Spitfire List | Sun Myung Moon

FTR#‘s 1349 & 1350 Conversations with Monte: Conversations #‘s 23 & 24

Posted by Dave Emory ⋅ October 6, 2024 ⋅ Post a comment

Introduction: These programs continue (from FTR#‘s 1345 & 1346) exploration of the history of U.S. involvement with Asian fascism from the pre-World War II period until the present.

Critical background information on U.S. capital support for Japanese fascism and Japan’s centuries-long subjugation of Korea may be found in FTR#‘s 905 and 1141.

1. It is interesting to contemplate the text of a letter that Jack Ruby smuggled out of prison. In the letter, Ruby hints that Japanese fascists participated in the assassination of President Kennedy. Certainly, elements of what were to become the World Anti-Communist League (including the Asian Peoples Anti-Communist League) were involved.

. . . Don’t believe the Warren [Commission] Report, that was only put out to make me look innocent. . . .I’m going to die a horrible death anyway, so what would I have to gain by writing all this. So you must believe me. . . . that [sic] is only one kind of people that would do such a thing, that would have to be the Nazi’s [sic], and that is who is in power in this country right now. . . . Japan is also in on the deal, but the old war lords are going to come back. South America is also full of these Nazi’s [sic]. . . . if those people were so determined to frame me then you must be convinced that they had an ulterior motive for doing same. There is only one kind of people that would go to such extremes, and that would be the Master Race. . . .

2. While in Okinawa during Japan’s surrender in World War II, Colonel L. Fletcher Prouty was witness to the early commitment of decisive military resources to the wars that were to take place in Korea and Indochina/Vietnam.

. . . . I was on Okinawa at that time, and during some business in the harbor area I asked the harbormaster if all that new material was being returned to the States. His response was direct and surprising: ‘Hell, no! They ain’t never goin’ to see it again. One-half of this stuff, enough to equip and supply at least a hundred and fifty thousand men, is going to Korea, and the other half is going to Indochina.’ In 1945, none of us had any idea that the first battles of the Cold War were going to be fought by U.S. military units in those two regions beginning in 1950 and 1965–yet that is precisely what had been planned, and it is precisely what happened. Who made that decision back in 1943–45? . . . .

3a. The shooting war in Asia did not end with V‑J Day.

. . . . When the war ended, China was in utter chaos. Thousands of Japanese troops wandered around the countryside, fully armed, with no one accepting their surrender. John F. Melby [a State Department officer], in a day-by-day diary he kept at the time, reflected in bewilderment upon this anomaly. On December 27, 1945, he noted: “I still don’t understand about the Japanese. Officially they are being disarmed, but the fact is they never seem to be. In Shanghai, fifteen thousand still walk the streets with full equipment. In Nanking, the high Japanese generals are bosom buddies of the Chinese. In the north, tens of thousands of Japanese soldiers are used to guard railroads and warehouses and to fight the Communists. If you ask what this is all about, the answer is either a denial or in more candid moments a ‘Shh, we don’t talk about that.’ ” In another entry on January 30, 1947, a good sixteen months after V‑J Day, Melby noted that, though it was being kept “very quiet,” there were “eighty thousand holdout Japanese troops in eastern and northwestern Manchuria, who are fully equipped, fighting the Communists.” . . . .

3b. Of great significance is the presence of John Foster Dulles, Kodama Yoshio and Machii Hisayuki (head of the Korean Yakuza in Japan) in Seoul South Korea on the eve of the outbreak of the Korean War.

. . . . In October of 1949, the People’s Republic of China came into being. Eight months later, in June of 1950, the Korean War broke out. Just before the war began, Kodama [Yoshio] accompanied John Foster Dulles to negotiations in Seoul. The Dulles party also included Kodama’s protege Machii Hisayuki, boss of the Korean yakuza in Japan. Efforts to discover under Freedom of Information what Kodama and Machii did during the trip with Dulles have run into a stone wall. In the MacArthur Memorial archive we discovered a personal letter from Kodama to General MacArthur offering to provide thousands of yakuza and former Japanese Army soldiers to fight alongside American soldiers in Korea. According to sources in Korea and Japan, the offer was accepted and these men joined the Allied force on the Peninsula, posing as Korean soldiers. . . .

