FTR #957 The National Front and Deep Politics in France, Part 2

With the loom­ing deci­sive sec­ond round in the French elec­tions, there is renewed scruti­ny on the Nation­al Front and its tit­u­lar head Marine Le Pen.

Net­worked with var­i­ous fig­ures rang­ing from the milieu of Don­ald Trump to that of Turk­ish pres­i­dent Erdo­gan, the Nation­al Front and the Le Pens (father Jean-Marie and daugh­ter Marine) are car­ry­ing on the fas­cist tra­di­tion in France.

The sec­ond of two shows, this pro­gram con­tin­ues our exam­i­na­tion of French deep pol­i­tics, scru­ti­niz­ing pow­er­ful eco­nom­ic and finan­cial arrange­ments that deter­mined the Fran­co-Ger­man polit­i­cal dynam­ic through­out most of the twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry and, thus far, through the twen­ty-first as well.

Crit­i­cal to our under­stand­ing is the dynam­ic of occu­py­ing the high ground on both sides of a polit­i­cal divide. This pro­gram under­scores how this has placed Ger­many in a key strate­gic posi­tion on both sides of key polit­i­cal strug­gles: In the pre-World War II era and post­war era as well; In the right-left polit­i­cal divide in French pol­i­tics; In the strug­gle between anti-immi­grant/an­ti-Mus­lim advo­cates such as the Nation­al Front and Mus­lim-Broth­er­hood linked ele­ments in the Islamist com­mu­ni­ty.

Key ele­ments of dis­cus­sion include:

1. Review of Steve Ban­non’s ide­o­log­i­cal fond­ness for French anti-Semi­te and Vichy col­lab­o­ra­tionist Charles Mau­r­ras. Mau­r­ras’ Action Fran­caise is a direct antecedent of the Nation­al Front. ” . . . . One of the pri­ma­ry prog­en­i­tors of the par­ty was the Action Française, found­ed at the end of the 19th cen­tu­ry. . . .”

2. Review of the rela­tion­ship between for­mer pres­i­dent Fran­cois Mit­terand (a social­ist) and French Holo­caust imple­menter and Vichy police offi­cial Rene Bous­quet, who was close to Mit­terand and helped to finance his cam­paign and those of oth­er left-wing French politi­cians. With finan­cial influ­ence in left-wing par­ties, Ger­many can help moti­vate the French left to band togeth­er to defeat the French Nation­al Front and its anti-EU, anti-NATO ide­ol­o­gy. Poten­tial left­ists can also be chan­nelled into an anti-immi­grant/an­ti-Mus­lim posi­tion along that of the Nation­al Front. ” . . . . . . . The most damn­ing of all charges against Mit­ter­rand and his right wing con­nec­tions is prob­a­bly his long last­ing friend­ship with René Bous­quet, ex secré­taire général of the Vichy police. . . . In 1974, René Bous­quet gave finan­cial help to François Mit­ter­rand for his pres­i­den­tial cam­paign against Valéry Gis­card d’Es­taing. In an inter­view with Pierre Favier et Michel Mar­tin-Roland Mit­ter­rand claimed that he was not the only left wing politi­cian to ben­e­fit from Bous­quet’s mon­ey, as René Bous­quet helped finance all the prin­ci­pal left wing politi­cians from the 1950s to the begin­ning of the 1970s, includ­ing Pierre Mendès France. . . .”

3. Dis­cus­sion of Fran­cois Mit­terand’s pri­ma­ry role in estab­lish­ing the Euro, as a pre­req­ui­site for Ger­man reuni­fi­ca­tion (his alleged “fear” of a reuni­fied Ger­many should be tak­en with a grain of salt in light of his col­lab­o­ra­tionist back­ground and rela­tion­ship with Rene Bous­quet: ” . . . . He [Robert Zoel­lick] explained his under­stand­ing of how Europe got its com­mon cur­ren­cy. . . . it was very clear that Euro­pean mon­e­tary union result­ed from French-Ger­man ten­sions before uni­fi­ca­tion and was meant to calm Mitterrand’s fears of an all-too-pow­er­ful Ger­many. Accord­ing to Zoel­lick, the euro cur­ren­cy is a by-prod­uct of Ger­man uni­fi­ca­tion. . . . in strate­gic terms, Germany’s influ­ence has nev­er been greater. As the con­ti­nent wants to bank on Germany’s AAA rat­ing, Berlin can now effec­tive­ly dic­tate fis­cal pol­i­cy to Athens, Lis­bon and Rome – per­haps in the future to Paris, too. . .”

