This program completes the line of inquiry we undertook in FTR #‘s 1146, 1147, 1148 and 1149. Most importantly, we bring the evolution of events and institutions up to the present. Listeners who digest the programs in the future should bear in mind that these programs were recorded during, and in the immediate aftermath of, the 2020 GOP convention.
After reviewing information about Nixon confidante Bebe Rebozo and the links of his bank to the deadly Bormann network, we continue with the unpublished manuscript from which we read in our last program. The broadcast highlights interactions between the Nixon administration, Bebe Rebozo, a mysterious and allegedly organized-crime connected company called Resorts International, an even more mysterious subsidiary of Resorts International called the Paradise Island Bridge Company and the Dewey, Dulles, Nazi, William Casey milieu that is central to this discussion.
The Paradise Island Bridge Company’s directors are suggestive of a possible Bormann link: ” . . . . It did, however, name a number of German and Swiss investors, One of these, for example, was Dr. Heinz Rosterg of Lausanne, a former ‘principal stockholder’ and director of the Wintershall potash concern; Wintershall was one of the major subsidiaries of BASF, the largest single successor firm to I.G. Farben. . . . .”
The manuscript sets forth speculation about the possibility that Mary Carter Paint/Resorts International may have generated funds that greased the wheels for the release of many Nazi war criminals. ” . . . . Still unanswered is the question of whether the story of the Dewey-Allen Dulles interest in Resorts should have referred to funds, not from the CIA itself, but from its German-Swiss partners in the Paradise Island Bridge Company. Such a hypothesis might explain some of the many strange coincidences which surround the company’s controversial history. It might, for example, explain the ‘fortune in legal fees’ that Mary Carter Paint, on the advice of Thomas Dewey, paid to Allen Dulles’ longtime law partner David Peck. (48) The SS-OSS connection certainly had reason to be grateful to David Peck. It was on the basis of Peck’s recommendation, as chairman of a three-man advisory board to review all the Nuremberg sentences, that John J. McCloy commuted to time served the sentence of Skorzeny’s post-war employer, Baron Alfried Krupp, and eight of his colleagues, and also ordered Krupp’s property to be restored. (49) The release of Krupp and other industrialists fulfilled an earlier demand to McCloy from Hermann Abs, who himself narrowly escaped prosecution at Nuremberg. Abs was the first post-war chairman of BASF, the I.G. Farben successor company represented among the stockholders of the Paradise Island Bridge Company. (50) . . . .”
William Casey
The author also engages in speculation about the relationship between Resorts International and Capital Cities Broadcasting. The latter is the company that bought out ABC in the mid 1980’s and whose largest stockholder was William Casey. ” . . . . Might not the OSS-SS connection also throw light on the unexplained interlock between James Crosby’s company Resorts International, tightly controlled by the related and doubly intermarried Crosby-Murphy families, and Capital Cities Broadcasting, the major investment of the CIA’s present director William Casey. (51) Casey would be the logical person to have established the original connection between the Crosby-Murphy families and their mysterious German-Swiss partners. For it was Casey who, in 1944–45, ‘was given overall operational control of [OSS] German projects,’ and ‘co-ordinated . . . the over 150 men’ whom OSS sent into Germany. (52) With Dulles, Wisner, and Forgan, Casey was also one of the OSS veterans who lobbied successfully for a CIA which could legitimately utilize the resources of the Gehlen Org. (53) . . .”
The “unexplained interlock” between Resorts International and Capital Cities is described by the author: ” . . . . James Crosby’s cousin and brother-in-law, Thomas S. Murphy, was in 1964, the Executive Vice-President and a director of Capital Cities, as well as a director of Mary Carter Paint. Lowell Thomas, a long-time radio broadcaster with intelligence connections, was a director of both companies. At the time, William Casey was an officer, director, and major stockholder of Capital Cities. . . .”
Trump kept a copy of this by his bedside for late-night reading.