3c. Japan’s looting of Korea took place over centuries. In Gold Warriors, the Seagraves present the history of Japan’s rape of Korea, beginning with their account of the grisly murder of Korean Queen Min in 1894. (For more about the Japanese conquest, subjugation and looting of Korea, see FTR#1141.) ” . . . . the defenseless queen was stabbed and slashed repeatedly, and carried wailing out to the palace garden where she was thrown onto a pile of firewood, drenched with kerosene, and set aflame. An American military advisor, General William Dye, was one of several foreigners who heard and saw the killers milling around in the palace compound with dawn swords while the queen was burned alive. . . .”

A snapshot of the Japanese colonial occupation of Korea, a focal point of criticism of the late Park Won-soon:” . . . . [General] Terauchi was extraordinarily brutal, setting a precedent for Japanese behavior in all the countries, it would occupy over coming decades. Determined to crush all resistance, he told Koreans, ‘I will whip you with scorpions!’ He set up a sadistic police force of Korean yakuza, ordering it to use torture as a matter of course, for ‘no Oriental can be expected to tell the truth except under torture’. These police were closely supervised by Japan’s gestapo, the kempeitai. . . . ‘Japan’s aim,’ said Korean historian Yi Kibeck, ‘was to eradicate consciousness of Korean national identity, roots and all, and thus to obliterate the very existence of the Korean people from the face of the earth.’ . . . the peninsula was stripped of everything from artworks to root vegetables. As Korea now belonged to Japan, the transfer of cultural property—looting—was not theft. How can you steal something that already belongs to you? . . .”

4. Topics and Points of Discussion For Inclusion in this series: The Cabinet Research Officer next to Ruby at the press conference; General Arisue and his myriad connections; Tsuji Masanobu and his links to Arisue, the Bataan Death March and also highlighting the death of Iris Chang in this discussion; Both Syngman Rhee’s and Ngo Dinh Diem’s work for the Japanese; The use of the Uighurs by the Japanese and their immediate successors; The dividing of Korea at the 38th parallel by Col’s David Dean Rusk and Bonesteel; Rusk’s work for Admiral Hillenkoetter at CIA, as well as any other intelligence links you have for him (There was at least another, but I can’t remember if off the top of my head); Colonel Bonesteel’s later work in Vietnam as a General and for CIA; General Kim Sook Won and his work as a “Bandit Hunter;” Kim Sook Won’s role as commander of Syngman Rhee’s border forces; We will discuss I.F. Stone’s Hidden History of the Korean War, noting that it appears that South Korea attacked first, bating the North to counterattack; What the Korean War did strategically for MacArthur & Company—precluding an attack by Mao’s forces on Formosa/Taiwan, as well as solidifying Rhee’s position in South Korea (which might have been ended by a popular referendum); JFK’s cutting loose of Syngman Rhee and his White Terror—undoubtedly another major reason for his assassination; Willoughby, of course; Jim Wilcott and the Japanese fascists with whom he worked; Oswald in Japan and E. Howard Hunt’s role in covert operations in Japan; Review of JFK’s attempts to extricate us from Vietnam; Eisuke Ono’s role as a Japanese Naval Intelligence paymaster in the U.S. in1933; Frederick Rutland’s work for Mitsubishi and the operational links to Kodama Yoshio and Arisue (Rutland was the guy Ono was paying); The position of Ono in the post-WWII banking milieu inextricably linked with Golden Lily—The links to Tiarks, Norbert Bogdan and the role of the Bank of Tokyo as the successor to the Yokohama Specie Bank.

FTR#‘s 1345 & 1346 Conversations with Monte: Conversations #‘s 19 and 20

Posted by Dave Emory ⋅ September 22, 2024 ⋅ Post a comment

You can subscribe to RSS feed from Spitfirelist.com HERE. You can subscribe to the comments made on programs and posts–an excellent source of information in, and of, itself, HERE. WFMU-FM is podcasting For The Record–You can subscribe to the podcast HERE. Mr. Emory’s entire life’s work is available on a 64GB flash drive, available for a contribution of […]

Golden Lily Veterans Involved with 1965 Indonesian Coup

Posted by Dave Emory ⋅ December 6, 2021 ⋅ Post a comment

The “Deep Politics” detailed by the brilliant Berkeley professor Peter Dale Scott in his opus “American War Machine” set forth the involvement Japanese war criminals Sasakawa Ryoichi and Kodama Yoshio in the Indonesian coup of 1965. That epic bloodletting saw the engineers of the event kill a million people (some put the toll as high as three million.) In addition to being prime movers behind the Unification Church, Sasakawa Ryoichi and Kodama Yoshio were lynchpins of the perpetuation of the operational foundation of Japanese fascism under the auspices of the LDP in the postwar period. WFMU-FM is podcasting For The Record–You can subscribe to the podcast HERE.