4. More about the Euro (launched with the crit­i­cal­ly impor­tant assis­tance of Fran­cois Mit­terand: “. . . . It [the euro] has turned the Ger­mans into the new rulers of Europe. And it has con­signed France to be the weak­er part­ner in the Fran­co-Ger­man rela­tion­ship. . . .”

5. Analy­sis of the deci­sive rela­tion­ship between French steel­mak­ers belong­ing to the Comite des Forges and their Ger­man coun­ter­parts and Ruhr coal pro­duc­ers, one of the foun­da­tion­al ele­ments of the Fifth Col­umn that is antecedent to the Nation­al Front: ” . . . . The strug­gle of the inter­war peri­od was not sim­ply a clash between French inter­ests on the one side and Ger­man inter­ests on the oth­er. Dur­ing the devel­op­ment of the Ruhr-Lor­raine indus­tri­al com­plex, like-mind­ed indus­tri­al­ists in France and Ger­many had become direc­tors of joint­ly owned and joint­ly con­trolled finan­cial, indus­tri­al, and dis­trib­ut­ing enter­pris­es. In many cas­es com­mon views on ques­tions of eco­nom­ic orga­ni­za­tion, labor pol­i­cy, social leg­is­la­tion, and atti­tude toward gov­ern­ment had been far more impor­tant to the indus­tri­al­ists than dif­fer­ences of nation­al­i­ty or cit­i­zen­ship. . . . ”

6. The eco­nom­ic col­lab­o­ra­tion between French and Ger­man oli­garchs worked to the advan­tage of Ger­many: ” . . . .It is curi­ous to note that only the French appeared to have this con­flict between pub­lic pol­i­cy and pri­vate activ­i­ties. On the Ger­man side, com­plete co-ordi­na­tion seems to have been pre­served between nation­al and pri­vate inter­ests; between offi­cials of the Ger­man Repub­lic and the lead­ers of Ger­man indus­try and finance. . . .”

7. Exem­pli­fy­ing the oper­a­tion of the pro-Ger­man Fifth Col­umn in the Ruhr-Lor­raine indus­tri­al com­plex is the rela­tion­ship between the De Wen­del and Rochling inter­ests: ” . . . . Dur­ing World War I the De Wen­dels, the influ­en­tial French-Ger­man bank­ing and indus­tri­al fam­i­ly which head­ed the French wing of the Inter­na­tion­al Steel Car­tel through their Comite des Forges and whose mem­bers had sat in the par­lia­ments of both France and Ger­many, were able to keep the French army from destroy­ing indus­tri­al plants belong­ing to the Ger­man enter­pris­es of the Rochling fam­i­ly. . . . . . . . The Rochling fam­i­ly, with their pow­er­ful com­plex of coal, iron, steel and bank­ing enter­pris­es in Ger­many, has for gen­er­a­tions played in close har­mo­ny with the de Wen­del fam­i­ly. . . .”

8. The De Wendel/Rochling links were so pro­found that the Rochlings were called upon to help build the French defen­sive Mag­inot Line: ” . . . . On the oth­er hand, as far as the French steel mak­ers’ asso­ci­a­tion, the Comite des Forges, and in par­tic­u­lar the de Wen­dels who head­ed the Comite, were con­cerned, it was busi­ness as usu­al-or in this case, busi­ness as unusu­al-that pre­vailed. . . . When it came time for France to build its impreg­nable Mag­inot Line, who should be called in to sup­ply steel and tech­ni­cal assis­tance but the Ger­man firm of the broth­ers Rochling. . . .”