After James Crosby’s “unexpected” death in April of 1986, Donald Trump–whose operations are bankrolled by Deutsche Bank–purchased the company. Following litigation with Merv Griffin, the assets were divided with the television personality. ” . . . . Real estate developer Donald Trump, who owned two Atlantic City casinos, beat out several other bidders to purchase a controlling stake in the company from Crosby’s family for $79 million in July 1987.[26] Trump was appointed chairman of Resorts International, and said he would complete the Taj Mahal in about a year. . . . The two ultimately reached a settlement, which was executed in November 1988, with Griffin purchasing the company for $365 million, and Trump purchasing the Taj Mahal from the company for $273 million. . . .”
Program Highlights Include:
1.–Discussion of Capital Cities Broadcasting’s acquisition of ABC following the CIA’s filing of a “fairness doctrine” complaint against the company for their coverage of Bishop, Baldwin, Rewald, Dillingham and Wong. Ron Rewald alleged that he and the firm for which he worked fronted for CIA. (At the time William Casey was head of CIA and Capital Cities largest stockholder.)
2.–The fact that Thomas Dewey, two time GOP candidate for President, was one of the founders of Capital Cities. The genesis of the Nazi branch of the GOP was Dewey’s 1948 campaign.
3.–Review of William Casey’s career, including the positions he held in the Nixon administration and his involvement with the Black Eagle Trust, which evolved from the Golden Lily plunder acquired by Japan after World War II.
4.–Discussion of Attorney General William Barr’s background in the CIA, including his role in George H.W. Bush’s pardon of key players in the Iran-Contra scandal.
5.–Analysis of Barr’s father Donald Barr and his work for the OSS in World War II, which may have intersected with the machinations of Dulles, Donovan, Casey and the Nazi “Operation Sunrise” participants.
6.–Donald Barr’s hiring of college dropout Jeffrey Epstein to teach at the Dalton School.
7.–Donald Barr’s authorship of a science fiction novel–Space Relations–about a planet dominated by oligarchs and driven by sexual slavery.
8.–Review of a decisive stratagem of the Underground Reich, enunciated by Army officer Glenn Pinchback in a letter to New Orleans D.A. Jim Garrison. Pinchback wrote of a ” . . . . ‘Neo-Nazi plot to enslave America in the name of anti-Communism,’ . . .”
9.–In past programs, we have briefly noted that military and [ostensibly] civilian programs officially involved with “epidemic prevention” might conceal clandestine biological warfare applications designed to create epidemics. The official distinction between “offensive” and “defensive” biological warfare research is academic. In that context, one should note that the official title of Unit 731, the notorious Japanese biological warfare unit was “the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department of the Kwantung Army.” Unit 731’s research was incorporated into the U.S. biological warfare program at the end of World War II.
10.–Noteworthy in that general context is the observation by Jonathan King (professor of molecular biology at MIT), that Pentagon research into the application of genetic engineering to biological warfare could be masked as vaccine research, which sounds “defensive.”
Concluding the discussion contained in part of FTR #1147 and all of FTR #1148, we finish the presentation of a very important article by the brilliant Peter Dale Scott, written almost 35 years ago. With the GOP convention in full swing as these programs were being recorded, the symbiosis between Allen Dulles and the Nazi SS is fundamental to understanding not only the genesis of the U.S. intelligence establishment, but how that institution is inextricably linked with the Republican Party.
The link to this article permits the listener/reader to download (for free) the entire issue of Covert Action Quarterly. Mr. Emory strongly recommends that they do so, as the other articles in this excellent issue will supplement the analysis beautifully.
Due to the length and complexity of this article, we are not transcribing it, but will summarize important points of information.
Key Points of Analysis:
1.–Dulles’s negotiations with the SS preceded by months the official story of the contact between U.S. intelligence and the Gehlen team. ” . . . . It is interesting to note that Gehlen knew of Wolff’s contacts with Dulles s early as January 1945, the month in which they were initiated. From this same period he began to consolidate his networks for survival after Hitler’s downfall, which is to say he already expected to reach a modus vivendi with the Americans. In April 1945, one month before the war ended, Dulles asked Frank Wisner to begin talks with Gehlen, who was not taken into U.S. custody until May 20. On the Gehlen side, a plan ‘to gain contact with the Americans’ was approved on April 9. . . .”