FTR#1207 The Narco-Fascism of Chiang Kai-shek and the Kuomintang, Part 14

Posted by Dave Emory ⋅ October 12, 2021 ⋅ Post a comment

Continuing our series on the regime of Chiang Kai-shek–all but beatified during the Cold War–we draw still more on a magnificent book–The Soong Dynasty by Sterling Seagrave.

Although sadly out of print, the book is still available through used book services, and we emphatically encourage listeners to take advantage of those and obtain it. Several listeners have said that they were able to obtain the book because it is still in print!

I hope so! PLEASE buy it, read it, and tell others about it, either through conventional means and/or through social media. (Mr. Emory gets no money from said purchases of the book.) It is apparently available from Amazon on Kindle.

We also draw on another, altogether remarkable work by Peggy and Sterling Seagrave–Gold Warriors.

When the failures of Chiang’s regime led to scorn toward, and pivoting away from the Nationalist Chinese cause, the amalgam of corporate, criminal, journalistic and political interests that had empowered the Kuomintang counterattacked: “ . . . . the Chiang government poured millions of dollars into a counteroffensive. Zealous Americans who joined the pro-Taiwan crusade became the fund-raisers, the organizers, the telephoners, the legmen, the gofers, the publicists, the congressmen, the tycoons, the hosts and hostesses of the shadowy society called ‘the China Lobby.’ Its management, its direction, and its primary finances were not American. The China Lobby belonged to the Soong clan and the Nationalist Chinese government. The people involved thought they were working for the greater glory of God, or for ‘the survival of the democratic system.’ They were really working for a Chinese public-relations campaign. . . . the Kungs and Soongs remained the primary pipeline connecting American special interests with Taiwan. Ai-ling and H.H. Kung, T.V. Soong and May-ling Soong Chiang devoted considerable energies to the lobby and sometimes gathered for strategy sessions at the Kung estate in Riverdale. . . .”

The domestic political result in the U.S. was summed by Sterling Seagrave: “ . . . . Small wonder that a large segment of the American public believed that Chiang was the essence of virtue and his cause was a joint one. Similar amounts were spent during the Korean War and the periodic crises over the defense of the Formosa Strait. Guesses at the grand total spent by Taiwan to stupefy Americans ran as high as $1 billion a year. . . .”

The unique nature of the manifest China Lobby was summed up: “ . . . . Marquis Childs wrote ‘. . . . Nationalist China has used the techniques of direct intervention on a scale rarely, if ever, seen.’ Part of the campaign was to pour gasoline on the McCarthy witch hunts. . . .”

The component elements of the China Lobby:

1.–“ . . . . Chiang’s government used existing American corporations headed by men who shared its viewpoint. . . .”
2.–“ . . . . it hired advertising agencies . . . . Allied Syndicates counted among its clients the bank of China (with H.H. Kung as director). . . . Hamilton Wright, worked for six years as a registered agent for Nationalist China, writing and distributing stories, news articles, photographs, and movies to create a favorable image of Chiang Kai-shek and his regime. . . .”
3.–“. . . . T.V.’s wartime Universal Trading Corporation was listed in 1949 as a foreign agent working for the Chinese government, with assets of nearly $22 million. The Chinese News Service based in Taiwan established branches in Washington, New York, Chicago, and San Francisco. . . .”
4.–“ . . . . Taiwan exercised a particularly strong influence on American newspapers. . . .”
5.–“ . . . . ‘Henry Luce now saw the most grandiose project of his lifetime in danger of ruin. Wrapped up in the ruin was not only the fate of China and of Christianity and the Asian hegemony of the United States, but also his own peace of mind and reputation. Chiang-in-China was to have been the crowning of a decade and a half of planning in the Chrysler building and Rockefeller Center and of countless thousands of words of Lucepress propaganda. The nightmare rise of Mao-in-Chiina brought a powerful Luce counter-strategy.’. . .”
6.–“ . . . . Newscaster Robert S. Allen reported, . . . . Luce has been propagandizing and agitating for another two-billion dollar U.S. handout for Chiang for a long time. . . . And in Washington, practically the whole Luce bureau has been working full blast as part of the Chiang lobby.’. . .”
7.–“ . . . . Many of the activists in the lobby were people whose families had worked in China as missionaries, and now thought their heritage was being thrown away. Among them were the directors of the American China Policy Association and the Committee to Defend America by Aiding Anti-Communist China . . . . .”
8.–“ . . . . These groups were periodically supported by campaigns waged on Chiang’s behalf by the executive council of the AFL-CIO, the American Legion, the American Security Council, the American Conservative Union, and Young Americans for Freedom. To many conservative organizations, Taiwan became synonymous with anti-Communism. In the atmosphere of the 1950s, the fear of Red China kept normally sensible people from wondering where all the money was coming from. . . .”
9.–“ . . . . As principal director of the Bank of China’s New York City branch, H.H. [Kung] was driven to Wall Street two or three days a week . . . . Columnist Drew Pearson, one of the few journalists who maintained an interest in the Soongs after they went into exile, called the Bank of China the “nerve center of the China Lobby . . . .”
10.–“ . . . . ‘Dr. Kung’s knowledge of American politics is almost as astute as his knowledge of Chinese finance, and well before he entered the Truman cabinet, Kung picked Louis Johnson as his personal attorney. It may or may not be significant that, later, when Johnson became Secretary of Defense, he was one of the staunchest advocates of American support for Formosa. . . .”
11.–“ . . . . [From a Drew Pearson column—D.E.] A move by a Chiang brother-in-law. . . . to corner the soybean market at the expense of the American public . . . The brother-in-law is T.L. Soong, brother of Foreign Minister T.V. Soong, who formerly handled much of the three and a half billion dollars worth of supplies which the United States sent to China during the War. The soybean pool netted a profit of $30,000,000 and shot up the cost to the American consumer $1 as bushel [much more money in 1950 than now—D.E.] One of the strange things about the soybean manipulation was that its operators knew exactly the right time to buy up the world’s soybean supply—a few weeks before the communists invaded Korea. . . .”
12.–“ . . . . Louis Kung [son of Ai-ling and H.H. who had become a Dallas oil man—D.E.] had become one of the busiest members of the clan. During Richard Nixon’s 1950 senatorial campaign, Daddy Kung dispatched Younger Son to Los Angeles to give the senator donations and encouragement. . . . Louis took an active role in the Soong-Kung petroleum holdings, with oil properties across Texas, Oklahoma, and Louisiana. At the (Nationalist) Chinese embassy in Washington in 1956, Louis organized the Cheyenne Oil Company. . . . If one of Louis’s wells (leased for example, to John Daly, then vice-president for news of the (ABC Network), did poorly, Louis guaranteed that Daly would have his investment back; if the well turned out to be a success, then the profits were divided with Daly. . . .”

Presenting an overview updating the operations of T.V. Soong, Sterling Seagrave recounts his ascent to the pinnacles of power, his corporate largesse in America derived from clever investment and his major participation in the criminal underworld of Kuomintang narcotics trafficking and kleptocracy and his purloining of massive amounts of U.S. aid to China during World War II.

Note, T.V.’s role in the China Lobby: “ . . . . Although T.V. avoided Taiwan, and devoted most of his attention to his expanding financial empire, he did back the China Lobby financially because it was in his interest to do so. The levers of the China Lobby could be worked in many directions. . . .”

Note, also, his gravitas with the lethal, powerful Chinese organized crime milieu in the U.S.: “ . . . . It was not so much implied that T.V. himself was dangerous but that the slightest word from him could bring about terrible consequences from the Chinese tongs or syndicates, the Chinese banks, and nameless other objects of fear. . . .”

The remainder of the program recaps information from FTR#1142 about some of the circumstances surrounding the outbreak of the Korean War.

This is presented as context for T.L. Soong’s remarkably prescient cornering of the soybean market on the eve of the outbreak of that conflict: ” . . . . The soybean pool netted a profit of $30,000,000 and shot up the cost to the American consumer $1 as bushel [much more money in 1950 than now—D.E.] One of the strange things about the soybean manipulation was that its operators knew exactly the right time to buy up the world’s soybean supply—a few weeks before the communists invaded Korea. . . .”

In FTR#1142, we detailed the little-known involvement of Chiang Kai-shek and Mme. Chiang Kai-shek in the 1943 conferences at Cairo and Teheran. (Mme. Chiang Kai-shek was the sister of T.V. Soong, one of Chiang’s finance ministers and the richest man in the world at one time.)

This low-profile involvement apparently gave them considerable gravitas in helping to shape the postwar geopolitical agenda.

In that context and in relation to the ongoing series on Chiang Kai-shek’s narco-fascist government, it is worth noting the deep political agenda that was governing U.S. national security policy by September 2, 1945–the day on which the treaty ending World War II in the Pacific was signed on board the deck of the U.S. S. Missouri.