9. After the French capit­u­la­tion, the Vichy government–to no one’s surprise–exonerated the Rochlings: ” . . . . Now comes the out­break of World War II. The French army march­ing into the Saar dur­ing the ‘pho­ny war’ peri­od in 1939, received orders not to fire on or dam­age the plants of the ‘war crim­i­nals,’ the broth­ers Rochling. In 1940 came the blitz and the fall of France. The Vichy gov­ern­ment passed a decree exon­er­at­ing the Rochlings and can­cel­ing their forty-year prison sen­tences. . . .”

10. The Fran­co-Ger­man steel car­tel, in turn, belonged to an inter­na­tion­al steel car­tel fea­tur­ing the Thyssen firm Vere­inigte Stahlw­erke (lat­er Thyssen A.G.). The Thyssen inter­ests are inex­tri­ca­bly linked with the Bor­mann cap­i­tal net­work. The Thyssens’ prin­ci­pal Amer­i­can con­tacts were the Bush fam­i­ly. ” . . . . They marked the for­ma­tion of the Unit­ed Steel Works in Ger­many, as a com­bi­na­tion of the four biggest steel pro­duc­ers Ernst Poens­gen, Fritz Thyssen, Otto Wolff, and the oth­ers who drew this com­bine togeth­er had man­aged to get over a hun­dred mil­lion dol­lars from pri­vate investors in the Unit­ed States. Dil­lon Read & Com­pa­ny, the New York invest­ment house which brought Clarence Dil­lon, James V. For­re­stal, William H. Drap­er, Jr., and oth­ers into promi­nence, float­ed the Unit­ed Steel Works bonds in the Unit­ed States . . . . ”

11. Dur­ing the occu­pa­tion of France, the Fran­co-Ger­man cor­po­rate con­nec­tion yield­ed fur­ther Ger­man cap­i­tal dom­i­na­tion of French firms: ” . . . The Third Repub­lic’s busi­ness elite was vir­tu­al­ly unchanged after 1940. . . . They regard­ed the war and Hitler as an unfor­tu­nate diver­sion from their chief mis­sion of pre­vent­ing a com­mu­nist rev­o­lu­tion in France. Anti­bol­she­vism was a com­mon denom­i­na­tor link­ing these French­men to Ger­mans. . . . The upper-class men who had been superbly trained in finance and admin­is­tra­tion at one of the two grand corps schools were referred to as France’s per­ma­nent ‘wall of mon­ey,’ and as pro­fes­sion­als they came into their own in 1940. They agreed to the estab­lish­ment of Ger­man sub­sidiary firms in France and per­mit­ted a gen­er­al buy-in to French com­pa­nies. . . .

12. The Fran­co-Ger­man cor­po­rate links and the dom­i­na­tion of that rela­tion­ship by cor­po­rate Ger­many and the Bor­mann net­work con­tin­ued into the post­war peri­od: ” . . . . Soci­ety’s nat­ur­al sur­vivors, French ver­sion, who had served the Third Reich as an exten­sion of Ger­man indus­try, would con­tin­ue to do so in the peri­od of post­war tri­als, just as they had sur­vived the war, occu­pa­tion, and lib­er­a­tion. These were many of the French elite, the well-born, the prop­er­tied, the titled, the experts, indus­tri­al­ists, busi­ness­men, bureau­crats, bankers. . . . Eco­nom­ic col­lab­o­ra­tion in France with the Ger­mans had been so wide­spread (on all lev­els of soci­ety) that there had to be a real­iza­tion that an entire nation could not be brought to tri­al. . . .”

13. Cor­po­rate German/Bormann con­trol of French com­merce and finance is the deter­min­ing fac­tor in con­tem­po­rary French affairs: ” . . . . The under­stand­ings arrived at in the pow­er struc­ture of France reach back to pre­war days, were con­tin­ued dur­ing the occu­pa­tion, and have car­ried over to the present time. [New York Times reporter Flo­ra] Lewis, in her report from Paris, com­ment­ed fur­ther: ‘This hid­den con­trol of gov­ern­ment and cor­po­ra­tions has pro­duced a gen­er­al unease in Paris.’ Along with the unease, the fact that France has lin­ger­ing and seri­ous social and polit­i­cal ail­ments is a residue of World War II and of an eco­nom­ic occu­pa­tion that was nev­er real­ly ter­mi­nat­ed with the with­draw­al of Ger­man troops beyond the Rhine. . . .”