2.–Dulles’s negotiations with the SS, involving Walter Rauff–who devised the mobile gas chambers used on the Eastern Front–were conducted as part of Operation Sunrise. ” . . . . Despite the [U.S.] Army interrogator’s pleas that Rauff ‘is considered a menace if ever set free, and failing actual elimination, is recommended for life-long internment,’ Dulles kep his bargain and Rauff was released. According to usually reliable intelligence sources. Dulles then employed Rauff on anti-communist operations in Italy, which was Rauff’s specialty under the Nazis. . . .”
3.–Although the Vatican was deeply involved with the SS/OSS negotiations, Dulles’ team was the primary component. ” . . . It was Dulles’s contacts, not the Vatican, who handled the smuggling of Nazis. According to top secret State Department documents, the Italian police provided the false passports for allied agents; the visas came from the Argentine consulate in the allied intelligence unit based at Trieste;and the embarkation paperwork was handled by a U.S. State Department officer in Genoa. Genoa, incidentally was Rauff’s area of jurisdiction. All of them worked for Dulles. . . .”
Supplementing the information in the Peter Dale Scott article, we present information about Mengele’s work in Paraguay in conjunction with the CIA and Pentagon: ” . . . . In the last named country, the son of a Bavarian cavalry officer, President Stroessner, cooperates with the United States military authorities and the CIA, as he does with Bormann and his representatives. During the Vietnam war, President Stroessner permitted the U.S. Army Chemical Corps and the CIA to send in teams of 2,500 men to carry out field tests, in the Matto Grosso jungle, of chemicals for use in Vietnam. In one instance, several American soldiers became casualties when they accidentally were sprayed with the gas. They were taken to a Paraguayan military field hospital; the doctor who treated them was Josef Mengele, now a Paraguayan citizen and an officer in the Paraguayan Army Medical Corps. Under Mengele’s treatment, all soldiers recovered. None, of course, knew the true identity of their medical benefactor. . . .”
Of paramount importance in the context of this presentation, is the fact that it was William Casey who was in charge of OSS operations in Germany in late 1944 and 1945, as Dulles, Donovan, and the SS were forging their alliance!! This places Casey’s role in the Crusade For Freedom and the derivative Reagan campaign and administration in perspective.
Placing the co-evolution of the Crusade For Freedom, the GOP and the Gehlen “Org” in context, we note that:
1.–The Gehlen organization was a direct extension of the Third Reich’s national security establishment, coalescing with the approval of a German chain of command that was still in effect after the formal conclusion of hostilities.
2.–The OUN/B, Iron Guard, Croatian Ustachis and other Eastern European fascist groups were part of the Gehlen organization. They were the primary elements in the GOP’s Ethnic Heritage Outreach Council.
3.–This places William Casey’s central role in the GOP Nazi branch as an element in the perpetuation of the Third Reich’s national security establishment.
Next, we review analysis of the Crusade For Freedom–the covert operation that brought Third Reich alumni into the country and also supported their guerilla warfare in Eastern Europe, conducted up until the early 1950’s. Conceived by Allen Dulles, overseen by Richard Nixon, publicly represented by Ronald Reagan and realized in considerable measure by William Casey, the CFF ultimately evolved into a Nazi wing of the GOP.
While serving as chairman of the Republican National Committee, the elder George Bush shepherded the Nazi émigré community into position as a permanent branch of the Republican Party.
Note that the rise of the Reagan administration was essentially the ascent of the Nazified GOP, embodied in the CFF milieu. Reagan (spokesman for CFF) was President; George H.W. Bush (for whom CIA headquarters is named) was the Vice President; William Casey (who handled the State Department machinations to bring these people into the United States) was Reagan’s campaign manager and later his CIA director.
Central to understanding the merging of the U.S. with Nazi Germany in an anti-Soviet alliance–is the understanding of what globalization really is and how it precipitated fascism and the Second World War.
Also central to an understanding of the realization of the consummate manifestation of both globalization and fascism/Nazism–is analysis of the machinations of the Bush family. The heroic Justice Department investigator (later author) John Loftus delineated the Bush family’s role in the laundering of Nazi funds between the Thyssen Bank in Berlin, the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart, N.V. and the Union Bank in the U.S.
