . . . For example, the U.S. Navy/Marine Corps launched a program seeking to develop algorithms to predict the criminality of a given building or neighborhood. The project titled Finding Repetitive Crime Supporting Structures, defines cities as nothing more than a collection of ‘urban clutter [that] affords considerable concealment for the actors that we must capture.’ The ‘hostile behavior bad actors,’ as the program terms them, are defined not just as ‘terrorists,’ today’s favorite catch-all bogeymen, but as a panoply of nightmare archetypes: ‘insurgents, serial killers, drug dealers, etc.’. . .”
Program Highlights Include: Discussion of Colonel Dave Grossman’s book On Killing against the background of the resonant synthesis of video games and military training; analysis of the use of gaming apps by Nazi elements to celebrate school shootings and encourage them; discussion of school shooter Nikolas Cruz of Parkland high and his Nazi, white supremacist and Trumpian influence; discussion of alt-right use of websites catering to people suffering from depression for recruiting purposes.
In these programs, we continue our discussion of Nick Turse’s 2008 tome The Complex: How the Military Invades Our Everyday Lives.
In this program, we examine how the military exerts dominant influence over our entertainment activities and how that, in turn, both affects and bolsters the Pentagon.
We begin by “going to the movies.”
The synthesis of Hollywood and “The Complex” is summarized by Nick Turse in the passage below. It should be noted that the melding of Hollywood and the military is a foundation of the derivative synthesis of the military and the video-gaming industry–the focus of the bulk of these programs.
“. . . . As David Robb, the author of Operation Hollywood: How the Pentagon Shapes and Censors the Movies, observed: ‘Hollywood and the Pentagon have a collaboration that works well for both sides. Hollywood producers get what they want—access to billions of dollars’ worth of military hardware and equipment—tanks, jet fighters, nuclear submarines and aircraft carriers—and the military gets what it wants—films that portray the military in a positive light; films that help the services in their recruiting efforts.’. . .”
Indeed, the very genesis of video games in derivative of the defense industry: ” . . . . In 1951, Ralph Baer, an engineer working for defense contractor Loral Electronics (today part of Lockheed Martin) on ‘computer components for Navy RADAR systems,’ dreamed up the idea of home video games, which he termed ‘interactive TV-based entertainment.’. . . .”
The Hollywood/Pentagon/gaming industry synthesis is epitomized by the Institute of Creative Technologies:
” . . . . The answer lies in Marina Del Rey, California, at the Institute for Creative Technologies (ICT), a center within the University of Southern California (USC) system. There, in 1999, the military’s growing obsession with video games moved to a new level when Secretary of the Army Louis Caldera signed a five-year, $45-million contract with USC to create ICT, says the center’s Web site, ‘to build a partnership among the entertainment industry, army and academia with the goal of creating synthetic experiences so compelling that participants react as if they are real.’. . .”
The video game/Pentagon relationship has evolved into a fusion of the two: “. . . . The rest followed, leading to the current continuous military gaming/simulation loop where commercial video games are adopted as military training aids and military simulators are reengineered into civilian gaming money makers in all sorts of strange and confusing ways. . . .”
Author Turse looked ahead (in 2008) and foresaw a future that, to a disturbing extent, has become reality: ” . . . . Certainly, the day is not far off when most potential U.S. troops will have grown up playing commercial video games that were created by the military as training simulators; will be recruited, at least in part, through video games; will be tested, post-enlistment, on advanced video game systems; will be trained using simulators, which will later be turned into video games, or on reconfigured versions of the very same games used to recruit them or that they played kids; will be taught to pilot vehicles using devices resembling commercial video game controllers; and then, after a long day of real-life war-gaming head back to their quarters to kick back and play the latest PlayStation or Xbox games created with or sponsored by their own, or another, branch of the armed forces. . . .”
Proof that big things can, indeed, come in small packages is Nick Turse’s impactful volume The Complex: How The Military Invades Our Everyday Lives.
Clearly written, brief and to the point, yet altogether revelatory, the book details the many ways in which what President Eisenhower termed “the military-complex” has come to dominate everyday life in the U.S. to an extent unrealized by even relatively aware citizens.