14. The Fran­co-Ger­man cor­po­rate Axis facil­i­tat­ed the De Wen­del fam­i­ly’s post­war assis­tance of Friedrich Flick, anoth­er of Hitler’s top indus­tri­al­ists.: ” . . . . The under­stand­ings arrived at in the pow­er struc­ture of France reach back to pre­war days, were con­tin­ued dur­ing the occu­pa­tion, and have car­ried over to the present time. Lewis, in her report from Paris, com­ment­ed fur­ther: ‘This hid­den con­trol of gov­ern­ment and cor­po­ra­tions has pro­duced a gen­er­al unease in Paris.’ Along with the unease, the fact that France has lin­ger­ing and seri­ous social and polit­i­cal ail­ments is a residue of World War II and of an eco­nom­ic occu­pa­tion that was nev­er real­ly ter­mi­nat­ed with the with­draw­al of Ger­man troops beyond the Rhine. . . .”

15. The seam­less incor­po­ra­tion of the Fran­co-Ger­man cor­po­rate axis into the Ger­man-dom­i­nat­ed EU and EMU has yield­ed the abil­i­ty of the Fed­er­al Repub­lic to inter­fere in the French polit­i­cal process: ” . . . . Like Fil­lon, Macron is con­sid­ered ‘Ger­many-com­pat­i­ble’ by a Ger­man think tank, where­as all oth­er can­di­dates are viewed as unsuit­able for ‘con­struc­tive coop­er­a­tion’ because of their crit­i­cism of the EU and/or of NATO. Recent­ly, Ger­many’s Finance Min­is­ter Wolf­gang Schäu­ble osten­ta­tious­ly rec­om­mend­ed vot­ing for Macron. Berlin’s inter­fer­ence on behalf of Macron shows once again that Ger­man dom­i­na­tion of the EU does not stop at nation­al bor­ders, and — accord­ing to a well-known EU observ­er — sur­pass­es by far Rus­si­a’s fee­ble med­dling in France. . . .”

The pro­gram con­cludes with rumi­na­tion about the role of anti-Mus­lim sen­ti­ment in the French and U.S. polit­i­cal process and the pres­ence of Under­ground Reich-linked ele­ments on both the “anti-immi­grant” side and the Islamist/Muslim Broth­er­hood side.

Pro­gram High­lights Include:

1. Review of the Islamist/Muslim Broth­er­hood Turk­ish Refah Par­ty (the direct antecedent of Erdo­gan’s AKP) and its rela­tion­ship to Ahmed Huber of the Bank Al-Taqwa.

2. Review of the role of Ahmed Huber (lat­er of the Bank Al-Taqwa) in intro­duc­ing Turk­ish Mus­lim Broth­er­hood’s Necmet­tin Erbakan with Marine Le Pen’s father: ” . . . . . . . . A sec­ond pho­to­graph, in which Hitler is talk­ing with Himm­ler, hangs next to those of Necmet­tin Erbakan and Jean-Marie Le Pen [leader of the fas­cist Nation­al Front]. Erbakan, head of the Turk­ish Islamist par­ty, Refah, turned to Achmed Huber for an intro­duc­tion to the chief of the French par­ty of the far right. Exit­ing from the meet­ing . . . . Huber’s two friends sup­pos­ed­ly stat­ed that they ‘share the same view of the world’ and expressed ‘their com­mon desire to work togeth­er to remove the last racist obsta­cles that still pre­vent the union of the Islamist move­ment with the nation­al right of Europe.’. . .”

3. Review of The Camp of the Saints, a racist, anti-immi­grant book val­ued both by French Nation­al Front types and Trump advi­sor Steve Ban­non.

FTR # 914 and FTR #915; Interviews with Gerrard Williams (#‘s 1 and 2), Co-Author of “Grey Wolf: The Escape of Adolf Hitler”

FTR #‘s 914 and 915 fea­ture for­mer BBC and Reuters jour­nal­ist Ger­rard Williams, devel­op­ing mate­r­i­al he pre­sent­ed in his book (co-authored with mil­i­tary his­to­ri­an Simon Dun­stan) “Grey Wolf: The Escape of Adolf Hitler.”