The networking of the Bush family with the Thyssens, and the Rockefellers, in turn, is inextricably linked with the coalescence and operation of the remarkable and deadly Bormann flight capital network, highlighted in FTR #305, among other programs.
Of paramount importance is the role of the two institutions in which Prescott Bush served–Brown Brothers Harriman and the Union Bank–as a fundamental vehicle for laundering money from the consummately powerful Rockefeller family and related interests in Nazi Germany. ” . . . . But what did the Bush family know about their Nazi connection and when did they know it? As senior managers of Brown Brothers Harriman, they had to have known that their American clients, such as the Rockefellers, were investing heavily in German corporations, including Thyssen’s giant Vereinigte Stahlwerke. As noted historian Christopher Simpson repeatedly documents, it is a matter of public record that Brown Brother’s investments in Nazi Germany took place under the Bush family stewardship. . . . It should be recalled that in January 1937, he hired Allen Dulles to ‘cloak’ his accounts. But cloak from whom? Did he expect that happy little Holland was going to declare war on America? The cloaking operation only makes sense in anticipation of a possible war with Nazi Germany. If Union Bank was not the conduit for laundering the Rockefeller’s Nazi investments back to America, then how could the Rockefeller-controlled Chase Manhattan Bank end up owning 31% of the Thyssen group after the war? It should be noted that the Thyssen group (TBG) is now the largest industrial conglomerate in Germany, and with a net worth of more than $50 billion dollars, one of the wealthiest corporations in the world. TBG is so rich it even bought out the Krupp family, famous arms makers for Hitler, leaving the Thyssens as the undisputed champion survivors of the Third Reich. Where did the Thyssens get the start-up money to rebuild their empire with such speed after World War II? . . . . A fortune this size could only have come from the Thyssen profits made from rearming the Third Reich, and then hidden, first from the Nazi tax auditors, and then from the Allies. The Bushes knew perfectly well that Brown Brothers was the American money channel into Nazi Germany, and that Union Bank was the secret pipeline to bring the Nazi money back to America from Holland. The Bushes had to have known how the secret money circuit worked because they were on the board of directors in both directions: Brown Brothers out, Union Bank in. . . .”
Further solidifying the continuity between the Third Reich, the Gehlen Org and the GOP, we note that, while it was the BND (the intelligence service of the Federal Republic) the “Org” was financing the Eastern European fascist groups that were part of the Ethnic Heritage Outreach Council.
Fleshing out information about the BND financing of groups linked to the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, we present supplemental information from an unpublished manuscript. The author is well-known to veteran researchers, but will remain anonymous, since the work was never formally completed or published.
Providing background to discussion of the relationship between the milieu of Resorts International, Nixon, his banking associate Bebe Rebozo and William Casey, we note that Rebozo’s banking of funds from the deadly Bormann network, the institution that Mr. Emory feels will prove to be the decisive element on this earth.
Continuing with discussion from the unpublished manuscript referenced above, the broadcast highlights interactions between the Nixon administration, Bebe Rebozo, a mysterious and allegedly organized-crime connected company called Resorts International, an even more mysterious subsidiary of Resorts International called the Paradise Island Bridge Company and the Dewey, Dulles, Nazi, William Casey milieu that is central to this discussion.
Note that Donald Trump was a suitor for the ownership of Resorts International (after the 1986 death of James Crosby), ultimately purchasing the Taj Mahal Casino from the firm after a lawsuit with television star Merv Griffin.