While in Okinawa during Japan’s surrender in World War II, Colonel L. Fletcher Prouty was witness to the early commitment of decisive military resources to the wars that were to take place in Korea and Indochina/Vietnam. ” . . . . I was on Okinawa at that time, and during some business in the harbor area I asked the harbormaster if all that new material was being returned to the States. His response was direct and surprising: ‘Hell, no! They ain’t never goin’ to see it again. One-half of this stuff, enough to equip and supply at least a hundred and fifty thousand men, is going to Korea, and the other half is going to Indochina.’ In 1945, none of us had any idea that the first battles of the Cold War were going to be fought by U.S. military units in those two regions beginning in 1950 and 1965–yet that is precisely what had been planned, and it is precisely what happened. Who made that decision back in 1943–45? . . . .”

In FTR#1142, we highlighted the 1951 “Peace” Treaty between the Allies and Japan, an agreement which falsely maintained that Japan had not stolen any wealth from the nations it occupied during World War II and that the (already) booming nation was bankrupt and would not be able to pay reparations to the slave laborers and “comfort women” it had pressed into service during the conflict.

In the context of the fantastic sums looted by Japan under the auspices of Golden Lily and the incorporation of that wealth with Nazi Gold to form the Black Eagle Trust, that 1951 treaty and the advent of the Korean War raise some interesting, unresolved questions.

One of the principal figures in the looting of occupied Asia during World War II was the remarkable Kodama Yoshio. Networked with the powerful Yakuza Japanese organized crime milieu, the Black Dragon society (the most powerful of the patriotic and ultra-nationalist societies), the Imperial Japanese military and the Royal family of Emperor Hirohito, Kodama looted the Chinese underworld and trafficked in narcotics with Chiang Kai-shek’s fascist narco-dictatorship.

We can but wonder about Kodama Yoshio’s presence along with 1951 “Peace” Treaty author John Foster Dulles at negotiations in Seoul on the eve of the outbreak of the Korean War.

As discussed in numerous programs in an interview with Daniel Junas, the Korean War was a huge economic boom for Japan, and generated considerable profit for German firms as well. Thyssen, for example, won lucrative contracts for making steel for the war effort. Is there some connection between the Kodama/Dulles presence in Seoul on the eve of the outbreak of war linked to the Golden Lily/Black Eagle/1951 “Peace” Treaty nexus and/or T.L. Soong’s cornering of the soybean market on the outbreak of the war?

Interestingly, and perhaps significantly, John Foster Dulles made a startlingly prescient speech in South Korea, auguring North Korea’s invasion shortly thereafter.

It would be interesting to know if Dulles and Kodama had been involved in deliberately luring the North Koreans to invade, in a manner not unlike that in which U.S. Ambassador to Iraq April Glaspie appears to have baited Saddam Hussein into invading Kuwait.

Note, also, Dulles’s characterization of Syngman Rhee and Chiang Kai-shek as Christian gentlemen. Chiang Kai-shek’s Christian credentials are recorded in detail in the ongoing series.

Foster Dulles’s role in the 1951 Peace Treaty with Japan, his curious presence in Seoul with Kodama Yoshio on the eve of the outbreak of the Korean War, his prescient foreshadowing of the conflict just before the North Korean invasion and the role of these events in shaping the post World War II global economic and political landscapes may well have been designed to help jumpstart the Japanese and German economies.

“. . . . A substantial infusion of money into this new Federal Republic economy resulted from the Korean War in 1950. The United States was not geared to supplying all its needs for armies in Korea, so the Pentagon placed huge orders in West Germany and in Japan; from that point on, both nations winged into an era of booming good times. . . .”

The program concludes with the obituary of general Paik Sun-yup of Korea, whose service in the Imperial Japanese Army during World War II has been a focal point of controversy in South Korea. General Sun-yup embodied the ongoing controversy in Korea over Japan’s occupation and the subsequent unfolding of events leading up to, and including the Korean War. “. . . . In 1941, he joined the army of Manchukuo, a puppet state that imperial Japan had established in Manchuria, and served in a unit known for hunting down Korean guerrillas fighting for independence . . .”