An appar­ent deal between Sul­li­van & Cromwell attor­ney turned spy Allen Dulles and Mar­tin Bor­mann lies at the core of the Hitler escape, code-named “Aktion Feuer­land” (Oper­a­tion Land of Fire). In exchange for spar­ing the art loot­ed by the Reich and grant­i­ng the West­ern Allies access to Nazi mil­i­tary tech­nol­o­gy, Hitler’s escape along with those of Eva Braun, Mar­tin Bor­mann and Gestapo chief Hein­rich Muller were arranged. In addi­tion, the SS and Gestapo-staffed Rein­hard Gehlen spy out­fit was also one of the “car­rots” made avail­able to the West in this deal.

The poten­tial “sticks” were the full acti­va­tion of the Nazi Were­wolf gueril­las to make life mis­er­able for occu­pa­tion forces, the destruc­tion of the creme of West­ern art and a dis­in­for­ma­tion gam­bit pre­sent­ing a Nazi oper­a­tion to use U‑boat launched V‑1 mis­siles filled with nerve gas against New York. (The lat­ter drew U.S. Navy anti-sub­ma­rine forces away from the planned south­ern Atlantic route for Hitler’s U‑boat escape.)

Because Allen Dulles faced pros­e­cu­tion for his oper­a­tions on behalf of Third Reich indus­tri­al con­cerns, Dulles joined forces with Bor­mann. Using the exten­sive Nazi pres­ence in Argenti­na, Bor­mann and Muller suc­cess­ful­ly spir­it­ed Hitler and Eva Braun out of Ger­many.

Much of FTR #915 deals with the re-estab­lish­ment of Nazis in pow­er in the “new” Fed­er­al Repub­lic and the role of Mar­tin Bor­mann direct­ing that gov­ern­ment from afar. The role of the Nazis and the Gehlen spy out­fit in par­tic­u­lar in the Cold War is a pri­ma­ry focus of FTR #915.

Pro­gram High­lights Include: the foun­da­tion­al role of the German/American cor­po­rate links in the real­iza­tion of “Aktion Feuer­land;” the role of Eva Per­on (“Evi­ta”) as a Nazi spy pri­or to, and dur­ing, World War II; Evi­ta’s role as a func­tionary of the post­war Bor­mann cap­i­tal net­work; the revenge tak­en by Muller on mem­bers of Juan and Eva Per­on’s con­tin­gent for extort­ing mon­ey from the Bor­mann net­work; famed espi­onage nov­el­ist Ian Flem­ing’s role as a British com­man­do secur­ing both art and Nazi mil­i­tary tech­nol­o­gy as the Nazi armies retreat­ed; main­stream press accounts of Hitler’s escape and post­war activ­i­ties; the con­tin­ued redac­tion and with­hold­ing of doc­u­ments about Hitler’s post­war pres­ence; death threats direct­ed against some of the authors’ sources; review of the Vat­i­can-linked “Rat­lines” in the escape of Nazi lumi­nar­ies; details of the fak­ing of the death of Mar­tin Bor­mann; the use of dou­bles for Hitler and Eva Braun in Aktion Feuer­land; pres­sure from right-wing Ger­man sources on the authors, attempt­ing to sup­press the inves­ti­ga­tion; the fak­ing of the “DNA test” on Bor­man­n’s “corpse”; the role of Nazis in man­ag­ing the Cold War.