In FTR #370, we discussed the Bormann flight capital organization and its links to the Bush and Thyssen families. In the aftermath of the Jim DiEugenio interviews, we were impressed by the nature of Clay Shaw’s connections to the same milieu. ” . . . . But what did the Bush family know about their Nazi connection and when did they know it? As senior managers of Brown Brothers Harriman, they had to have known that their American clients, such as the Rockefellers, were investing heavily in German corporations, including Thyssen’s giant Vereinigte Stahlwerke. . . . It should be recalled that in January 1937, he hired Allen Dulles to ‘cloak’ his accounts. But cloak from whom? . . . . The cloaking operation only makes sense in anticipation of a possible war with Nazi Germany. If Union Bank was not the conduit for laundering the Rockefeller’s Nazi investments back to America, then how could the Rockefeller-controlled Chase Manhattan Bank end up owning 31% of the Thyssen group after the war? It should be noted that the Thyssen group (TBG) is now the largest industrial conglomerate in Germany, and with a net worth of more than $50 billion dollars, one of the wealthiest corporations in the world. TBG is so rich it even bought out the Krupp family, famous arms makers for Hitler, leaving the Thyssens as the undisputed champion survivors of the Third Reich. Where did the Thyssens get the start-up money to rebuild their empire with such speed after World War II? The enormous sums of money deposited into the Union Bank prior to 1942 are the best evidence that Prescott Bush knowingly served as a money launderer for the Nazis. Remember that Union Banks’ books and accounts were frozen by the U.S. Alien Property Custodian in 1942 and not released back to the Bush family until 1951. At that time, Union Bank shares representing hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of industrial stocks and bonds were unblocked for distribution. Did the Bush family really believe that such enormous sums came from Dutch enterprises? . . . . A fortune this size could only have come from the Thyssen profits made from rearming the Third Reich, and then hidden, first from the Nazi tax auditors, and then from the Allies. The Bushes knew perfectly well that Brown Brothers was the American money channel into Nazi Germany, and that Union Bank was the secret pipeline to bring the Nazi money back to America from Holland. The Bushes had to have known how the secret money circuit worked because they were on the board of directors in both directions: Brown Brothers out, Union Bank in. . . .”
With the looming decisive second round in the French elections, there is renewed scrutiny on the National Front and its titular head Marine Le Pen.
Networked with various figures ranging from the milieu of Donald Trump to that of Turkish president Erdogan, the National Front and the Le Pens (father Jean-Marie and daughter Marine) are carrying on the fascist tradition in France.
The second of two shows, this program continues our examination of French deep politics, scrutinizing powerful economic and financial arrangements that determined the Franco-German political dynamic throughout most of the twentieth century and, thus far, through the twenty-first as well.
Critical to our understanding is the dynamic of occupying the high ground on both sides of a political divide. This program underscores how this has placed Germany in a key strategic position on both sides of key political struggles: In the pre-World War II era and postwar era as well; In the right-left political divide in French politics; In the struggle between anti-immigrant/anti-Muslim advocates such as the National Front and Muslim-Brotherhood linked elements in the Islamist community.
Key elements of discussion include:
1. Review of Steve Bannon’s ideological fondness for French anti-Semite and Vichy collaborationist Charles Maurras. Maurras’ Action Francaise is a direct antecedent of the National Front. ” . . . . One of the primary progenitors of the party was the Action Française, founded at the end of the 19th century. . . .”
2. Review of the relationship between former president Francois Mitterand (a socialist) and French Holocaust implementer and Vichy police official Rene Bousquet, who was close to Mitterand and helped to finance his campaign and those of other left-wing French politicians. With financial influence in left-wing parties, Germany can help motivate the French left to band together to defeat the French National Front and its anti-EU, anti-NATO ideology. Potential leftists can also be channelled into an anti-immigrant/anti-Muslim position along that of the National Front. ” . . . . . . . The most damning of all charges against Mitterrand and his right wing connections is probably his long lasting friendship with René Bousquet, ex secrétaire général of the Vichy police. . . . In 1974, René Bousquet gave financial help to François Mitterrand for his presidential campaign against Valéry Giscard d’Estaing. In an interview with Pierre Favier et Michel Martin-Roland Mitterrand claimed that he was not the only left wing politician to benefit from Bousquet’s money, as René Bousquet helped finance all the principal left wing politicians from the 1950s to the beginning of the 1970s, including Pierre Mendès France. . . .”