Continuing with the introduction to this remarkable tome, we read the concluding proportion of the program, in which the author compares the pervasive influence of the “Complex” to the popular science fiction movie The Matrix.
Further developing Turse’s comparison of the Pentagon to The Matrix, we highlight part of his conclusion to the introduction: “. . . . The high level of military-civilian interpenetration in a heavily consumer-driven society means that almost every American . . . is, at least passively, supporting the Complex every time he or she shops for groceries, sends a package, drives a car, or watches TV—let alone eats a barbecue in Memphis or buys Christian books in Hattiesburg. And what choice do you have? What other computer would you buy? Or cereal? Or boots? . . . .”
The remarkable profligacy of Pentagon spending is exacerbated by the fact that DoD has avoided audits! “. . . . Given such expenditures, it’s hardly surprising to find out that the Department of Defense has never actually undergone a financial audit. Speaking in 2006, Senator Tom Coburn (R‑Oklahoma) made special note of the DoD’s ‘inability to produce auditable financial statements’:
‘In other words, they can’t undergo an audit, much less pass one. If DoD were a privately-owned company, it would have been bankrupt long ago. In 2004, the Department set the goal of undergoing a full audit by 2007. That deadline has not been met, and in fact, has been moved to the year 2016 . . . . Americans are being asked to wait a full 10 years before their dollars are tracked well enough for the Department to fail an audit. And that seems to be the new objective of financial managers at Dod—to get to a place where DoD fan actually fail an audit. Passing the audit is a pipedream for some future date beyond 2016.’ . . .”
Some examples of stunningly exorbitant spending by DoD are chronicled by Turse, topped off by disclosure that Halliburton subsidiary Kellogg, Brown & Root charged the taxpayers for 10,000 meals a day. allegedly served to troops (ahem) serving overseas: ” . . . . Similarly, in 2007, it came to light that during the previous year the Pentagon paid another defense contractor “$998, 798 in transportation costs for shipping two 19-cent washers.” This was in addition to, according to the Washington Post, a “2004 order for a single $8.75 elbow pipe that was shipped for $445,640 . . . a $10.99 machine thread plug was shipped for $492,096 . . . [and] six machine screws worth a total of $59.94 were shipped at a cost of $403,463,” in 2005. The piece de resistance, [a wonderful pun—D.E.] however, was found in the testimony of the former food production manager at Halliburton’s subsidiary Kellogg, Brown & Root (KBR), who told congresspersons that Halliburton charged the Department of Defense for as many as ten thousand meals a day it never served. . . .”
Program Highlights Include: Discussion of the profound links between DoD and academia; the enormous fuel and fossil fuel consumption of the Pentagon; the military’s role as the world’s largest individual landlord, including the acquisition of many inhabited islands, often in contravention of international law.
Proof that big things can, indeed, come in small packages is Nick Turse’s impactful volume The Complex: How The Military Invades Our Everyday Lives.
Clearly written, brief and to the point, yet altogether revelatory, the book details the many ways in which what President Eisenhower termed “the military-complex” has come to dominate everyday life in the U.S. to an extent unrealized by even relatively aware citizens.
In the introduction to the book, the author presents a fictional, three-member suburban family of liberal political persuasion. Opposed to the Iraq War (the book was published in 2008), Rick, his wife Donna and their teen-age son Steven are immersed in an environment every element of which is produced by a contractor with the Department of Defense.
From their toilet articles to their workout apparel, from their electronic media devices to their sunglasses, from their footwear to the automobiles they drive, from the videogames Steven plays to the gasoline to power their cars, from their impending selections of mass transit for commuting purposes to the books they read, the inventory of their lives is produced by companies that contract with the Pentagon.
Writer Dorothy Thompson observed in 1940 (writing about the German industrialists and financiers behind the Third Reich) that, in the eyes of the Third Reich oligarchs, “economic control leads automatically to political control.”
We are of the opinion that Ms. Thompson–and the German economic titans she quotes–are correct.
It is very difficult to imagine how an entity as large and pervasive as the Pentagon and its allied interests could fail to manifest political control, following automatically on their massive economic prevalence.
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