Update on “Partying Like It’s 1932” (FTR #‘s 969 & 970)

Posted by Dave Emory ⋅ May 15, 2018 ⋅ Post a comment

In FTR #‘s 969 and 970, we examined the resurgence of fascism in Japan. A central element in that analysis is the role of schools used by the patriotic and ultranationalist societies as bases for political subversion and ultra nationalism: “. . . . In 1939, his [Kosaburo Tachibana’s] admirers enabled him to establish a school. He called it the Native-Land-Loving School (Aikyojuku). Everybody in Japan with a message to deliver or an axe to grind opens a school. . . . Those schools in the hands of the patriotic societies are at once a method of training young men for strong-arm work and a plausible excuse for extorting contributions from the rich and timid. . . .“The Native-Land-Loving School is similar to the Moritomo Gakuen, that was assisted by Akie Abe, the wife of the ultranationalist Japanese Prime Minister: ” . . . . But last month, the Finance Ministry said an internal investigation found that bureaucrats had tampered with official documents related to the sale of public land to an ultraconservative education group, known as Moritomo Gakuen, at a steeply discounted price. Mr. Abe’s wife, Akie, served as a onetime honorary principal of a planned elementary principal of a planned elementary school that Moritomo wanted to build on the disputed land. In one of the most damaging findings, the ministry said that officials had scrubbed Mrs. Abe’s name and alleged remarks encouraging the deal from the documents when they were first submitted to Parliament, known in Japan as the Diet. Then this month, the Finance Ministry told Parliament that a bureaucrat had urged a lawyer for Moritomo to lie about how much it would cost to remove garbage from the public land in order to justify the sale at a discounted price. . . .”

FTR #970 Partying Like It’s 1932, Part 2: The Japanese Deep State

Posted by Dave Emory ⋅ August 22, 2017 ⋅ 3 comments

Recapitulating key thematic elements of the previous program–an ominous resonance between Japanese revisionist schools Tsukamoto, Moritomo Gakuen and the Native-Land-Loving School, some of whose alumni assassinated Japanese prime minister Inukai on May 15, 1932. The “May 15th Incident,” as it is known, was a key element in the rise of fascism in Japan.

A passage from Hugh Byas’s 1942 text encompasses the dynamic:

“. . . . In 1939, his [Kosaburo Tachibana’s] admirers enabled him to establish a school. He called it the Native-Land-Loving School (Aikyojuku). Everybody in Japan with a message to deliver or an axe to grind opens a school. . . . Those schools in the hands of the patriotic societies are at once a method of training young men for strong-arm work and a plausible excuse for extorting contributions from the rich and timid. . . .”

Progressing downward from the upper tiers of the political structure, Japanese fascism stems from the Nippon Kagai (“Japan Conference”), whose members exert profound influence in the administration of Shinzo Abe, as well as the Japanese parliament.

Fundamental to an understanding of the dynamics underlying the Japanese deep state is awareness of the relationship between the powerful Japanese corporations, the zaibatsu, U.S.-based transnational corporations and the international cartel system. FTR #905 examines this relationship at considerable length.

Another important element in this dynamic is Golden Lily–the systematic looting of Asia by Japan in World War II and the use of the billions in recovered gold to fund the re-institution of fascist infrastructure in Japan, U.S. covert operations and the clandestine buttressing of financial and governmental institutions around the world. (FTR #‘s 427, 428, 446, 451, 501, 509, 688, 689 deal with the subject of the Golden Lily program.)

With much of the world’s attention focused on the blustering between Kim Jong-Un and Kim Jong-Trump, the fact that Japan has had a clandestine nuclear weapons program since the 1960s has gone unreported:

” . . . . The United States deliberately allowed Japan access to the United States’ most secret nuclear weapons facilities while it transferred tens of billions of dollars worth of American tax paid research that has allowed Japan to amass 70 tons of weapons grade plutonium since the 1980s, a National Security News Service investigation reveals. . . . The NSNS investigation found that the United States has known about a secret nuclear weapons program in Japan since the 1960s, according to CIA reports.

. . . . The Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations permitted sensitive technology and nuclear materials to be transferred to Japan despite laws and treaties preventing such transfers. Highly sensitive technology on plutonium separation from the U.S. Department of Energy’s Savannah River Site and Hanford nuclear weapons complex, as well as tens of billions of dollars worth of breeder reactor research was turned over to Japan with almost no safeguards against proliferation. Japanese scientist and technicians were given access to both Hanford and Savannah River as part of the transfer process.

While Japan has refrained from deploying nuclear weapons and remains under an umbrella of U.S. nuclear protection, NSNS has learned that the country has used its electrical utility companies as a cover to allow the country to amass enough nuclear weapons materials to build a nuclear arsenal larger than China, India and Pakistan combined. . . .