3. Discussion of Francois Mitterand’s primary role in establishing the Euro, as a prerequisite for German reunification (his alleged “fear” of a reunified Germany should be taken with a grain of salt in light of his collaborationist background and relationship with Rene Bousquet: ” . . . . He [Robert Zoellick] explained his understanding of how Europe got its common currency. . . . it was very clear that European monetary union resulted from French-German tensions before unification and was meant to calm Mitterrand’s fears of an all-too-powerful Germany. According to Zoellick, the euro currency is a by-product of German unification. . . . in strategic terms, Germany’s influence has never been greater. As the continent wants to bank on Germany’s AAA rating, Berlin can now effectively dictate fiscal policy to Athens, Lisbon and Rome – perhaps in the future to Paris, too. . .”
4. More about the Euro (launched with the critically important assistance of Francois Mitterand: “. . . . It [the euro] has turned the Germans into the new rulers of Europe. And it has consigned France to be the weaker partner in the Franco-German relationship. . . .”
5. Analysis of the decisive relationship between French steelmakers belonging to the Comite des Forges and their German counterparts and Ruhr coal producers, one of the foundational elements of the Fifth Column that is antecedent to the National Front: ” . . . . The struggle of the interwar period was not simply a clash between French interests on the one side and German interests on the other. During the development of the Ruhr-Lorraine industrial complex, like-minded industrialists in France and Germany had become directors of jointly owned and jointly controlled financial, industrial, and distributing enterprises. In many cases common views on questions of economic organization, labor policy, social legislation, and attitude toward government had been far more important to the industrialists than differences of nationality or citizenship. . . . ”
6. The economic collaboration between French and German oligarchs worked to the advantage of Germany: ” . . . .It is curious to note that only the French appeared to have this conflict between public policy and private activities. On the German side, complete co-ordination seems to have been preserved between national and private interests; between officials of the German Republic and the leaders of German industry and finance. . . .”
7. Exemplifying the operation of the pro-German Fifth Column in the Ruhr-Lorraine industrial complex is the relationship between the De Wendel and Rochling interests: ” . . . . During World War I the De Wendels, the influential French-German banking and industrial family which headed the French wing of the International Steel Cartel through their Comite des Forges and whose members had sat in the parliaments of both France and Germany, were able to keep the French army from destroying industrial plants belonging to the German enterprises of the Rochling family. . . . . . . . The Rochling family, with their powerful complex of coal, iron, steel and banking enterprises in Germany, has for generations played in close harmony with the de Wendel family. . . .”
8. The De Wendel/Rochling links were so profound that the Rochlings were called upon to help build the French defensive Maginot Line: ” . . . . On the other hand, as far as the French steel makers’ association, the Comite des Forges, and in particular the de Wendels who headed the Comite, were concerned, it was business as usual-or in this case, business as unusual-that prevailed. . . . When it came time for France to build its impregnable Maginot Line, who should be called in to supply steel and technical assistance but the German firm of the brothers Rochling. . . .”
9. After the French capitulation, the Vichy government–to no one’s surprise–exonerated the Rochlings: ” . . . . Now comes the outbreak of World War II. The French army marching into the Saar during the ‘phony war’ period in 1939, received orders not to fire on or damage the plants of the ‘war criminals,’ the brothers Rochling. In 1940 came the blitz and the fall of France. The Vichy government passed a decree exonerating the Rochlings and canceling their forty-year prison sentences. . . .”
10. The Franco-German steel cartel, in turn, belonged to an international steel cartel featuring the Thyssen firm Vereinigte Stahlwerke (later Thyssen A.G.). The Thyssen interests are inextricably linked with the Bormann capital network. The Thyssens’ principal American contacts were the Bush family. ” . . . . They marked the formation of the United Steel Works in Germany, as a combination of the four biggest steel producers Ernst Poensgen, Fritz Thyssen, Otto Wolff, and the others who drew this combine together had managed to get over a hundred million dollars from private investors in the United States. Dillon Read & Company, the New York investment house which brought Clarence Dillon, James V. Forrestal, William H. Draper, Jr., and others into prominence, floated the United Steel Works bonds in the United States . . . . ”
11. During the occupation of France, the Franco-German corporate connection yielded further German capital domination of French firms: ” . . . The Third Republic’s business elite was virtually unchanged after 1940. . . . They regarded the war and Hitler as an unfortunate diversion from their chief mission of preventing a communist revolution in France. Antibolshevism was a common denominator linking these Frenchmen to Germans. . . . The upper-class men who had been superbly trained in finance and administration at one of the two grand corps schools were referred to as France’s permanent ‘wall of money,’ and as professionals they came into their own in 1940. They agreed to the establishment of German subsidiary firms in France and permitted a general buy-in to French companies. . . .