FTR #900 The Panama Papers and the Underground Reich

Analy­sis of the Pana­ma-based Mos­sack Fon­se­ca law firm sug­gests the pos­si­bil­i­ty that the firm is an intel­li­gence front of some kind. Beyond that, there are indi­ca­tions that the out­fit and/or key peo­ple involved with its gen­er­a­tive milieu are linked to the Under­ground Reich. Erhard Mos­sack, father of Mos­sack Fon­se­ca co-founder Juer­gen, not only served in the SS, but appears to have been recruit­ed by U.S. after the war. Erhard Mos­sack was in pos­ses­sion of lists of Were­wolf gueril­la unit mem­bers. Orig­i­nal­ly assem­bled to con­duct gueril­la war­fare against Allied armies occu­py­ing Ger­many, the Were­wolves were a key ele­ment of post-war Nazi escape routes and the Otto Sko­rzeny-man­aged ODESSA net­work. The Were­wolves were also the tem­plate for the ear­ly CIA/Gehlen Org “stay behind” units, the gen­e­sis of what became pop­u­lar­ly known as Oper­a­tion Glad­io. Mos­sack Fon­se­ca has helped “off­shore” mon­ey for many inter­ests, includ­ing the Mar­cos fam­i­ly’s Gold­en Lily-derived for­tune and the Thyssen-Borne­misza fam­i­ly’s art deal­ings. One of the most inter­est­ing of Mos­sack Fon­se­ca’s oper­a­tions is its piv­otal­ly impor­tant Neva­da sub­sidiary, head­ed by a Chilean woman named Patri­cia Amu­nategui, an admir­er of Augus­to Pinochet, Sara Palin, Mitt Rom­ney, the Koch broth­ers, the Dalai Lama and the cult built around Swa­mi Yoganan­da. A well-known and sem­i­nal “guru,” Yoganan­da was an admir­er of Hitler and Mus­soli­ni in the 1930’s. Pro­gram High­lights Include: Mos­sack Fon­se­ca’s use of bear­er bonds for some of its sub­sidiary oper­a­tions; Erhard Mos­sack­’s prob­a­ble work spy­ing for the CIA on Cuba in Pana­ma; Juer­gen’s broth­er Peter’s work as Pana­ma’s Hon­orary Con­sul in Frank­furt, seat of the Euro­pean Cen­tral Bank; review of the use of stolen art as a key cap­i­tal resource by the Nazis; the BND’s refusal to release infor­ma­tion about Erhard, although they had a file on him; review of the BND’s prac­tice of recruit­ing from among the fam­i­lies of exist­ing BND mem­bers; Pierre Omid­yar’s refusal to pub­lish Ken Sil­ver­stein’s sto­ry on Mos­sack Fon­se­ca and sub­se­quent demand for pay­ment by “Vice News,” which did pub­lish the arti­cle.

FTR #846 Interview (#9) with Peter Levenda about “The Hitler Legacy”

This ninth inter­view fills in the details con­cern­ing a mys­te­ri­ous cast of char­ac­ters in Indone­sia who were inves­ti­gat­ing the late pres­i­dent Sukarno’s Rev­o­lu­tion­ary Fund. That fund appears to have derived from large amounts of World War II wealth stolen by Japan and Ger­many. Dr. Sos­ro Huso­do alleged in a book that a mys­te­ri­ous Nazi named Dr. Anton Poch was actu­al­ly Hitler. That alle­ga­tion has nev­er been proved, how­ev­er the sto­ries of Poch, Huso­do, Dr. Edi­son Damanik and an Indone­sian arms deal­er named Soeryo Goer­it­no are indica­tive of a mas­sive, ongo­ing cov­er-up of the polit­i­cal and eco­nom­ic dynam­ics under­ly­ing their sit­u­a­tions. Expand­ing the scope of the inquiry to the cap­i­tal flows ass­so­ci­at­ed with the Third Reich, its post­war under­ground phase and insti­tu­tions asso­ci­at­ed with and/or evolv­ing from Nazism, the pro­grams sets forth a num­ber of con­sid­er­a­tions: the financ­ing of the post­war Ger­man eco­nom­ic mir­a­cle by Ger­man cor­po­ra­tions; the frus­tra­tion of the de-Naz­i­fi­ca­tion of cor­po­rate Ger­many by the Third Reich’s promi­nent Amer­i­can eco­nom­ic back­ers; the enor­mous scale of the Nazi eco­nom­ic dias­po­ra; the role of Klaus Bar­bie and his “Fiancees of Death” in ODESSA-relat­ed oper­a­tions; Colo­nia Dig­nidad and its role in laun­der­ing ODESSA mon­ey.