. . . . That secret effort was hidden in a nuclear power program that by March 11, 2011– the day the earthquake and tsunami overwhelmed the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Plant – had amassed 70 metric tons of plutonium. Like its use of civilian nuclear power to hide a secret bomb program, Japan used peaceful space exploration as a cover for developing sophisticated nuclear weapons delivery systems. . . .”

Key players on the Japanese landscape, such as Yoshio Kodama and Ryoichi Sasakawa (the self-proclaimed “world’s richest fascist”) embody the Japanese deep state, operating from the 1930’s onward in conjunction with the Japanese patriotic and ultra-nationalist societies, the zaibatsu, Golden Lily and the clandestine fascist political infrastructure that is increasingly visible.

Sasasakawa launched and funded Sasasakawa Peace Foundation USA, which might be viewed in the same light as “The Adolf Hitler Foundation for the Study of Peace and Social Justice.” One of its scholars (now with the RAND Corporation) is Jeffrey Hornung, a frequent “go-to guy” for the media.

After reviewing Sasakawa and Kodama, especially their links to the Unification Church, the program notes that Abe’s grandfather, Nobosuke Kishi was Kodama’s cellmate in Sugamo prison. Kishi also signed Japan’s declaration of war against the U.S. ” . . . . During World War II, he was vice minister of munitions and minister of commerce and industry, actively involved in slave labor. Along the way, he made a personal fortune in side-deals with the zaibatsu. . . .In 1948, when his release from prison was purchased by Kodama, Kishi began organizing the financial base of the LDP, using Kodama’s black gold and injections of M‑Fund cash. . . .”

The program concludes with review of the profound connections of the Japanese zaibatsu, the deep state associated with that, and American diplomats who rebuffed a suit by Allied POW’s to get compensation for having been used as Japanese slaves.

Program Highlights Include:

1.-Japanese Air Force chief-of-staff Toshio Tamagami’s view that Franklin Delano Roosevelt bears responsibility for World War II.
2.-Tamagami’s view that Japan should acquire nuclear weapons.
3.-Tamagami’s assessment that Japanese aggression in World War II benefited the occupied countries.
4.-Tamagami’s support from many prominent Japanese politicians and military figures.
5.-Japanese Finance Minister, Deputy Prime Minister and former Prime Minister Taro Aso’s admission that his family’s coal mining company used slave labor.
6.-Discussion of the possibility that the Aso Coal Mining company may have been involved in storing some of the Golden Lily booty.
7.-Discussion of the fact that Aso, as Finance Minister, would have been involved with the M‑Fund and its financing of Japanese politics.

FTR #969 Partying Like It’s 1932: Update on the Re-Emergence of Japanese Fascism

Posted by Dave Emory ⋅ August 17, 2017 ⋅ Post a comment

In the summer of 2017, journalistic focus in Asia has been on Korea and its nuclear capability. The growth of Japanese fascism, in contrast, has largely passed beneath the intellectual radar. Further developing coverage in previous broadcasts, this program updates the re-emergence of the political forces that drove the conquests of Imperial Japan, as well as attempts to institute an Orwellian re-write of the past.

Key thematic elements of the broadcast include an ominous resonance between Japanese revisionist schools Tsukamoto, Moritomo Gakuen and the Native-Land-Loving School, some of whose alumni assassinated Japanese prime minister Inukai on May 15, 1932. The “May 15th Incident,” as it is known, was a key element in the rise of fascism in Japan.

“. . . . In 1939, his [Kosaburo Tachibana’s] admirers enabled him to establish a school. He called it the Native-Land-Loving School (Aikyojuku). Everybody in Japan with a message to deliver or an axe to grind opens a school. . . . Those schools in the hands of the patriotic societies are at once a method of training young men for strong-arm work and a plausible excuse for extorting contributions from the rich and timid. . . .”

Progressing downward from the upper tiers of the political structure, Japanese fascism stems from the Nippon Kaigi (“Japan Conference”), whose members exert profound influence in the administration of Shinzo Abe, as well as the Japanese parliament.

In addition to openly sanctioning anti-Korean racism and networking with organizations that promote that doctrine, several members of Abe’s government network with Japanese neo-Nazis. Some of those Nazi acolytes advocate using the Nazi method for seizing power in Japan. Is Abe’s government doing just that?