12. The Franco-German corporate links and the domination of that relationship by corporate Germany and the Bormann network continued into the postwar period: ” . . . . Society’s natural survivors, French version, who had served the Third Reich as an extension of German industry, would continue to do so in the period of postwar trials, just as they had survived the war, occupation, and liberation. These were many of the French elite, the well-born, the propertied, the titled, the experts, industrialists, businessmen, bureaucrats, bankers. . . . Economic collaboration in France with the Germans had been so widespread (on all levels of society) that there had to be a realization that an entire nation could not be brought to trial. . . .”
13. Corporate German/Bormann control of French commerce and finance is the determining factor in contemporary French affairs: ” . . . . The understandings arrived at in the power structure of France reach back to prewar days, were continued during the occupation, and have carried over to the present time. [New York Times reporter Flora] Lewis, in her report from Paris, commented further: ‘This hidden control of government and corporations has produced a general unease in Paris.’ Along with the unease, the fact that France has lingering and serious social and political ailments is a residue of World War II and of an economic occupation that was never really terminated with the withdrawal of German troops beyond the Rhine. . . .”
14. The Franco-German corporate Axis facilitated the De Wendel family’s postwar assistance of Friedrich Flick, another of Hitler’s top industrialists.: ” . . . . The understandings arrived at in the power structure of France reach back to prewar days, were continued during the occupation, and have carried over to the present time. Lewis, in her report from Paris, commented further: ‘This hidden control of government and corporations has produced a general unease in Paris.’ Along with the unease, the fact that France has lingering and serious social and political ailments is a residue of World War II and of an economic occupation that was never really terminated with the withdrawal of German troops beyond the Rhine. . . .”
15. The seamless incorporation of the Franco-German corporate axis into the German-dominated EU and EMU has yielded the ability of the Federal Republic to interfere in the French political process: ” . . . . Like Fillon, Macron is considered ‘Germany-compatible’ by a German think tank, whereas all other candidates are viewed as unsuitable for ‘constructive cooperation’ because of their criticism of the EU and/or of NATO. Recently, Germany’s Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble ostentatiously recommended voting for Macron. Berlin’s interference on behalf of Macron shows once again that German domination of the EU does not stop at national borders, and — according to a well-known EU observer — surpasses by far Russia’s feeble meddling in France. . . .”
The program concludes with rumination about the role of anti-Muslim sentiment in the French and U.S. political process and the presence of Underground Reich-linked elements on both the “anti-immigrant” side and the Islamist/Muslim Brotherhood side.
Program Highlights Include:
1. Review of the Islamist/Muslim Brotherhood Turkish Refah Party (the direct antecedent of Erdogan’s AKP) and its relationship to Ahmed Huber of the Bank Al-Taqwa.
2. Review of the role of Ahmed Huber (later of the Bank Al-Taqwa) in introducing Turkish Muslim Brotherhood’s Necmettin Erbakan with Marine Le Pen’s father: ” . . . . . . . . A second photograph, in which Hitler is talking with Himmler, hangs next to those of Necmettin Erbakan and Jean-Marie Le Pen [leader of the fascist National Front]. Erbakan, head of the Turkish Islamist party, Refah, turned to Achmed Huber for an introduction to the chief of the French party of the far right. Exiting from the meeting . . . . Huber’s two friends supposedly stated that they ‘share the same view of the world’ and expressed ‘their common desire to work together to remove the last racist obstacles that still prevent the union of the Islamist movement with the national right of Europe.’. . .”
3. Review of The Camp of the Saints, a racist, anti-immigrant book valued both by French National Front types and Trump advisor Steve Bannon.