FTR #833 Shooting Ourselves in the Foot in Ukraine (Habsburg Redux)

We’ve spent much time on the Ukraine cri­sis, an unfold­ing deba­cle that threat­ens a glob­al eco­nom­ic col­lapse or worse. As the U.S. dis­patch­es mil­i­tary advis­ers and armored vehi­cles to Ukraine’s nation­al guard (which includes its Nazi “vol­un­teer bat­tal­ions”), for­mer Sovi­et pres­i­dent Mikhail Gor­bachev has added his voice those warn­ing that events in Ukraine could lead to nuclear war. Even if that calami­ty is avert­ed, the push to destroy the Russ­ian econ­o­my may pre­cip­i­tate a glob­al finan­cial cri­sis, with a cred­it default there spread­ing eco­nom­ic con­ta­gion around the world. Russ­ian ana­lysts and some in the West see the ramp­ing up of eco­nom­ic pres­sure on Rus­sia as a dri­ve for regime change, mak­ing the “econ­o­my scream” as was done in Nixon’s desta­bi­liza­tion of the Allende regime in Chile. The con­clud­ing por­tion of the broad­cast high­lights the renascent pow­er of the von Hab­s­burg fam­i­ly in Ukraine and oth­er for­mer ter­ri­to­ries of the Aus­tro-Hun­gar­i­an Empire. Active in Geor­gia, Hun­gary, Swe­den and Aus­tria, the von Hab­s­burgs have been qui­et but major play­ers in Nazi aggres­sion in World War II, the Cold War and the desta­bi­liza­tion of the for­mer Sovi­et Union and the breakup of Yugoslavia.

FTR #811 Walkin’ the Snake in Ukraine, Part 4

With anoth­er anniver­sary of the 9/11 attacks hav­ing passed, it is inter­est­ing to con­tem­plate the ongo­ing dam­age from the unlearned lessons con­cern­ing those attacks. Before dis­cussing ongo­ing sup­port for Cau­casian and Chechen jihadist ele­ments by ele­ments of U.S., West­ern and Sau­di intel­li­gence, the pro­gram high­lights the bogus intel­li­gence about a sup­posed “Russ­ian inva­sion” of Ukraine that does not appear to have occurred at all. Much of the sup­posed intel­li­gence on this “inva­sion” comes from satel­lite pho­tos, show­ing what are sup­posed to be Russ­ian armored and artillery ele­ments in Ukraine. These pho­tos are NOT from U.S. recon­nais­sance satel­lites, but come from a pri­vate company–DigitalGlobe. Found­ed by vet­er­ans of Ronald Rea­gan’s “Star Wars” pro­gram (The Strate­gic Defense Ini­tia­tive), the com­pa­ny’s exec­u­tives have CV’s involv­ing work for Bain (Mitt Rom­ney’s firm) and IHS, the Thyssen/Bornemisza group firm that is the epi­cen­ter of the Peak Oil doc­trine. Access­ing archival infor­ma­tion about sup­port for Chechen Islamists by ele­ments of U.S., West­ern and Sau­di intel­li­gence, the pro­gram notes the involve­ment of Ukrain­ian fas­cists from the UNA/UNSO orga­ni­za­tion in Chech­nya and the Cau­ca­sus. The report­ed com­bat exper­tise of ISIS is said by some ana­lysts to have evolved from the par­tic­i­pa­tion in that group of Chechen vet­er­ans, mak­ing our slip­pery slope involve­ment against the group blowback–to an extent–from the West­’s proxy war­riors in the Cau­ca­sus. As was the case in Afghanistan–where the U.S. fought a bloody, inde­ci­sive war against jihadists craft­ed to fight against the U.S.S.R. and sub­se­quent­ly Russia–we once again find Amer­i­can mil­i­tary forces engaged against jihadists being used as proxy war­riors by ele­ments of the transna­tion­al cor­po­rate elite and allied nation­al secu­ri­ty ele­ments. The pro­gram con­cludes with a clos­er look at the his­tor­i­cal back­ground to some recent pro­pa­gan­da in the New York Times’ op-ed page, ascrib­ing Russ­ian respon­si­bil­i­ty to the 1999 assas­si­na­tions of Armen­ian polit­i­cal lead­ers by the Dash­nags, an Armen­ian nation­al­ist group with long­stand­ing his­tor­i­cal links to Ukrain­ian fas­cists and oth­er ele­ments of inter­na­tion­al fas­cism and the Under­ground Reich.