In addition to finance minister (and deputy prime-minister) Taro Aso, former defense minister Tomi Inada and interior minister Sanae Takaichi are apparent exponents of Nazi political methodology. ” . . . . Inada made news earlier this month after photos circulated of her and another female in the new cabinet posing with a neo-Nazi party leader. Both denied knowing the neo-Nazi well but later were revealed to have contributed blurbs for an advertisement praising the out-of-print book Hitler’s Election Strategy. Coincidentally, Vice-Prime Minister [and Finance Minister–D.E.],Taro Aso, is also a long-time admirer of Nazi political strategy, and has suggested Japan follow the Nazi Party template to sneak constitutional change past the public. . . . it is a little worrisome that [Interior Minister] Sanae Takaichi . . . is the other female minister who was photographed with a neo-Nazi leader and is a fan of Hitler. . .”

Abe appears to be using a superficial pseudo-feminism to “sneak constitutional change past the public.” All five of his female cabinet appointees are members of Nippon Kaigi (two resigned shortly after being appointed.) The actual views of these women toward women’s rights belie their feminist credentials. ” . . . . The newly appointed Interior Minister, Sanae Takaichi, while serving on the LDP’s Policy Research council, suggested that the Japanese government rescind the Kono Statement in 2015, on Japan’s 70th anniversary of its surrender from World War II. [11] The Kono Statement was a landmark 1993 apology issued by the former Chief Cabinet Secretary that apologized for the ‘comfort women:’ 200,000 primarily Korean women forced into sexual slavery by the Japanese military. Another minister, Eriko Yamantani, has previously made comments that denied the existence of ‘comfort women.’ . . . .”

Much of the program focuses on Shinzo (and wife Akie) Abe’s support for the Moritomo Gakuen.

1.-Akie Abe was the honorary principal of the Moritomo Gakuen (still being constructed) and contributed a million yen toward its construction.
2.-Abe himself apparently donated money to the construction of Moritomo Gakuen.
3.-Tomomi Inada supported Moritomo Gakuen, having represented the school as a lawyer. She later claimed she could not remember having done so.
4.-Moritomo Gakuen chief Yasunori Kagoike is a member of Nippon Kaigi.
5.-Moritomo Gakuen apparently benefited from favors from Taro Aso’s finance ministry.

Highlighting the historical resonance between Tsukamoro and Moritomo Gakuen and the Native Land-Loving School, the program recounts the May 15th Incident.

Program Highlights Include:

1.-The virulent, pro-fascist revisionism of billionaire Japanese hotelier Toshio Motoya, whose writings portray Japan as a heroic liberator in World War II and deny the Rape of Nanking.
2.-Motoya’s affiliation with Nippon Kaigi.
3.-Motoya’s sponsorship of Toshio Tamagami, the former head of the Japanese Air Self Defense Force, who has blamed World War II on Franklin D. Roosevelt and “communists” in his administration.
4.-Taro Aso’s view that elderly Japanese should “hurry up and die.”
5.-A curious mass murder of elderly, disabled Japanese that suggests the killer may have enjoyed protection or sponsorship.

FTR #905 Globalization, Transnational Corporations and Japanese Fascism

Posted by Dave Emory ⋅ May 20, 2016 ⋅ Post a comment

Over the decades, we have spoken at great length about the Second World War and fascism as outgrowths of globalization, a phenomenon generally thought of as having begun in the post World War II period. Most of the discussion has centered on the relationships between German and American corporations and oligarchs. With both Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders targeting trade agreements and globalization in their campaign rhetoric, we review the cartel relationships between the Japanese Zaibatsu (family trusts) and their American counterparts.

As well, we note the central role of Emperor Hirohito in the waging of Japan’s war of aggression and the post-war historical revisionism that has eclipsed his activities.
After discussing the re-investment of the profits from the American industrial boom of the 1920’s in Germany and Japan, we analyze the deliberate frustration of the attempted political and economic reform of Japan. Intent on continuing the profound corporate relationships that had boosted Japan into its position as a dominant industrial power, Wall Street interests and allied political, national security and media elites subverted the attempts at reforming Japanese finance, industry and politics.

A major part of the effort involved whitewashing Emperor Hirohito’s central role in waging World War II in the Pacific and profiting from Japanese military conquests.

Program Highlights Include: the suspicious deaths of Japanese officers and members of the Imperial family who were forthcoming about the truth concerning Emperor Hirohito; the apparent murder of State Department officer George Atcheson, who attempted to blow the whistle concerning the subversion of the reform of Japan; the role of General William Draper in frustrating the reform of Japan and review of his career as an investment banker with Dillon, Read & Co.; the decisive role of the MacArthur group within the military in the frustration of Japanese reform and the re-institution of the fascists, militarists and zaibatsu in postwar Japan.