In July of 2015, Donald Trump tweeted a campaign ad that featured a picture of uniformed Waffen SS troopers in the lower right-hand corner. A photograph of Waffen SS-clad World War II reenactors, the picture was blamed on an intern. This has become a familiar sort of dodge by Trump when caught tweeting openly racist, anti-Semitic and/or pro-Nazi material–“Who, me?” “. . . . In an almost impossibly bizarre coincidence . . . . George’s brother John [Cairns] is also a stock photographer, and took the image of Nazi reenactors that was accidentally used in a flier for the campaign of North Carolina state legislator Tim Spear in 2010.. . . ”
This ninth interview fills in the details concerning a mysterious cast of characters in Indonesia who were investigating the late president Sukarno’s Revolutionary Fund. That fund appears to have derived from large amounts of World War II wealth stolen by Japan and Germany. Dr. Sosro Husodo alleged in a book that a mysterious Nazi named Dr. Anton Poch was actually Hitler. That allegation has never been proved, however the stories of Poch, Husodo, Dr. Edison Damanik and an Indonesian arms dealer named Soeryo Goeritno are indicative of a massive, ongoing cover-up of the political and economic dynamics underlying their situations. Expanding the scope of the inquiry to the capital flows asssociated with the Third Reich, its postwar underground phase and institutions associated with and/or evolving from Nazism, the programs sets forth a number of considerations: the financing of the postwar German economic miracle by German corporations; the frustration of the de-Nazification of corporate Germany by the Third Reich’s prominent American economic backers; the enormous scale of the Nazi economic diaspora; the role of Klaus Barbie and his “Fiancees of Death” in ODESSA-related operations; Colonia Dignidad and its role in laundering ODESSA money.
Pop conspiracy theory casts the Bilderberger group in a sensationalist, politically and historically illiterate “New World Order” context. In this broadcast, we examine the history of Prince Bernhard, the former SS officer and I.G. Farben spy who founded the group, against the background of the Battle of Arnhem (Operation Market Garden) in September of 1944. As head of the Dutch “resistance,” apparent double agent Bernhard sacrificed a resistance fighter named Christian Lindemans (code named “King Kong”), who took the blame for the deliberate betrayal of the Allied battle plan. Sabotage of the Arnhem operation has also been partly attributed to Peter Carrington (later Lord Carrington and former British Foreign Secretary during the run-up to the Falkalands War.) Attacked for his stunning lack of insight with regard to the Argentine fascist junta’s invasion of those islands, Carrington has never been properly vetted with regard to the betrayal of part of the British battle plan for the Falkalnds campaign. The program also examines the fascist activities and involvements of Bernhard’s heirs in the Royal Family of the Netherlands.
This broadcast illustrates the deep political relationships that evolved from the Third Reich’s formal military occupation of Europe. These relationships are inextricably linked with the remarkable and deadly Bormann capital network that forms the basis of much of Mr. Emory’s analytical paradigm. Taken in concert, they help to illustrate what Mr. Emory means by “Underground Reich.” Angela Merkel’s selection of austerity advocate Jean-Claude Juncker as President of the European Union Commission will see a long-time German ally and son of a Wehrmacht combatant ascend to the pinnacle of EU governorship. The connections dominating the background and character of the Germanophile Juncker track back to the Nazi occupation of Luxembourg during World War II and cartel connections that facilitated the Third Reich’s amoeba-like absorption of the European economy. During the Nazi occupation, Luxembourg’s economy was folded into “Europa Germanica,” with Gustav Koenigs, Chairman of the Bush-Family linked Hamburg-Amerika Line and Secretary of State of the Third Reich overseeing the steel cartel ARBED and much of Luxembourg’s other business. After the war, Luxembourg continued to be a primary element of the Bormann capital network.
With the Bergdahl “controversy,” American political culture continues to hit new lows, courtesy of the terrorist-coddling GOP and their Amen chorus in the media. John McCain–himself a former POW–seems intent on leading the GOP’s race to the bottom, no mean feat under the circumstances. Dewey Clarridge, himself a player in the Iran-Contra affair, was the source for much of the “secret intelligence” that has been utilized by Fox News, that beacon of journalistic integrity.
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