FTR #810 A Prince Too Far

Pop con­spir­a­cy the­o­ry casts the Bilder­berg­er group in a sen­sa­tion­al­ist, polit­i­cal­ly and his­tor­i­cal­ly illit­er­ate “New World Order” con­text. In this broad­cast, we exam­ine the his­to­ry of Prince Bern­hard, the for­mer SS offi­cer and I.G. Far­ben spy who found­ed the group, against the back­ground of the Bat­tle of Arn­hem (Oper­a­tion Mar­ket Gar­den) in Sep­tem­ber of 1944. As head of the Dutch “resis­tance,” appar­ent dou­ble agent Bern­hard sac­ri­ficed a resis­tance fight­er named Chris­t­ian Lin­de­mans (code named “King Kong”), who took the blame for the delib­er­ate betray­al of the Allied bat­tle plan. Sab­o­tage of the Arn­hem oper­a­tion has also been part­ly attrib­uted to Peter Car­ring­ton (lat­er Lord Car­ring­ton and for­mer British For­eign Sec­re­tary dur­ing the run-up to the Fal­ka­lands War.) Attacked for his stun­ning lack of insight with regard to the Argen­tine fas­cist jun­ta’s inva­sion of those islands, Car­ring­ton has nev­er been prop­er­ly vet­ted with regard to the betray­al of part of the British bat­tle plan for the Fal­ka­lnds cam­paign. The pro­gram also exam­ines the fas­cist activ­i­ties and involve­ments of Bern­hard’s heirs in the Roy­al Fam­i­ly of the Nether­lands.

FTR #791 They May Not Know Art, but They Know What They Like

Explor­ing past and present, this pro­gram exam­ines a detailed, schol­ar­ly work­ing hypoth­e­sis by authors Simon Dun­stan and Ger­rard Williams con­cern­ing the pos­si­ble escape of Adolf Hitler at the end of World War II. The authors posit that the key play­ers in the real­iza­tion of Aktion Feurland–the code-name for the oper­a­tion facil­i­tat­ing Hitler’s escape–were Allen Dulles on the Allied side and Mar­tin Bor­mann for the Third Reich. Cen­tered on a quid pro quo arrange­ment, the authors hypoth­e­size that Aktion Feur­land involved the trans­fer of Nazi tech­nol­o­gy to the U.S. and the West (known as Project Paper­clip) and the sav­ing of price­less works of art from destruc­tion. The ‘dis­cov­ery” of a huge cache of Nazi-loot­ed art in Munich in late 2013 is exam­ined against the back­ground of this alleged quid pro quo.

Rare, Mainstream Press Mention of U.S. Industrial Links to the Third Reich

It is com­par­a­tive­ly rare to see arti­cles in the main­stream press men­tion­ing the pro­found sup­port for Nazi Ger­many among Amer­i­can indus­tri­al­ists, financiers and polit­i­cal elite. A rare instance is a recent Dai­ly Mail arti­cle from the UK. In addi­tion to dis­cussing the links between the Thyssen indus­tri­al empire and the Bush fam­i­ly, the broad­cast under­scores I.G. Far­ben’s deci­sive role in the Ger­man war econ­o­my and its links to the largest Amer­i­can cor­po­ra­tions.

FTR #776 The Adventures of Eddie the Friendly Spook, Part 15: Updates and Further Analysis

This broad­cast con­tin­ues and updates analy­sis of “L’Af­faire Snowden”–a “psy-op” assem­bled for pro­pa­gan­da pur­pos­es and resul­tant polit­i­cal effect. The “op” is intend­ed to: desta­bi­lize the Oba­ma admin­is­tra­tion and U.S. diplo­ma­cy and for­eign pol­i­cy; degrade U.S. high-tech and inter­net busi­ness and (con­se­quent­ly) the U.S. econ­o­my; jus­ti­fy Ger­many’s inclu­sion in the “Five Eyes” agree­ment and jus­ti­fy expan­sion of Ger­man elec­tron­ic sur­veil­lance; desta­bi­lize and weak­en the Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Agency and the GCHQ; eclipse Ger­man eco­nom­ic war­fare against oth­er Euro­pean coun­tries and high­light the Unit­ed States as the “Inter­na­tion­al Pub­lic Ene­my #1.”